Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political aspects of Beverage industry'

The playing field upon which actors, both state and non-state, develop strategies to secure existing supplies of oil and seek access to new ones is as systemically, politically and strategically complex is as it is geographically vast. In considering this activity, the terminology used by pundits and journalists to describe the significance of issues such as oil demand, the complexities of access to petroleum and concerns over security threats to supplies of oil is familiar. Juxtapositions such as the ‘geopolitics of oil', ‘energy geopolitics', the ‘geopolitics of resource wars' and the ‘geopolitics of oil and gas' are all familiar. But what do they mean when they use ‘geopolitics' in this context? Thus, by extension, can petroleum geopolitics - a hybrid conceptual construction used in this thesis - be disassembled into its component parts, analysed and systematically understood. This is the aim of this thesis. This thesis contends that the very nature of oil and gas reserves, the processes of exploration and production, and the means that govern and characterise the transportation of petroleum overland and by sea is inherently geopolitical - that some core features of geopolitical theory and key geopolitical concepts are pivotal in determining the ontology and process of the international oil business. Indeed, so central has oil been to the advancement of industrial capacity, technology, warfare, transportation and economic prosperity of states since the 20th century, it could be argued that petroleum is the single largest determinant of the geopolitics that characterises the modern international system. In order to address the interrelationship and correlations between core aspects of the petroleum industry and causal geopolitical phenomena, I begin by advancing a framework of analysis that systematically binds key geopolitical features and concepts – specifically: Spatial Phenomena; Environmental Ontology; Territorial Access; Geopolitical Features; State and Non-state Concepts; and, Strategic Resources and Geopolitics - with examples of empirical findings revealed in subsequent chapters in the thesis. Fundamentally, this process works to assess causality and correlations between geopolitical phenomena such as space and distance, sovereignty, territory, boundaries, chokepoints, resource nationalism, transnationalism, resource security and conflict, and the features and processes inherent in petroleum reserves and the exploration, production and transportation of oil and gas. The framework is followed with a sequential analysis of the three empirical foci of the project: the ontology of oil and natural gas reserves; the planning and processes of exploration and production; and, the processes of the conveyance petroleum. I have concentrated my research to activities within Eurasia, which comprises the traditional continents of Europe and Asia, and the Indo-Pacific maritime realm, which extends eastwards from the Red Sea to the western Pacific Rim. After systematically assessing the empirical findings and examining key areas of geopolitical theory, I conclude that there is an identifiable and logical correlation between geopolitical phenomena, petroleum reserves, and the means to produce and distribute oil and gas between source and market.

Thesis (MA)-- Stellenbosch University, 2014.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The interplay between political risk and emerging markets is current and dynamic. As global interest shifts, investors cannot ignore emerging market behaviour and their influence. However, with great potential and opportunities, too comes great political risk. This research study begins with the point raised by the Eurasia Group that emerging market risk differs to that of developed market risk, and that risk in some instances can be ‗unbounded‘. Subsequently, the Eurasia Group deems emerging markets a top risk for 2013. Focussing on the oil and gas industry in emerging markets, Nigeria and Mexico offer valuable case studies. This research study offers a comparative study of these two countries in order to determine a generic list of political risk factors that are facing the oil and gas industries in emerging markets. In an increasingly volatile world, with a growing global demand for energy sources, and greater uncertainty surrounding investments and potential returns, political risk analysis is an invaluable decision-making tool for Transnational Oil Corporations (TNOCs) in order for their assets and interests to be protected. The central research question concerns the main political risk factors facing investors who want to participate in the oil and gas industry in emerging markets. The aim of the research study is to answer the central research question through the help of supplementary questions. The first of these ask what the main political risk factors for TNOCs operating in the Niger Delta are. The second question asks what the main political risk factors for TNOCs operating in the Gulf of Mexico are. So as to complete the political risk picture, the last question asks how political risk in the oil and gas industry can be mitigated. This research study will contribute to existing research, and will assist investors with risk identification, analysis and mitigation. By utilising the generic list of essential political risk factors, TNOCs are made aware of the most salient political risks in the oil and gas industry in emerging markets, and therefore are better placed to make rational and informed decisions when it comes to foreign investment.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die wisselwerking tussen politieke risiko en opkomende markte is intyd en dinamies. Soos globale belange verskuif, kan beleggers nie die opkomende markte se gedrag en invloed ignoreer nie, alhoewel met groot potensiaal en geleenthede kom daar ook groot politieke risiko. Die navorsingstudie het begin met die Eurasia Groep wat uitgelig het dat opkomende markrisiko verskil van die van ‘n ontwikkelde mark en dat die risiko in sekere gevalle ―ongebonde‖ kan wees. Gevolglik is opkomende markte as ‘n top risiko vir 2013 geklassifiseer. Met ‘n fokus op die olie- en gasindustrie in opkomende markte, bied Nigerië en Mexiko waardevolle gevallestudies. Die navorsingstuk bied ‘n vergelykende studie van dié twee lande met die doel om ‘n generiese lys van politieke risikofaktore wat die olie- en gasindustrie in opkomende markte in die gesig staar, vas te stel. In ‘n toenemende onstabiele wêreld met ‘n toenemende globale aanvraag vir energiebronne en groter onsekerheid rakende beleggings en potensiële opbrengs, is politieke risiko-analise ‘n waardevolle besluitnemings-meganisme vir Trans-Nasionale Oliekorporasies (TNOKs) om hul bates en belange te beskerm. Die sentrale navorsingsvraag fokus op die hoof politieke risikofaktore vir beleggers wat in die olie- en gasindustrie van opkomende markte wil belê. Die doel van die navorsingstudie is om die sentrale navorsingsvraag te beantwoord met behulp van aanvullende vrae. Die eerste vraag raak die hoof politieke risikofaktore vir TNOKs aan wat in die Niger-Delta opereer. Die tweede vraag handel oor die hoof politieke risikofaktore vir TNOKs wat in die Golf van Mexiko opereer. Die laaste vraag voltooi die politiese risiko profiel deur te vra hoe die politieke risiko in die olie- en gasindustrie verminder kan word. Die navorsingstudie sal bestaande navorsing aanvul en beleggers help om risiko‘s te identifiseer, analiseer en verminder. Deur ‘n generiese lys van politieke risikofaktore te gebruik, word TNOKs bewus gemaak van die mees prominente politieke risiko‘s in die olie- en gasindustrie van opkomende markte, wat hulle in staat stel om rasionele en ingeligte besluite te neem wanneer dit by internasionale beleggings kom.

During this period the state's interest in the film industry took several different forms. The area of films policy explored in this thesis is the economic protection of the commercial film industry against the high percentage of American films screened in Britain and the Empire. I begin in 1925 because it was not until then that active steps were taken by the government, in response to agitation from producers and those who saw film as a bond of Empire and advertisement for British goods and 'way of life', leading to the Cinematograph Films Act, 1927. This proposed, for political, cultural, moral and economic reasons, that renters and exhibitors should acquire and show a percentage of British films. There was no subsidy for producers or a heavy duty levied on American film imports. The origins, impact and character of official film policy are explored in the thesis with particular attention to financial and political aspects. An attempt is made to explain why policy was limited to film quotas together with an assessment of their impact on the industry's economic development. Details are also given on how the film industry's affairs became caught up in wider debates on tariff policy in the 1920s and in Anglo-American relations ten years later. The first three chapters deal with the evolution, promulgation and initial impact of the Cinematograph Films Act, 1927. Chapter 4 examines the deliberations of the Moyne Committee, established in 1936 to review the film industry's progress. The last three chapters analyse the three major influences on policy during the making of the 1938 Films Act: the campaigns of British film trade interests; the state of Anglo-American relations and film finance. In the final assessment the major influences that shaped policy are outlined together with conclusions on the industry's position and problems on the eve of the Second World War.

This study was undertaken to achieve three major objectives: 1. to estimate an econometric structure-profitability model for Canadian food, beverages and tobacco processing industries; 2. to estimate a structure-price model of the sector to compare with the profit model; and 3. to make inferences about the performance of the sector, with reference to market power and industry efficiency. The above objectives were accomplished by comparing empirical regression results of the two models by using the following approach. First, the statistical significance of the estimated coefficients was used to determine which factors should be considered of importance in explaining performance. Secondly, the signs on the estimated coefficients were used to determine the direction of the influence of market structure on performance. Lastly, a comparison of the size and statistical significance of the difference in the respective coefficients was used to determine which of the two performance indexes (profitability and prices) is most affected by market structure. From the study four broad conclusions were arrived at. Seller concentration and advertising do have an increasing effect on profitability, but this influence does not derive from market power (price increases). Instead, increases in these factors appear to promote price competition. However, tariff protection has an increasing effect on both profitability and prices. Furthermore, the net effect of tariffs is significantly larger on prices than on profitability. Industry growth and market isolation factors have an increasing effect on profitabilty. But they have no significant influence on relative prices. Exports have a decreasing effect on profitability and prices. Increases in input prices may lead to increases in ouput prices. Two broad implications can be drawn from the above results. First, price competition and industry efficiency can be enhanced by (either condoning or encouraging) high market shares, advertising, exports and industry growth. Secondly, although tariffs can increase industry profitability, they may also lead to relatively larger increases in domestic output prices. Similarly, changes in input prices may lead to increases in output prices. Therefore, high tariffs and input prices may serve as barriers to competition, and allow inefficiency to persist in an industry.
Land and Food Systems, Faculty of
Graduate

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: International oil and gas companies are experiencing an increase in terrorist attacks. After the oil and gas industry became a legitimate target for terrorist groups in the 1990s the number of attacks have increased yearly, with a spike after the 9/11 attacks. In today’s interconnected world political risk is not only about the relationship between the host government and the company. Oil and gas companies may experience risks on a transnational, national and human security level. Because of this, the success of new investments often depends on the successful utilization of risk management strategies. This research study focuses on the importance of political-security risk in the oil and gas industry. This is a risk-management tool to be used before and during international operations; it enables companies to be better prepared to deal with risks that may arise. In January 2013 the oil and gas industry experienced one of its deadliest attacks. The In Amenas gas facility in Algeria was attack by terrorists and in a four-day siege 40 people lost their lives. This forced the oil and gas industry to reconsider its focus on security management. As one of the contractors at the facility, Statoil undertook a thorough analysis of security at the site as well as of the company´s corporate security risk management. The report revealed a lack of focus on political-security risk. Accordingly, the main research question in this study concerns the effect of terrorism on politicalsecurity risk in the oil and gas industry; it specifically analyzes the In Amenas attack. The aim of this study is to answer this question along with two sub-questions, which complement and support the main research question. The first sub-question concerns the factors that contributed to the attack in In Amenas: why was risk mitigation not successful? The second sub-question looks at the possibilities for international oil and gas companies to mitigate the risk of terrorism; or is this a risk that can only be managed? This study argues that political-security risk has not been used to its full potential in the oil and gas industry. The oil and gas industry has always focused on site security, but a broader more holistic approach to risk management has been lacking. However, as a result of the In Amenas incident, the industry has become more willing to have a new discussion on security and this has resulted in small changes in the way companies operate.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Internasionale olie- en gasmaatskappye ondervind ‘n toename in terreur aanvalle. Nadat die olie en gasindustrie ‘n wettige teiken vir tereurgroepe in die 1990s geword het, het die aantal aanvalle per jaar toegeneem, met ‘n skerp styging na die 9/11 aanvalle. In vandag se onderling verbonde wêreld hou die politiese risiko nie net verband met die verhouding tussen die gasregering en die maatskappy nie. Olie- en gasmaatskappye mag risiko’s op trans-nasionale, nasionale en menslike sekuriteitsvlak ervaar. As gevolg hiervan maak die sukses van nuwe beleggings dikwels staat op die suksesvolle gebruik van risiko-bestuur strategieë. Hierdie navorsingstudie fokus op die belang van ‘n politiese veiligheidsrisiko in die olie en gasindustrie. Hierdie is ‘n risiko-bestuur gereedskap wat gebruik sal word voor en tydens internasionale operasies; dit stel die maatskappye in staat om beter voorbereid te wees om die risiko’s wat mag voorkom te hanteer. In Januarie 2013 het die olie en gasindustrie een van die dodelikste aanvalle beleef. Die In Amenas olie-aanleg in Algerië is deur terroriste aangeval en tydens ‘n 4 dae lange inval het 40 mense hul lewens verloor. Dit het die olie en gasindustrie gedwing om hul fokus op veiligheidsbestuur te heroorweeg. As een van die kontrakteur by die aanleg het Statoil ‘n deeglike ontleding van die sekuriteit by die plek sowel as die maatskappy se korporatiewe veiligheid risikobestuur onderneem. Die verslag het ‘n gebrek aan fokus op die politiese veiligheidsrisiko getoon. Die hoof navorsingsvraag in hierdie studie het betrekking op die effek van terreur op politiese veiligheidsrisiko in die olie- en gasindustrie; dit ontleed spesifiek die In Amenas aanval. Die doel van hierdie studie is om hierdie vraag tesame met twee sub-vrae wat die hoof navorsingsvraag komplimenteer en ondersteun. Die eerste sub-vraag het betrekking op die faktore wat bygedra het tot die aanval in In Amenas: hoekom was risiko mitigasie onsuksesvol? Die tweede sub-vraag kyk na die moontlikhede vir internasionale olie- en gasmaatskappye om die risiko van terreur te versag; of is hierdie ‘n risiko wat slegs bestuur kan word? Hierdie studie argumeneer dat politiese veiligheidsrisiko nie tot sy volle potensiaal in die olie en gasindustrie gebruik is nie. Die olie en gasindustrie het altyd gefokus op die veiligheid van die plek, maar ‘n breër holistiese benadering tot risiko-bestuur het ontbreek. As gevolg van die In Amenas insident, het die industrie meer gewillig geword om ‘n nuwe bespreking oor veiligheid te hê en dit het klein veranderinge in die manier waarop maatskappye opereer tot gevolg gehad.

This dissertation examines the shrimp industry in the Gulf of California from a political ecology perspective. The interaction between fishermen and their marine environment is explored, as well as the historical factors that led to vastly different types of fishermen in the communities of Guaymas and Empalme. Some have specialized in the harvesting of shrimp; others are diversified, multiple species fishermen. Some are highly industrialized offshore shrimpers; others are small-scale fishermen, more modest in their technology but more resilient when facing the current crisis in the shrimp industry. The underlaying causes of this crisis are explored by looking at state development policies, the assumptions behind fisheries management, and the configuration of markets. These have all emphasized specialization in the production of shrimp while ignoring the high interannual variability characteristic of shrimp populations. The end result: an overcapitalized, overexpanded industry and a possible overexploitation of shrimp stocks. Rather than addressing the root causes of the crisis, recent policies have instead transferred rights to the offshore fishery from cooperatives to private investors. At the same time there has been a concerted attack against small-scale producers. It is believed that by getting rid of this sector, catch per boat in the offshore sector will increase and overall "efficiency" will be improved. I compare industrialized trawlers and the small-scale sector and argue that the latter is currently producing high quality shrimp at lower monetary and ecological costs. But small-scale fishing is not equated with sustainability. Instead, differences among small-scale fishermen are analyzed. I contend that those who belong to traditional fishing families and have access to collective knowledge about the marine environment that has accumulated through generations, are better able to deal with a highly unpredictable environment and minimize risk. Those who do not have access to this knowledge have specialized in the harvesting of shrimp. I argue that a strategy of diversification is both more profitable in the short-term and sustainable in the long-run. Avoidance strategies among small-scale fishermen in response to externally imposed regulations are also examined. Fishermen are analyzed as individual profit maximizers and as community members who break the rules to serve collective interests. Just as individuals act collectively to deal with an unpredictable environment, they also act collectively to effectively challenge the institutions of rule-making.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since the rise of the modern corporation in the late 19th century, the debate on the relationship between business and society has flourished, and the negative impact of businesses became evident as the number and scale of large corporations increased. As a result of the globalization of trade and economic activity, regulating and auditing multinational companies have become both more important and more problematic. Along with the new challenges to be met by companies operating in foreign countries, these factors have resulted in a greater demand for corporate social responsibility (CSR). Originating as an Anglo-American management idea, CSR has spread and become a well-established tool for businesses worldwide. In today’s global capitalist system, characterized by open markets, it is widely acknowledged that it is the role of the state to establish the preconditions for the proper functioning of markets by defining legal rules, establishing enforcement bodies, and providing public goods. However, many corporations choose to go beyond the required regulatory levels and voluntarily engage in CSR. Studies of CSR have long been dominated by business and economic scholars, usually with the aim to confirming or denying CSR as a tool for profit-maximization, and until the last decade, social and political scientists have shown little interest in CSR. From a political science view, the relation between the state, markets and corporations is of interest, but few studies have investigated how political institutions influence corporate behavior. This study has therefore researched the institutional determinants of CSR by analyzing the efforts and the role of the Norwegian government in promoting CSR in the shipping industry. The White Paper on CSR was used as guide to the government’s approach to CSR, and was analyzed in light of the specific CSR challenges faced in the shipping industry. For this purpose, a qualitative methodology and case study research design was adopted to provide in-depth information. New institutional theory and comparative political economy provided the theoretical framework for the study, and helped in answering the main research question: What is the role of the Norwegian government, as a political institution, in promoting CSR in the Norwegian shipping industry? as well as the sub-questions. The study identified both strengths and weaknesses in the government’s role as CSR promoter, and argued that the predominantly international focus of the White Paper is suitable for globally oriented industries, like shipping, while reducing its relevance for nationally oriented firms. The study further found that the government as institution provides the industry with CSR incentives, other than financial ones, as it sets the standards for what is perceived as modern and just corporate behavior. In addition, CSR in the shipping industry was found to take an explicit form, and to reflect the national institutional environment. The findings stand in contrast to the way in which the above-mentioned theories expect CSR to take shape in coordinated market economies. In broader sense, the findings affect the perception of the relationship between CSR as a management tool and strategy, and CSR as a political and regulatory tool that may be used actively by authorities.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die opkoms van die moderne korporasie in die laat 19de eeu, het die debat oor die verhouding tussen besigheid en samelewing floreer terwyl die negatiewe impak van besighede sigbaar geword het soos die aantal en omvang van groot korporasies toegeneem het. As gevolg van die globalisering van handel en ekonomiese aktiwiteit, het die regulerende en multinasionale ouditeringsmaatskappye beide belangrik en meer problematies geword. Tesame met die nuwe uitdagings wat maatskappye in vreemde lande moet ontmoet, het hierdie faktore aanleiding gegee tot ‘n groter vraag na korporatiewe sosiale verantwoordelikheid (KSV). KSV het sy oorsprong as ‘n Anglo-Amerikaanse bestuursidee gehad en het ‘n goed gevestigde hulpmiddel vir besighede wêreldwyd geword terwyl dit ook versprei het. In vandag se globale kapitalistiese sisteem wat deur oop markte gekenmerk word, word dit wydverspreid erken dat dit die rol van die staat is om voorwaardes vir die behoorlike funksionering van markte te vestig deur regsreëls te definieer, handhawingsliggame te vestig en publieke goedere te verskaf. Baie korporasies verkies egter om verder as die vereiste regulerende vlakke en vrywillige deelname in KSV te gaan. Studies van die KSV is vir lank oorheers deur besigheid- en ekonomiese geleerdes wat gewoonlik die doel gehad het om die KSV te bevestig of te ontken as ‘n hulpmiddel vir wins-maksimalisering, en tot en met die laaste dekade het sosiale en politieke wetenskaplikes min belangstelling in die KSV getoon. Uit die Politieke Wetenskaplike oogpunt is die verhouding tussen die staat, markte en korporasies van belang terwyl min studies al ondersoek het hoe politieke instellings korporatiewe gedrag beïnvloed. Hierdie studie het dus die bepalende faktore van die KSV nagevors deur die pogings en die rol van die Noorweegse regering in die bevordering van KSV in die skeepsvaart te analiseer. Die Witskrif op KSV is gebruik as ‘n gids vir die regering se benadering tot die KSV, en is ontleed in die lig van die spesifieke KSV uitdagings wat in die seevaart industrie in die gesig gestaar word. Vir hierdie doeleinde is ‘n kwalitatiewe metodologie en gevallestudie navorsingsontwerp aangeneem om in-diepte inligting te verskaf. Nuwe institusionele teorie en vergelykende politieke ekonomie het die teoretiese raamwerk vir die studie verskaf en het gehelp in die beantwoording van die hoof navorsingsvraag: Wat is die rol van die Noorweegse regering, as ‘n politieke instelling, in die bevordering van KSV in die Noorweegse seevaart industrie? Sowel as die sub-vrae. Hierdie studie het beide sterkpunte en swakpunte in die regering se role as KSV promotor identifiseer en het geargumenteer dat die oorwegende internasionale fokus van die Wit Skrif geskik is vir globaal georiënteerde industrieë soos seevaart, terwyl die toepaslikheid van nasionaal oriënteerde firmas verminder is. Die studie het verder bevind dat die regering as instelling KSV insentiewe aan die industrie anders as finansiële verskaf het, deur dat dit die standaarde stel vir wat gesien word as moderne en regverdige korporatiewe gedrag. Daar is verder bevind dat die KSV ‘n eksplesiete vorm aangeneem het in die seevaart industrie om die nasionale institusionele omgewing te vertoon. Die bevindings staan egter in teenstelling tot die manier waarop die bogenoemde teorieë van die KSV verwag om vorm aan te neem in gekoördineerde mark ekonomieë. In die breër sin beïnvloed die bevindings die siening van die verhouding tussen KSV as ‘n bestuur hulpmiddel en strategie en KSV as ‘n politieke en regulerende hulpmiddel wat aktief deur owerhede gebruik kan word.

This study tests a theory detailing the increased likelihood of conflict following an initial resource discovery in the discovering nation and its region. A survey of prior literature shows a multitude of prior research concerning resources and nations' willingness to initiate conflict over those resources, but this prior research lacks any study concerning the effects of the discovery of resources on interstate conflict. The theory discusses the increased likelihood of conflict in the discovering nation as both target and initiator. It further looks at the increased chance of conflict in the discoverer's region due to security dilemmas and proxy wars. The results show strong support for the theory, suggesting nations making new resource discoveries must take extra care to avoid conflict.

Thesis (MMil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The fundamental motivation for emerging arms suppliers to produce arms was the desire to overcome their position of dependence in the system of arms production and transfers. However, their predicament as late entrants into the system castigated them to fail in this endeavour. This failure is based on three criteria, which also assist in the identification of emerging suppliers. Firstly, the weaponry they produce is far below the sophistication characterised by higher levels of technological advancement. Secondly, they can only produce one or two advanced weapon systems. Finally, they rely on the leading suppliers for certain sophisticated components of weapon systems which they cannot produce themselves and as a result, become so dependent that they, with an exception of a few, are unable to go beyond the simple reproduction or retrofitting of existing weapon systems. The capability to produce arms was restrictedly extended to certain states in the post-war era, and even those states that obtained such a capability were confmed to producing small arms and platforms for naval vessels. Those states that went beyond these capabilities did so with the assistance of other states or specialists, the initial intention being to meet domestic requirements, and ultimately to dispose surplus Second World War equipment in the re-transfer market. The emerging supplier states' intention to develop indigenous arms industries was driven by the political urge to reduce their reliance on the leading suppliers and to nationalise the arms production process for import substitution in order to meet domestic security needs. Since the emerging suppliers began the process of defence industrialisation from the importation of complete weapon systems to import substitution, and ultimately to the promotion of exports, they mainly relied on technology imported from the leading suppliers. On the one hand, the leading suppliers attempted to hinder the efforts of emerging suppliers to promote arms exports so as to protect their oligopolistic share of the arms market through tightening the controls and regulations on technological supplies. On the other, the emerging suppliers were impelled to promote their arms exports in order to overcome the saturation of their domestic markets, to utilise effectively their arms production capacities, and to positively affect their balance of payments through the procreation of foreign exchange returns. This study reached the following conclusions and inferences: 1. The arms trade has evolved to be characterised by the transfer of military technology, which did not feature in the arms transactions of the previous periods. 2. The gap between the leading and emerging suppliers is widening with regard to the sophistication of technological capabilities, and accordingly the stratification within the arms production and transfer system is sustainable and reinforced, thus making it hard for the lower tiers to progress beyond their current status. 3. The emerging suppliers' share of and contribution into the arms market is constricted, and as such they specialise in specific (often uncomplicated) weapon systems that constitute niches in the global market. 4. The unfolding arms production and transfer system is characterised by a fiercely competitive atmosphere, and consequently, only those states that can subsidise or integrate their efforts are enabled to sustain an advanced arms production faculty. 5. As the emerging suppliers begin to introduce more and more of their wares into the market, the costs of research and development begin to soar in the same manner as those of the leading suppliers, thus urging them to become more export-oriented. 6. Participants in the system will be compelled to relinquish their comparative technological superiority in order to survive, thus narrowing the gap between the capabilities possessed by both the leading and the emerging suppliers.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die onderliggende motivering van opkomende wapenverskaffers om wapens te produseer word toegeskryf aan 'n behoefte om hulle relatiewe afhanklikheid in die stelsel van wapenproduksie en - handel te oorkom. Boonop het die laat toetrede tot die stelsel hierdie opkomende verskaffers se kanse tot sukses verder belemmer. Die rede vir die onsuksesvolle toetrede word gebasseer op drie kriteria (wat ook dien as identifiserende eienskappe van opkomende wapenverskaffers). Eerstens, die wapens wat opkomende verskaffers lewer skiet tekort aan die vereiste gesofistikeerde standaarde van die gevestigde wapenprodusente. Tweedens, hulle kan slegs een of twee gevorderde wapenstelsels produseer. Derdens, sekere komponente van wapenstelsels word verkry by die gevestigde verskaffers, wat lei tot afhanklikheid tot so 'n mate dat die opkomende verskaffer se vermoëns beperk word tot eenvoudige reprodusering of herinstallasies van bestaande stelsels. Trouens, in die post-oorlog tydperk is die vermoë om wapens te produseer doelbewus beperk tot sekere state wat 'n afgebakende reeks van handwapens en uitrusting vir vloot vaartuie kon vervaardig. State wat verby hierdie vermoë beweeg het, het dit gedoen met behulp van ander state of spesaliste, oorspronklik met die oog op die huishoudelike behoefte maar ook om ontslae te raak van surplusse uit die Tweede Wêreldoorlog. 'n Politieke begeerte om in hulle eie sekuriteitsbehoeftes te voorsien deur middel van invoersubstitusie, het die opkomende verskaffers genoop om ontslae te raak van die afhanklikheid op gevestigde verskaffers en om die wapenproduseringsproses te nasionaliseer. Hulle het hoofsaaklik gesteun op ingevoerde tegnologie om die verdedigingsbedryf te industrialiseer. Die proses het so verloop: volledige wapenstelsels is ingevoer, daarna het invoersubstitusie plaasgevind, en daarna 'n bevordering van uitvoere. Gevestigde verskaffers het endersyds probeer om (deur middel van strenger kontrole en regulasies of tegnologiese ware) die opkomende verskaffers te verhoed om hulle oligopolistiese houvas op die mark te belemmer en andersyds moes opkomende verskaffers noodgedwonge hulle uitvoere bevorder om te voorkom dat die plaaslike mark versadig word. Die laasgenoemde aspek het ook die betalingsbalans van opkomende verskaffers positief beinvloed as gevolg van die inkomste uit buitelandse valuta. Hierdie studie kom tot die volgende aanames en gevolgtrekkings: 1. Wapenhandel het só ontwikkel dat die oordrag van militêre tegnologie die hoofkenmerk geword het in die stelsel - 'n ongekende kenmerk tot dusver in die ontwikkelingsgang van internasionale wapenhandel. 2. Die gaping van tegnologiese vermoëns tussen opkomende en gevestigde wapenverskaffers word groter en daarmee saam word die stratifikasie in wapenproduksie en -lewering volhoubaar en versterk, wat lei tot 'n beperking op die vermoë van opkomende verskaffers om vooruitgang te maak. 3. Opkomende verskaffers se aandeel in en bydrae tot wapenmarkte bly beperk en spesialiseer daarom op spesifieke (meestalongekompliseerde) wapenstelsels wat gemik is op sekere nisse in die wêreldmark. 4. Die ontluikende wapenproduksie en -handelsisteem is uiters kompeterend, met die gevolg dat slegs state wat hulle pogings kan subsidieer of integreer in staat is om gevorderde fasiliteite te onderhou. 5. Met die toenemende aanbod vanaf opkomende verskaffers, styg die kostes van navorsing en ontwikkeling vir beide die opkomende en die gevestigde verskaffer wat weer beide dwing om hulle uitvoere te beklemtoon. 6. Deelnemers in die stelsel sal gedwing word om hulle vergelykende tegnologiese voorsprong prys te gee om te oorleef in die stelsel, waarna die gaping tussen die vermoëns van opkomende en gevestigde verskaffers verminder sal word.

In order to sell products in the defense industry it is often demanded of the seller to reinvest capital and collaborate with companies in the buying country, with the buyer hoping to establish a defense industry of their own. These so called offset demands are seen as an industry standard and forces the sellers to open up their supply chain and educate and develop the industry in the buying country. This “forced” knowledge transfer is an interesting topic and have been the focus point of this thesis. How can firms conduct successful knowledge transfer and develop the foreign industry and at the same time protects its own products and competitive advantage? This qualitative study has been done through interviews with four people having senior positions and a vast knowledge and background in working with offsets, combined with secondary data from previous studies and articles. The study showed that the most important factor for a successful knowledge transfer is the absorptive capacity of the partner and buying country. Furthermore, the success also lies in the offset regulations of the buyer, if you ask for the wrong things or in the wrong way, the industrial effects will be very limited. The Swedish firms were not afraid of sharing their knowledge since they had the confidence that they would keep to stay ahead of any new upcoming competitor, therefore a minor factor to consider. Lastly offsets have often been portrayed negatively. However, if successfully conducted, several positive effects of offsets have been identified by the authors. Showing that even though partnerships may an “arranged marriage” it can still become successful.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since the late 80s and early 90s there has been a sustained debate on the concept of globalisation. This has been, to a larger extent, due to global industrial restructuring In most countries the effects have been felt mostly in the manufacturing sector, and these were evident in areas such as technology, employment pattern and composition of labour force. Globalisation introduces a tendency to create a division of labour between a core of relatively well paid, skilled and secured workers, and a large pool of workers doing non-regular forms of work e.g. 'casual' jobs or part-time contracts, and with much of the work sub-contracted to companies with less unionised and low paid workers. This research assignment explores the effects that changes in global production have on the South African automotive industry. As South Africa is becoming increasingly integrated into the world economy it certainly will not be unaffected by effects of globalisation. The auto industry, and Volkswagen in particular will be use as a case. The industry is one of the largest export industries in South Africa at the current moment, and is said to have embraced the realities of globalisation. It is also a fairly well developed industry, technologically. The auto industry has always epitomised 'Fordist' forms of production with inward-looking industrial activity. The waves of changes in the sphere of production globally have both positive and negative etfects on the automotive industry. They are spurring development and innovation in an ailing industry, and thrusting it on a path towards 'world-class' manufacturing. On the other hand festructuring trend which is an outflow of global isation poses a great threat on employment patterns, and in the long run may lead toil"'decline in formal employment and introduction of non-regular forms of work e g. part-time, casual employment, and subcontracting. This will happen as pressures mount on the industry in line with the logic of international competitiveness to rationalise and cut costs.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die konsep "globalisering" lok reeds sedert die laat tagtigerjare wydverspreid debat uit. Die kontensieuse aard van die begrip kan grootlike toegeskryf word aan die verskynsel van globale industriele herstrukturering. Wereldwyd is die impak van laasgenoemde veral gevoel in die vervaardigingsektor. Hierdie tendens het by uitstek in aspekte soos tegnologie, indiensnemingspatrone en die samestelling van die arbeidsmag gemanifesteer. Globalisering het die geneigdheid om 'n verdeling van arbeid te bewerkstellig in terme waarvan 'n kern van relatief goed besoldigde, geskoolde en beskermde werkers onderskei kan word van 'n relatief swak besoldigde groep wat stukwerk verrig. Die tweede groep verrig deeltydse werk, wat in baie gevalle uitgekontrakteer word aan maatskappye met lae vakbondverteenwoordiging. Die fokus van hierdie werkstuk val op die impak wat veranderinge in globale produksie op die Suid-Afrikaanse motornywerheid het. Namate Suid-Afrika toenemend deel word van die wereldekonomie, raak dit al hoe moeiliker om die negatiewe effekte van globalisering vry te spring. Die motornywerheid, en spesifiek die vervaardiger Volkswagen, word as gevallestudie gebruik. Die tegnologies ontwikkelde industrie is een van Suid-Afrika se vernaamste uitvoernywerhede, en volgens kenners het veral hierdie sektor die realiteite van globalisering ter harte geneem. Kenmerkend van die motornywerheid was nog altyd sy "Ford-agtige" vorm van produksie, gefokus op inwaartsgekeerde industriele aktiwiteit. Die golwe van verandering in wereldwye produksie hou sowel positiewe as negatiewe gevolge vir die motornywerheid in. Aan die positiewe kant moedig dit innovasie in 'n andersins stagnerende industrie aan. Die negatiewe sy hiervan is egter die bedreiging wat dit inhou vir indiensnemingspatrone. Dit mag op die langtermyn lei tot die agteruitgang van formele indiensneming en 'n toename in nie-algemene vorme van werk (bv. tydelike indiensneming en subkontraktering). Hierdie neiging sal posvat namate industriee deur die logika van internasionale mededingenheid gedwing word om te rasionaliseer.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In a world where emerging markets are increasingly driving the world’s economic growth, and an increasing part of the world’s energy supply comes from politically unstable or undemocratic countries with less developed institutions and inadequate rule of law, the field of political risk has acquired especially great significance. In order to keep up with international and domestic demand, as well as maintain profit levels, there has been and will continue to be a search for new sources of petroleum reserves. This has pushed the extractive industries to invest in new territories, some of which pose potential risks for new investments. These trends are changing where and how oil and gas companies conduct their business, as many of the political risks that face the extractive industries stem from the political, institutional and structural framework of the host country. The core of this study has been the investigation of the assumption that high levels of democracy constitute low levels of political risk. The assumption that high levels of democracy constitute low levels of political risk implies, conversely, that low levels of democracy constitute high levels of political risk. The debate around this assumption is an essential part of this research study; its validity was tested through conducting an industry-specific political risk analysis, using the case of Statoil’s operations in Angola. Angola poses an interesting case for analyzing political risk in the oil and gas sector, as it exhibits many of the qualities that are found amongst these “new” actors in the oil industry. Furthermore, additional and new research on the risk of investing in these emerging markets is more relevant than ever before. The stipulation of the relevance of this research study is based on the following two main points: firstly, the general decline in the level of democracy in Sub-Saharan Africa; secondly, the fact that many of the current oil and gas resources are located in these very areas, i.e. in undemocratic and unstable countries. Moreover, there is little research on the effects the level of democracy has on the industry-specific risk, in this case the oil and gas industry. Hence further research on this area is both relevant and necessary. The political risk analysis shows that the political risks that face Statoil in the undemocratic nation of Angola are in fact not high. The analysis concludes with a result that indicates that investment in Angola poses a medium level of political risk. This challenges the abovementioned assumption, as the political risks are not necessarily higher in an undemocratic country. This study finds that the political risk associated with Angola is in the short- to mid-term seen as stable and medium; however, there are simmering tendencies and trends that currently point to a different long-term political risk picture.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In ‘n wêreld waar opkomende markte die ekonomiese groei van die wêreld toenemend voortdryf en ‘n toenemende deel van die wêreld se energie voorraad van politiese onstabiele of ondemokratiese lande met minder ontwikkelde instellings en onvoldoende regering kom, het die veld van politieke risiko groot waarde gekry. Om by te hou by die internasionale en plaaslike vraag, sowel as om winsvlakke te handhaaf, is en sal daar altyd ‘n soektog na nuwe bronne van petroleum reserwes wees. Dit het die ekstraksie industrieë gedruk om in nuwe gebiede te belê waarvan sommiges potensiële risiko’s het vir nuwe beleggings. Hierdie neigings verander waar en hoe olie- en petrolmaatskappye hul besigheid doen omdat baie van die politieke risiko’s wat die ekstraksie industrieë moet hanteer voortvloei uit die politieke, institusionele en strukturele raamwerk van die gasheerland. Die kern van hierdie studie was die ondersoek van die aanname dat hoë vlakke van demokrasie aanleiding gee tot lae vlakke van politieke risiko. Die aanname dat hoë vlakke van demokrasie aanleiding gee tot hae vlakke van politieke risiko impliseer dat lae vlakke van demokrasie aanleiding gee tot hoë vlakke van politieke risiko. Die debat rondom hierdie aanname is ‘n noodsaaklike deel van hierdie navorsingstudie; die geldigheid daarvan is getoets deur die uitvoering van ‘n industrie-spesifieke politieke risiko analise, deur gebruik te maak van die geval van Statoil se operering in Angola. Angola is ‘n interessante geval vir die ontleding van politieke risiko in die olie en petrolsektor, omdat dit baie van die kwaliteite toon wat onder die “nuwe” rolspelers in die olie-industrie gevind word. Verder is bykomende en nuwe navorsing op die risiko van belegging in hierdie opkomende markte meer relevant. Die stipulasie van hierdie relevansie van hierdie navorsingstudie is gebaseer op die volgende twee punte: eerstens, die algemene afname in die vlak van demokrasie in Sub-Sahara Afrika; tweedens, die feit dat baie van die huidige olie en petrolbronne in hierdie areas geleë is, d.i in ondemokratiese en onstabiele lande. Daar is ook min navorsing oor die uitwerking wat demokrasie het op die industrie-spesifieke risiko, in hierdie geval die olie en petroleum industrie. Daarom is verdere navorsing in hierdie area beide relevant en noodsaaklik. Die politieke risiko ontleding wys dat die politieke risikos wat Statoil in die gesig staar in die ondemokrastiese nasie van Angola nie hoog is nie. Die ontleding sluit af met ‘n gevolgtrekking wat toon dat belegging in Angola ‘n medium vlak van politieke risiko toon. Dit daag die bogenoemde aanname uit, omdat die politieke risiko’s nie noodwendig hoog is in ‘n ondemokratiese land nie. Hierdie studie vind dat die politieke risiko wat met Angola geassosieer word in die kort tot middel termyn is en as stabiel en medium beskou word; daar is egter neigings wat dui op ‘n ander langtermyn politieke risiko prent.

This study investigates the use of discretion by oil and gas companies in reporting financial performance and oil and gas reserve estimates during times of high political scrutiny resulting from increases in energy prices. Hypotheses tested in prior literature state that companies facing the risk of increasing taxes or new regulations reduce reported earnings to reduce this risk. This study uses a measure of high profitability (rank order of return on assets relative to industry peers) to identify oil and gas companies more likely to manage earnings during the period from 2002 to 2008. Two measures of discretionary accruals (total and current discretionary accruals), and a measure of discretionary depreciation, depletion, and amortization (DDA) were used as indicators of discretion exercised in reporting earnings. Data on oil and gas reserve disclosures was also hand-collected from Forms 10-K to investigate whether managers use reserve estimate revisions to reduce reported earnings through increasing the annual depletion expense. Results suggest that both oil and gas refining and producing firms use negative discretionary accruals to reduce reported earnings. Results also indicate that profitability is an important determinant of the use of negative discretionary accruals by these companies regardless of the time period examined. There is also evidence that oil and gas producing firms opportunistically revise their oil and gas reserve estimates to increase depreciation, depletion, and amortization expense during periods of high oil prices.

Thesis (MComm)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Almost all enterprises, individuals and organisations face some form of political risk on a continuous basis. In the past, mines have been lost, terrorist attacks have been devastating, and financial markets have experienced large losses due to political risk factors. We live in an ever-increasing politically insecure world where political risk factors and the analysis thereof receive increasing attention from both international and domestic establishments. From a business perspective, making the correct business decisions and determining the appropriate risk management strategy consequently are crucial to the success of an enterprise, due to the ever-present nature of political risk factors in the business environment. Especially in the emerging market economies of the world, political risk is an important phenomenon. In such emerging market economies, political risk factors could play a role that is as important as the economic factors that are decisive in the performance of markets. It is well known that the emerging market economies of the world have been the main recipients of foreign direct investments. A closer study of these economies has indicated that the majority of such investments have gone to the so-called BRICS countries (the Federative Republic of Brazil, the Russian Federation, the Republic of India, the People‟s Republic of China, and the Republic of South Africa). After having studied the political and economic environments of the BRICS countries, it was concluded that ten political risk factors are common to these countries, namely nationalisation, confiscation, creeping expropriation, currency inconvertibility, breach of contract, non-honouring of government guarantees, war, violent civil unrest, non-violent civil unrest and terrorism. These political risk factors were investigated in a South African context by means of an empirical survey. A census was undertaken that consisted of structured personal interviews (based on a questionnaire) that were pre-arranged with most of the agents who sell Sasria insurance on behalf of Sasria Ltd. These agents mainly were conventional short-term insurers who handled claims on behalf of Sasria Ltd., which placed them in an excellent position to provide the study with valuable information. Violent civil unrest and non-violent civil unrest have not only been the political risk factors that had the most important impact on the total annual claims amount of the respondents over the past five years, but have also been the political risk factors that most frequently resulted in claims. It therefore did not come as a surprise that these were the two political risk factors for which there had been the highest level of demand for cover over the past five years. In terms of the importance of impact, the frequency of claims and the demand for cover, violent civil unrest and non-violent civil unrest are expected to remain the two most important political risk factors in South Africa over the next five years. When compared to the past five years, all the political risk factors (excluding breach of contract) are expected to have an increased impact in South Africa over the next five years. They are also expected to present an equal number or more claims in general. While excluding war and terrorism, the expectation is that the demand for cover against them will generally remain at the same level, but may increase. The South African short-term insurance industry generally faces considerable challenges regarding the cover provided against political risk factors to the public and businesses in South Africa. The industry and the South African public therefore need to be aware of the impact that various political risk factors have on the cover that is provided. This research study should assist the executives of short-term insurance in making better risk management decisions and exercising better control over their responsibilities regarding specific political risk factors in South Africa.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Feitlik alle ondernemings, individue en organisasies kom voortdurend voor een of ander politieke risiko te staan. In die verlede was daar verlies van myne, terroriste-aanvalle het verwoesting gesaai en finansiële markte het groot skade gely vanweë politieke risikofaktore. Ons bevind onsself in 'n wêreld van toenemende politieke onsekerheid waarin internasionale sowel as binnelandse instellings meer en meer aandag aan politieke risikofaktore en die ontleding daarvan wy. Vanuit 'n sakeperspektief word korrekte besigheidsbesluitneming en die vasstelling van toepaslike risikobestuurstrategië vanweë die voortdurende teenwoordigheid van politieke risikofaktore binne die sake-omgewing gevolglik van uiterste belang vir die sukses van 'n onderneming. Politieke risiko is veral in die ontluikende mark-ekonomieë van die wêreld 'n belangrike verskynsel. In hierdie ontluikende mark-ekonomieë kan politieke risikofaktore 'n rol speel wat net so belangrik is as die ekonomiese faktore wat deurslaggewend is ten opsigte van hoe markte presteer. Dit is welbekend dat die ontluikende mark-ekonomieë van die wêreld die vernaamste ontvangers van buitelandse direkte beleggings is. 'n Nadere beskouing van hierdie ekonomieë het getoon dat die meerderheid van sulke beleggings na die sogenaamde BRICS-lande (die Bondsrepubliek van Brasilië, die Russiese Federasie, die Republiek van Indië, die Volksrepubliek van China en die Republiek van Suid-Afrika) gaan. 'n Studie van die politieke en ekonomiese omgewings van die BRICS-lande het tot die gevolgtrekking gelei dat hierdie lande tien politieke risikofaktore in gemeen het, naamlik nasionalisering, beslaglegging, kruipende onteiening, onverwisselbaarheid van valuta, kontrakbreuk, nie-nakoming van regeringswaarborge, oorlog, gewelddadige burgerlike onrus, nie-gewelddadige burgerlike onrus, en terrorisme. Hierdie politieke risikofaktore is met behulp van 'n empiriese ondersoek binne die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks ondersoek. Gestruktureerde persoonlike onderhoude (wat op 'n vraelys gebaseer was), is gebruik om 'n sensus te onderneem. Hierdie onderhoude is vooraf met agente wat Sasria-versekering namens Sasria Bpk. verkoop, gereël. Die agente was hoofsaaklik konvensionele korttermyn-versekeraars wat alle eise namens Sasria Bpk. hanteer. Hulle was dus in 'n uitstekende posisie om die studie van waardevolle inligting te voorsien.

This thesis explores the manner in which the conflict in the oil-rich Niger Delta in Nigeria is represented in western Anglophone media. Large oil reserves in the Niger Delta have contributed millions of dollars towards the growth of Nigeria's export economy. Despite this, the Niger Delta is the least developed region in the country and is characterised by high rates of inequality. Residents of the Niger Delta have been outraged by the lack of action on the part of the Nigerian government and multinational oil corporations. Their discontent over the inequalities in the region has resulted in the proliferation of armed groups and militants who often use violent and criminal tactics to communicate their disgruntlement. This thesis closely examines the representations of the violent insurgency in the Niger Delta by conducting a Critical Discourse Analysis of 145 news texts selected from four western Anglophone newspapers from 2007 to 2011. The depiction of the conflict as it appears in the four newspapers is discussed in relation to an overview of scholarly literature which explores the portrayal of Africa not only in western media, but also in other forms of western scholarship and writing. The research undertaken in this study reveals that to a significant extent representations of the Niger Delta conflict echo and reflect some of the stereotypical and age-old negative imagery that informs meanings constructed about the African continent. However, the analysis of the news texts also shows that there are certainly efforts amongst some newspapers to move beyond simplistic representations of the conflict. The disadvantage however, is that these notable attempts tend to be marred by the use of pejorative language which typically invokes negative images associated with Africa. This study argues that the implications of these representations are highly significant as these representations not only affect the way in which the conflict is understood, but also the manner in which the international community responds to it.

Portland, OR, is the site of a unique urban food cart phenomenon that provides opportunities for small business ownership and access points for culturally specific food for the city's foreign-born and minority populations. Known as a "foodie haven," Portland also has an active sustainable food movement with engaged citizens and support from city and regional policies aimed at significantly increasing the consumption of local food. To date, there have been no in-depth studies on the sourcing habits of Portland food cart owners and whether or not these street-level actors are involved in the area's local alternative food movements (AFNs). The current understanding of the Portland food cart phenomenon is based on studies that have focused on carts and pods located in the central business district and "inner-ring" areas of the city. Areas beyond these locations (defined as Eastern Portland) are currently home to the majority of the city's growing foreign-born and minority populations. This thesis uses a situational analysis framework to explore the food supply practices of ethnic food cart owners operating in Eastern Portland cart pods. I investigate the feasibility of purchasing locally grown ingredients for use in ethnic cuisines and the degree to which cart owners incorporate the region's prevailing locavore ethics into their everyday culinary practices. Findings from this inquiry suggest that ethnic cart owners in Eastern Portland have a range of habitus, or personal dispositions and embodied knowledge, that is reflected in how they perceive the benefits of and barriers to "buying local" and the extent (if any) that they engage with AFNs in the Portland area. I assert that ethnic food cart owners in Eastern Portland are performing multiple community roles by providing access points for culturally specific cuisines for their particular ethnic groups, while also offering exotic experiences to other residents and tourists alike. I discuss variations within the food cart phenomenon itself by highlighting the differences in design, amenities, types of access, and neighborhood customer bases of cart pods located in Eastern Portland. Finally, I discuss future research directions for understanding the dynamics of food supply chains in small-scale, direct-to-vendor relationships and the implications for local and regional food sustainability policy goals.

This study reviews the changes in Taiwan's newspaper industry during its current period of transition. Contemporary newspaper development in Taiwan after the lifting of martial law in July 1987 is evaluated in relation to transformations in the newspaper marketplace, journalistic practices, labor relations, and freedom of expression. This study concludes that changes in Taiwan's newspaper business are closely related to changes in the country's political atmosphere. The lifting of the Ban of Newspaper brought freedoms for which journalists had fought for decades; however, journalistic quality has not improved at the same speed. Changes will continue in the journalism industry; whether it grows in a healthy way is a topic for future study.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As the wave of globalisation sweeps across the countries of the world, the economies of these countries are increasingly opening. The industrial and trade strategy approach is shifting to greater openness due to the pressures of international competitiveness. This means that domestic economic activity alone cannot sustain the national economy. One of the features of this openness is trade liberalisation. Trade between various countries is becoming more important as a way of earning foreign currency to address balance of payment problems and as well as to boost the domestic economy. This has great potential, in the long run, to generate employment opportunities. Immediately after South Africa ushered in a democratic dispensation in 1994 it had to contend with global pressure to liberalise its trade and put in place economic fundamentals that synchronize with the global economic order. The political economy of global trade structure is characterized by bargaining power inequalities amongst the developed countries (North) and the developing countries (South). Trade relations between the developed and developing countries has ~ element of power-play that advantage developed countries and the terms of trade are still skewed in favour of developed countries due to the power that developed countries wield in the global economic system. This study uses the structuralist development theoretical perspective (dependency theory) and the combination of qualitative and quantitative paradigms in understanding the trade relations between the developed countries. The study, through this theoretical paradigm, seeks to examine the degree of success or failure of the Uruguay Round of trade negotiations in particular with regard to tariff reduction commitments, and opportunities or constraints created thereof. A case study oftextile and clothing industry will be used, and this will highlight some of the negative implications of the Uruguay Round commitments.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Namate die globaliseringsgolf oor die lande van die wereld spoel, word die ekonomiee van die lande meer toeganklik vir ander state. Die industriele en handelsstrategie benadering het, as gevolg van intemasionale mededinging, 'n klemverskuiwing na meer openheid meegebring. Dit het tot gevolg dat huishoudelike ekonomiese aktiwiteit nie alleen 'n ekonomie kan onderhou nie. Een van die kenmerke van hierdie openheid is die liberalisering van handel. Handel tussen state word toenemend belangrik vir die verdien van buitelandse valuta om betalingsbalans probleme aan te spreek, asook om plaaslike ekonomiee te stimuleer. Oor die lang termyn hou dit groot potensiaal in om werksgeleenthede te skep. Onmiddelik na demokratisering in 1994 was Suid-Afrika geforseer om sy handel te liberaliseer en sy ekonomiese grondslag te sinchroniseer met die globale ekonomiese orde, Die struktuur van die politieke ekonomie van intemasionale handel word gekenmerk deur ongelykhede tussen die ontwikkelde Noorde en die ontwikkelende lande van die Suide. Handelsbetrekkinge tussen ontwikkelde- en ontwikkelende lande bevat 'n element van magspel waarin eersgenoemde bevoordeel word. Hierdie studie maak gebruik van die strukturalistiese ontwikkelingsperspektief en 'n kombinasie van kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe paradigmas, ten einde 'n beter begrip te verkry van handel tussen ontwikkelde lande. Deur middel van die teoretiese paradigma, probeer die studie om die werkbaarheid van die Uruguay Ronde, spesifiek · met betrekking tot tarief verlagings en die geleenthede of beperkings wat daardeur geskep word, aan te toon. 'n Gevallestudie van die tekstiel en klerebedryf sal gebruik word om die negatiewe implikasies van die Uruguay Ronde te belig.

In Kisangani, as in other parts of Africa subject to political parasitism and economic chaos, people have had to draw on many channels of access to resources in order to survive. This pattern of shifting strategies militates against sustained investment in food supply and thus is a major factor in the food crisis in Africa. Thirteen months of fieldwork in the city of Kisangani and the surrounding subregion of Tshopo revealed how constantly changing regulations, inflation and poor infrastructure forced merchants and farmers into diversification and made long-term investment in rice production and trade risky. Uncertainty in the supply of basic resources such as credit, seeds, fuel, spare parts and produce sacks was linked to the draining of foreign exchange and development funds toward the nonproductive activities of the political élite. Controls on agricultural production such as the forced cultivation of rice led to suppression of African farmers' initiative. Trade in rice was in the hands of expatriate monopsonies until the 1970s, but the indigenization of expatriate businesses and plantations (zairianization) only served to isolate further the rural areas devastated by the Simba rebellion of the mid-1960s. In addition, zairianization fostered parasitism and discouraged investment. In the 1980s, farmers were blocked from organizing their own markets and cooperatives and farm labor was relegated telwomen. Large traders agreed to maintain controls on trade which perpetuated the bureaucracy in order to keep ahead of the mass of mobile small traders. Government programs, and approaches such as privatization and liberalization, initiated by Zaire's external investors, did not change the terms of access to resources within the Zairian economy and, thus, agricultural productivity did not increase. These findings support the theory that multiple survival strategies generated by economic chaos and circumvention of and collaboration with the state lead to declining agricultural productivity. This view has implications for agricultural development policy.

Although conscious consumers flock to sustainability-branded restaurants and grocery stores to "vote with their forks" for environmental sustainability and vibrant local economies, workers in these industries face the same poverty wages, discrimination, and exploitative labor practices that plague the food service and retail industries at large. Despite rapid growth and labor degradation, low-wage workers in these industries have largely been left behind by the mainstream labor movement and the alternative food movement. Whereas in the past, progressive social movements worked to alter power relations between labor and capital through collective action, today's mainstream labor movement focuses on servicing its dwindling membership and winning minimum wage increases through local ballot box measures and legislation. For its part, the alternative food movement focuses narrowly on achieving environmental sustainability through market-based mechanisms and consumption politics that do not adequately attend to the struggles of food chain workers. Through research conducted in partnership with the Burgerville Workers Union (BVWU) and the Industrial Workers of the World, I investigate three empirical research questions: 1) How do sustainability-branded institutions deploy values-based discourse and how does this relate to labor practices?, 2) How do worker-organizers understand and expose the contradictions of sustainability branding?, and 3) How do worker-organizers engage with social reproduction as a terrain of political struggle, and to what ends? I attend to these questions through activist scholarship aimed at informing my broad theoretical question: How might social reproduction "as discourse and practice" be marshaled to generate more inclusive organizing strategies, forge more just conceptions of sustainability, and build worker power? Drawing on over two years of ethnographic research, content analysis, and interviews with 48 worker-organizers involved in four labor organizing campaigns, I examine their efforts to build worker power through mutual aid programs, political education, and coalition politics. My analysis reveals that these strategies embody an inclusionary intersectional politics that prioritizes the needs of women, parents, and people of color, but that worker-organizers also face significant challenges. I demonstrate that organizing against neoliberal policies and practices requires moving beyond consumption politics and single-issue campaigns and deploying what I term (re)production politics which are fundamentally about how work is organized and how we care for society and the planet. Politicizing the labor, locations, and practices of social reproduction as landscapes of struggle, I conclude, offers an opportunity to build a broad class consciousness across interconnected issues and envision more liberatory ways of organizing social reproduction based on solidarity, mutuality, and interdependence.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Equatorial Guinea has, since the mid-1990s, been an oil-rich state. With the highest GDP per capita it should be a continental leader in terms of development. Instead, it ranks in one of the worst positions on the United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDP) Human Development Index (HDI). This study employs the theory of neopatrimonialism to explain why such a discrepancy in these development indicators is evident. As a result of examining the post-independence regimes in Equatorial Guinea through the theoretical lens of neo-patrimonialism it is possible to conclude that the country is afflicted by a governance curse, rather than the more narrowly defined ‘resource curse’ that has become the central explanation of the situation in the country since the discovery of oil favoured by the existing literature on the subject. Instead, this study highlights the fact that the neo-patrimonial nature of the regime in Equatorial Guinea has developed steadily over the years since independence was granted by Spain in 1968, and indeed, the seeds of this system were in fact evident during Spanish colonial control. Whilst the existing literature has focused on the role of oil in explaining the dire state that Equatorial Guinea finds itself in, this study argues that there are other central factors that need to be examined. These include: the Spanish colonial legacy that led the way for such a system to take root; the role of the first post-independence president, Macías Nguema (1968-1979) and; the regime of Obiang Nguema (1979- present). By looking at these factors in addition to the role of oil it is possible to conclude that the neo-patrimonial system in place in Equatorial Guinea has much deeper roots than the existing literature acknowledges. It is vital to examine these deeper roots in order to discover an understanding of and effective solution to the current situation. Moreover, through examining the central features and operations of the ‘predatory’ neo-patrimonial regime in Equatorial Guinea, most notably the profligate spending and evident capital flight, it is possible to acknowledge the international nature of the problem: a factor that has heretofore been neglected in the literature. A greater focus on this issue is necessary in order to understand why the regime is sustained and what prospects there can be for future regime change. The outcomes of the study suggest that a ‘predatory’ neo-patrimonial regime is the central explanation for how the political sphere operates in Equatorial Guinea. This means that there can be no distinction made between the central features of the state and the personal property of those that rule it. It is a classic, modern-day example of ‘L’État c’est moi’. As such, the Nguema family have since independence treated the state resources as their own private property to do with as they wish. This means that there has been no attention paid to the development of Equatorial Guinea as it is not in the interests of the ruling elites to do so. Instead, they utilise state resources for their own self-enrichment. Such behaviour accounts for why despite having the highest GDP per capita on the African continent, Equatorial Guinea has such a low rank in the UNDP Human Development Index. It can therefore be concluded that Equatorial Guinea is affected by a governance curse that has decimated the state since independence, rather than the popularised theory of a ‘resource curse’ which has been used in explanations since the discovery of oil in the mid-1990s. iii
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ekwatoriaal-Guinee is reeds sedert die middel negentigerjare ’n olieryke staat. Met die hoogste BBP per capita behoort dit die leier op die vasteland te wees wat ontwikkeling betref. Dit beklee egter een van die laagste plekke op die menslike ontwikkelingsindeks (HDI) van die Verenigde Nasies se Ontwikkelingsprogram (UNDP). In hierdie studie is die teorie van neopatrimonialisme gebruik in ’n poging om die teenstrydigheid in hierdie ontwikkelingsaanwysers te verklaar. Op grond van ’n ondersoek van die regimes na onafhanklikheid in Ekwatoriaal- Guinee deur die teoretiese lens van neopatrimonialisme kan die gevolgtrekking gemaak word dat die land onder ’n regeringsvloek gebuk gaan, eerder as die eng gedefinieerde ‘hulpbronvloek’ wat die vernaamste verklaring geword het vir die situasie in die land sedert die ontdekking van olie, soos in die huidige literatuur oor die onderwerp aangevoer word. Hierdie studie beklemtoon hierteenoor die feit dat die neopatrimoniale aard van die regime in Ekwatoriaal-Guinee met verloop van tyd ontwikkel het sedert Spanje die land in 1968 onafhanklik verklaar het. Die sade van hierdie stelsel was inderwaarheid reeds sigbaar tydens Spaanse koloniale beheer. Waar die bestaande literatuur fokus op die rol van olie in die verklaring van die nypende toestand waarin Ekwatoriaal-Guinee verkeer, word in hierdie studie aangevoer dat ander kernfaktore ook ondersoek moet word. Dit sluit in die Spaanse koloniale erfenis wat die weg gebaan het vir die groei van so ’n stelsel; die rol van die eerste president na onafhanklikwording, Macias Nguema (1968–1979); en die regime van Obiang Nguema (1979 – tans). Deur hierdie faktore tesame met die rol van olie in oorweging te bring, kan die gevolgtrekking gemaak word dat die neopatrimoniale stelsel in Ekwatoriaal-Guinee veel dieper wortels het as wat in die bestaande literatuur erken word. Die ondersoek van hierdie dieper wortels is noodsaaklik ten einde begrip van en doeltreffende oplossings vir die huidige situasie te verkry. Deur die ondersoek van die kernfaktore en -bedrywighede van die ‘roofsugtige’ neopatrimoniale regime in Ekwatoriaal-Guinee, vernaamlik die roekelose verkwistinge en sigbare kapitaaluitvloei, is dit moontlik om die internasionale aard van die probleem te identifiseer – ’n faktor wat tot op hede in die literatuur nagelaat is. Groter fokus op hierdie kwessie is nodig ten einde te begryp waarom die regime volgehou word en watter vooruitsigte daar is vir toekomstige regimeverandering. Die uitkomste van hierdie studie doen aan die hand dat ’n ‘roofsugtige’ neopatrimoniale regime inderwaarheid die vernaamste verklaring is vir die werking van die politieke sfeer in Ekwatoriaal-Guinee. Dit beteken dat geen onderskeid getref kan word tussen die kerneienskappe van die staat en die persoonlike eiendom van diegene in bewind nie. Dit is ’n klassieke, hedendaagse voorbeeld van ‘L’Etat c’est moi’. As sodanig hanteer die Nguema-familie sedert onafhanklikwording die staat se hulpbronne as hul eie private eiendom wat hulle na willekeur aanwend. Dit beteken dat geen aandag gegee word aan die ontwikkeling van Ekwatoriaal-Guinee nie, aangesien dit nie in die belange van die heersende elite is om dit te doen nie, en hulle staatshulpbronne vir selfverryking gebruik. Sodanige gedrag verklaar die land se lae posisie op die UNDP se HDI. Die gevolgtrekking kan dus gemaak word dat Ekwatoriaal-Guinee onder ’n staatsvloek ly, wat die staat sedert onafhanklikwording afmaai, eerder as die gewilde teorie van ’n ‘hulpbronvloek’.

Aiming to make an intervention in critical theory, film-philosophy and British Cinema scholarship, this thesis investigates what a marriage of Lacanian and Badiouian theories of the subject can bring to the study of the radical British feature film of 1968: films which in differing ways represent the political and intellectual debates current in the culture. The question of what can be learnt through an analysis situated within theories of the subject has not been addressed within British Cinema studies. Psychoanalytic film theory in its previous incarnations utilised a section of Lacan's thought in order to focus on the ways in which the spectator was placed into a subject position by the unseen workings of the apparatus. Furthermore, the limited amount of Badiouian film scholarship is concerned with whether films can be thought philosophically. A fuller use of Lacan with Badiou as a hermeneutic model to address films from a specific period and context creates a new interpretive model on the porous boundary between critical theory and film-philosophy. This thesis utilises Lacan's categories of the Imaginary, Symbolic and, predominantly, the Real alongside the Badiouian Event to interrogate the ways in which Morgan: A Suitable Case for Treatment (Karel Reisz, 1966), Privilege (Peter Watkins, 1967), Herostratus (Don Levy, 1967), Performance (Donald Cammell & Nicolas Roeg, 1970) and if ... (Lindsay Anderson, 1968) represent the radical subject of 1968, in order to argue for the efficacy of ideological critique, to think politically about cinema, and advocate the continuing resonance of the period in contemporary praxis.

Orientador: Marcelo Siqueira Ridenti
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-13T14:51:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Czajka_Rodrigo_D.pdf: 28867714 bytes, checksum: 679abe450c88d07ab4e58df2eaf474c6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009
Resumo: A produção artística e cultural realizada no Brasil entre as décadas de 1950 e 1960 é permeada de intensas discussões, tensões e conflitos que envolvem a disputa de distintos projetos intelectuais. Assim, a formação de um campo intelectual, a diversificação dos circuitos culturais e núcleos intelectuais e a emergência de uma intelectualidade de esquerda foram elementos presentes nesse contexto sócio-cultural. Estes foram fatores essenciais na consolidação de uma resistência cultural de esquerda que se defrontava tanto com o centralismo burocrático do Partido Comunista Brasileiro quanto com o regime militar após 1964. Entre dilemas ideológicos e políticos uma intelectualidade de esquerda floresceu não de forma homogênea e unitária, mas entremeada de impasses, disputas e embates que permitiram, em certa medida, a formação de núcleos culturais caracterizados, sobretudo, pela fragmentação. Com intuito de aferir tal modelo de análise dispusemos de um conjunto de Inquéritos Policiais-Militares (IPMs) que além de constituírem um material inédito de pesquisa, trazem elementos importantes para a discussão e detalhamento das questões culturais caras à intelectualidade de esquerda daquele momento. Constata-se, por exemplo, que a resistência cultural, mais que símbolo de uma unidade contra a repressão seja dos partidos ou do Estado, foi um fenômeno a partir do qual determinados núcleos intelectuais viram-se representados; uma hegemonia cultural de esquerda construída não pela coesão dos projetos de resistência, mas pelas dissensões e por aquilo que representava a resistência e a subversão comunista
Abstract: The artistic and cultural production made in Brazil at the 1950s and 1960s is permeated intensive discussions, tensions and conflicts involving the dispute of different intellectual projects. The formation of an intellectual sphere and the emergence of a left intellectuals group were elements presents in this context. These were key factors in consolidating a culture resistance of left that was built in the middle at the bureaucratic centralism of the Brazilian Communist Party and the military dictatorship after 1964. Between ideological and political dilemmas the left intellectuals appeared not homogeneous, but permeate of impasses, disputes and conflicts that favored the formation of cultural groups characterized by ragmentation. To check this analysis we searched a large number of military process (called IPMs) that as being a new material research, provide important elements for discussion and details of the cultural questions of the intellectuals at that time. For example, that cultural resistance, more than a symbol of unity against oppression of the the Party or the State, was a phenomenon from which certain intelectuals groups have been represented; a cultural hegemony of the left not made the cohesion of the projects of resistance, but by dissension and by what it represented the resistence and communist subversion
Doutorado
Doutor em Sociologia

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2005.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is an explanatory study into civil society's increased influence in global governance. More specifically this situation is examined by looking at the generic medicine debate that came in the wake of the passing of the Medicines and Related Substances Act by the South African government in 1997. This debate gained worldwide attention and touched some of the prevailing inequalities between the developed world and the developing world in our globalised society. The research question that is addressed here is to what extent did civil society influence the signing of the Doha Declaration of the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health by the members of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) in 2001? In doing so, this thesis looks at the role of the US government, the South African government, the pharmaceutical industry, the WTO's TRIPS Agreement and civil society in the form of nongovernmental organisations like Treatment Action Campaign (TAC), Oxfam and Medecines Sans Frontieres (MSF). The study applies a constructivist approach in order to analyse how civil society used global advocacy networks to inform and communicate the normative concerns regarding South Africa and developing countries' lack of access to HIVand AIDS drugs. Moreover, it examines how civil society's use of moral authority challenged the regulative power of the WTO. The study concludes that civil society played a vital role in influencing the WTO member states' decision to sign the Doha Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health. However, it was not only civil society's ability to set the agenda concerning the HIV/AIDS pandemic, but also the content of the normative concerns themselves that help explain its success. Consequently, the study further concludes that civil society's success in this specific case must be seen in light of its growing influence in challenging global governance.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is 'n verduidelikende studie van die burgerlike samelewing se groeiende invloed in globale regering. Hierdie situasie word meer spesifiek ondersoek deur te kyk na die generiese medisyne debat wat gevoer is na die Suid-Afrikaanse Regering die Medisyne en Verwante Stowwe Wet van 1997 goedgekeur het. Hierdie debat het wêreldwye aandag geniet en het geraak aan sommige van die bestaande ongelykhede wat daar heers tussen die ontwikkelde en ontwikkelende wêreld in die geglobaliseerde samelewing. Die navorsingsvraag wat hier aangespreek word is tot watter mate die burgerlike samelewing die ondertekening van die Doha Verklaring van die TRIPS Ooreenkoms en Publieke Gesondheid deur lede van die Wêreld Handelsorganisasie (WHO) in 2001 beïnvloed het. Deur dit te doen, sal hierdie tesis kyk na die rol van die Amerikaanse regering, die Suid- Afrikaanse regering, die farmaseutiese bedryf, die WHO se TRIPS Ooreenkoms en die burgerlike samelewing in die vorm van nie-regerings organisasies soos die Treatment Action Campaign (TAC), Oxfam en Medecines Sans Frontieres (MSF). Die studie maak gebruik van 'n konstruktiwistiese benadering om 'n analise te doen van hoe die burgerlike samelewing globale ondersteunings netwerke gebruik het om die normatiewe besorgdhede wat heers oor die tekorte in Suid-Afrika en die ontwikkelende lande ten opsigte van toegang tot MIV en VIGS medisyne, toe te lig en te verkondig. Verder ondersoek die studie hoe die gebruik deur die burgerlike samelewing van morele gesag die regulerende mag van die WHO uitgedaag het. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat die bugerlike samelewing 'n uiters belangrike rol gespeel het in die WHO lidlande se besluit om die Doha Verklaring van die TRIPS Ooreenkoms en Publieke Gesondheid te onderteken. Dit was egter nie net die burgerlike samelewing se vermoë om die agenda daar te stel ten opsigte van die MIV/VIGS pandemie nie, maar ook die inhoud van die normatiewe besorgdhede self wat bygedra het om hierdie sukses te verduidelik. Gevolglik kom die studie tot die verdere gevolgtrekking dat die burgerlike samelewing se sukses in hierdie spesifieke geval gesien kan word in die lig van sy groeiende invloed in die uitdaging van globale mag en gesag.

Bibliography: leaves 135-143. An anthropological analysis of an industrial dispute that occurred within the East Gippsland forest industry, 1997-1998 and how the workers strove to acheive better working conditions for themselves, and to share in the wealth they had created.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The petroleum industry concern itself with natural resource extracting activities which are highly sensitive for contributing to environmental degradation by oil spills or gas flaring. A large proportion of the world’s oil and gas reserves is located in developing countries where the presence of multinational oil corporations (MNOCs) is high as host countries often lack the infrastructure needed or are financially unable to conduct extracting operations on their own. The Niger Delta in southern Nigeria has one of the largest oil reserves in Africa and is one of the world’s leading oil exporters. MNOCs like Shell, Chevron, Total, ExxonMobil and Statoil are some of the firms present in the Niger Delta region. The oil-rich area in the developing country poses high levels of political risk for the MNOCs. Local grievances, paired with environmental degradation and human rights violations by the oil companies, have led to a tense relationship between the local stakeholders and the MNOCs, with so-called petro-violence at the center of the oil conflict. Frequently, oil installations are sabotaged and crude oil is stolen, causing major financial losses for the firms, and armed attacks on oil facilities and kidnapping of MNOCs’ staff constitute the majority of political risks facing MNOCs operating in the Niger Delta. This study investigates how MNOCs can successfully manage such political risks, providing a business advantage in a challenging business environment. By addressing the companys’ own behaviour, the research analyses if social engagement through corporate social responsibility (CSR) can mitigate political risk in the Niger Delta. The study looks at two different MNOCs operating in the Niger delta, Shell and Statoil, and scrutinises their methods of implementation of their CSR initiatives. The difference in approaches to CSR is elucidated where Shell claims it has repositioned its approach from a top-down angle during the first years of conducting CSR projects, to a more stakeholder-oriented approach. Yet, their approach is still found to carry elements of the previous top-down approach, and has not resulted in satisfactory performance in relation to stated goals. Statoil undertakes a stakeholder-oriented bottom-up approach, executed with a high level of commitment. The stated CSR goals have to a great extent been met. By assessing the two companies’ CSR strategies in relation to the frequency of political risks experienced by each MNOC, the study finds that CSR has the potential to mitigate political risk depending on the approach to implementation, and could serve as a political risk management strategy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die brandstofbedryf is betrokke by die ontginning van natuurlike hulpbronne, ’n aktiwiteit wat hoogs sensitief is vir sy bydrae tot omgewingsbesoedeling as gevolg van storting van olie en opvlamming van gas. ’n Baie groot deel van die wêreld se olie en gas reserwes word aangetref in ontwikkelende lande. Die teenwoordigheid van Multinasionale Olie Korporasies (MNOKs) in hierdie lande is groot omdat daar gewoonlik ’n gebrek aan toepaslike infrastruktuur is en die lande ook nie finansieel in staat mag wees om die ontginning op hulle eie te doen nie. Die Niger Delta in die Suide van Nigerië beskik oor een van die grootste olie reserwes in Afrika en is een van die voorste olie uitvoerders in die wêreld. Shell, Chevron, Total, ExxonMobil en Statoil is van die bekende MNOK wat ontginning doen in die Niger Delta gebied. Die olieryke gebiede in ’n ontwikkelende land kan groot politieke risiko vir die MNOKs inhou. Plaaslike griewe gekoppel aan omgewings besoedeling en menseregte skendings deur die oliemaatskappye het gelei tot ’n gespanne verhouding tussen hulle en die plaaslike belange groepe, en sogenaamde “petrogeweld” staan sentraal hierin. Heel gereeld word olie-installasies gesaboteer en ru-olie word gesteel, wat natuurlik groot finansiële verliese die firmas inhou. Daarby word gewapende aanvalle op die olie-installasies uitgevoer en van die MNOKs se personeel ontvoer. Al hierdie dinge vorm die groot politieke risiko’s wat die MNOKs in die Niger Delta in die gesig staar. Hierdie studie ondersoek hoe die MNOKs met welslae hierdie politieke risiko’s kan teenwerk om vir hulle ’n suksesvolle besigheid te vestig in ’n baie mededingende bedryfsomgewing. Deur te kyk na die maatskappy se eie gedrag, sal die navorsing analiseer of gemeenskapsbetrokkenheid deur korporatiewe sosiale verantwoordelikheid (KSV) die politieke risiko in die Niger Delta kan temper. Die studie kyk na twee verskillende MNOK wat in die gebied bedryf word, Shell en Statoil, en kyk noukeurig na die manier waarop hulle KSV inisiatiewe toegepas word. Die verskil in benadering tot die probleem word toegelig deur die feit dat Shell beweer dat hulle ’n bo-na-onder benadering in die beginjare van KSV projekte verander het na ’n beleid waar meer na die betrokkenheid van belangegroepe gekyk word. Tog word gevind dat daar nog oorblyfsels is van die bo-na-onder benadering en dat doelwitte wat gestel is nie bevredigend bereik is nie. Statoil daarenteen. Implementeer ’n onder-na-bo benadering met betrokkenheid van belangegroepe en ’n hoë vlak van toewyding deur die maatskappy. Die gestelde KSV doelwitte is grootliks behaal. Deur te kyk na die twee maatskappye se ervaring van politieke risiko in verhouding met hulle KSV strategieë bevind hierdie studie dat KSV wel die potensiaal het om, as dit suksesvol toegepas word, politieke risiko te temper en dus kan die as ’n strategie om sodanige risiko te bestuur.

Established in 2003, the Kimberley Process (KP) is a binding agreement; backed by the United Nations, that unites civil societies, state actors and the diamond industry to safeguard ‘conflict' diamonds from entering legitimate rough diamond trade around the world. The unique international tripartite organization is voluntary but mandates state participants to abide by the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme (KPCS) minimum requirements in order to stem the financing or wars against legitimate governments. This study represents the first to explore the communications within the KP. The linguistic turn relies on Classical rhetoric theory with an emphasis on Aristotle's three appeals of persuasion (“pisteis”): ethos, logos and pathos of elite actors in the KP. As for the precise nature of the contribution to rhetorical analysis, this project is best characterised as an application of Classical principals of rhetorical analysis, rather than as a development of theory. A comprehensive literature review of the KP and KPCS is another distinctive contribution. Furthermore, this academic endeavour offers a unique method as shown in the observation of a KP Intersessional meeting. Supplementing the qualitative inquiry, semi-structured interviews were conducted with all of the KP groups and included a wide sample of civil society international and national non-government organizations, state actors and industry members otherwise not represented in previous empirical efforts on the subject. The data chapters achieve the primary aim to add to the understanding of the KP. Firstly, the civil societies engage in boycott rhetoric using ethos and negative pathos. As for state actors, the KP Chair exhibits charismatic leadership rhetoric, while ‘recognized' established states use logical reasoning, the ‘outlier' states evoke positive pathos. Lastly, the diamond industry experts appeal to negative emotions, the World Diamond Council to logos, and De Beers to positive emotional appeals. Combined, the rhetoric shows (a) how KP rhētors use different rhetorical strategies; (b) which in turn shape distinct discourses; (c) and contain dissimilar claims; (d) points to different motivations; (e) highlight different identities; (f) reveal key characteristics, and; (g) the nature of relationships within the KP. The organization rhetorical analysis also entails how the multiple KP leaders view the KP and KPCS and change. While the rhetoric helps demonstrate the constraints surrounding the KP and KPCS it also underlines the primary human rights and human security in which they all share. This thesis provides an extended critical view of the rhetoric by connecting Aristotelian pisteis with different conceptions of power outlined by French and Raven (1959) and Lukes (2005/1974). Combined, the rhetoric helps to explain the ways the KP attempts to achieve their specific political and economic goals while also building relationships with their stakeholders. Rhetoric is a worthwhile theory and methodological approach in order to explore organizations. The KP, and other international organizations provide an opportune arena for further rhetorical attention.

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the Master of Accounting degree, Faculty of Accounting and Informatics, Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa. Durban. South Africa, 2016.
A large number of manufacturing companies adopt the use of the traditional accounting method in their operations. This technique fails to reflect a detailed report of all material losses incurred in their production processes. Worthy of note, is that losses/waste are considered as inefficiencies in manufacturing operations and viewed as a costly venture to the sustainability of the company. This research, therefore, through a case study analysis, examined the efficient/inefficient flow of resources in the production process of an alcoholic beverage company in the Durban metropolis. The study was carried out in order to determine the impact of packaging waste cost in an alcoholic beverage company using the material flow cost accounting technique. Measurements included the input of packaging materials against its output, while giving consideration to waste incurred as losses. The Material Flow Cost Accounting (MFCA) technique, an environmental management accounting tool developed for measuring the flows and stocks of materials of a company and production process in both physical and monetary units, was used to measure the costs of waste on two production lines. MFCA was used to trace all material inputs and categorize them as product or non-product output. MFCA is used to classify the relevant material flows as cost collectors, thereby allocating the costs of the company’s production operations and flows. Different packaging materials that constitute waste on the lines were analyzed using the mixed method approach, which includes observation, questionnaire administration, and analysis of six months production report. Two production lines were considered for sampling, and recommendations were given based on the data analyzed using the SPSS package. The MFCA technique revealed that losses on both production lines were understated, and that, the bottling plant was losing a sizeable amount of monetary value of packaging materials to waste. The MFCA technique also revealed that the traditional costing technique is unable to provide adequate information managers require for strategic cost decision making. MFCA is therefore recommended to assist managers improve production line efficiency and cost savings via accurate waste costing and reduction for corporate sustainability.
M

South Africa has over 19 500 different indigenous plant species. Most of these are of ethnobotanical significance and are still used by local rural communities as medicine, food and for making beverages. The relatively little research that has been conducted on indigenous plant species has focused mainly on their medicinal potential. However, in view of the rapidly growing size of the global and local beverage industry and their constant search for new products, beverage-making indigenous plant species may have commercial development potential. To date, no detailed studies have been conducted on these plants, especially in the species-rich Limpopo province. The aim of this study was, therefore to evaluate the potential of indigenous plants for commercial beverage production. In order to achieve this, a survey was conducted in the Limpopo province to identify beverage-making plants and to document beverage preparation methods. Selected beverages were analysed and evaluated for their nutrient and sensory characteristics and a market product acceptability survey was conducted to identify those beverages with the greatest potential for development. Sixty three different beverage-plant species were identified in three study areas within the Limpopo province. These were used for the preparation of teas, fruit juices and alcoholic beverages. Plants that received further research attention were selected on the basis of their status as indigenous plants, frequency of use, nature of harvesting methods and availability. Some of the selected beverages were found to be rich in nutrients, especially with respect to vitamin C and mineral content. Furthermore, sensory analyses and market surveys indicated that four species, namely, Doyvalis caffra, Garcinia livingstonei, Grewia flavescens and Englerophytum magalismontanum have potential for further development for the beverage industry while Athrixia phylicoides has commercialisation potential as a herbal tea. However, further research is required to improve and refine preparation methods and to ensure compliance with quality standards. The availability of sufficient plant material for the industry must also be ensured. This research has indicated that South African indigenous plants have untapped market potential for the beverage industry which, if developed sustainably, could contribute to economic growth of the rural parts of South Africa.
Environmental Sciences
D. Ed. (Environmental Management)

The relationship between government and business during the New Deal can best be understood as one based on mutual dependence rather than endemic hostility. This is demonstrated with reference to the Northwest lumber industry and its response to New Deal labor standards and labor union legislation. The Northwest lumber industry during the 1920s and 1930s was beset by the problems of overproduction and cut throat competition which plagued much of American industry during the Great Depression. Industry leaders strove for ways in which to regulate a fiercely competitive marketplace. Attempts to foist higher production standards on marginal competitors through the promotion of voluntary trade associations failed because of the absence of enforcement mechanisms within the associational structure. The National Recovery Administration (NRA) similarly failed to provide a disciplined framework for competition in the region because the federal government failed to fulfill its role as an enforcement agent, although the experience of the NRA did suggest to the industry the potential benefits of stabilizing the marketplace through the regulation of labor costs, which were such a significant and vulnerable item in the business calculations of lumber operations. The problem of enforcement, however, remained. Labor unions had a record under the NRA and in the coal and clothing industries as an effective regulator of labor standards, but the memory of radical unionism in the early lumber industry combined with a concern for managerial prerogatives to forestall any voluntary support on the part of Northwest lumber leaders for unionisation in the region. The elevation of unions under the National Labor Relations Act, however, prompted versatile lumber executives to use the empowered unions for their own regulatory purposes. Never entirely comfortable with the potential costs of strong unions, the Northwest lumber industry turned to the federal regulation offered under the Fair Labor Standards Act as an additional, effective and less risky method of securing much needed stability in the industry.

It is essential for both employers and employees to know and understand their obligations and rights about occupational health and safety. The study aimed at developing guidelines for the managers of health and safety programmes to promote compliance with OHS Act (No. 85 of 1993) among the food and beverage industry in South Africa. The study sites were from the four selected provinces of South Africa, with twenty three of them located in the Gauteng Province. A quantitative research method which is descriptive in nature was used to obtain in-depth knowledge on compliance to the health and safety legislation. Data was collected from 27 study sites using an inspection checklist and an interview- led questionnaire for the 202 employees. Data was analysed using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) version 21. Most employees on the study sites were young and therefore needed regular supervision, information, instruction and training to promote safe work and reduce injury and diseases. The study sites were male dominated. It emerged that there was general lack of consultation and communication with regards to health and safety matters between the employers and the employees. It was also noted that most study sites did not have a written and conspicuously placed health and safety policy and the OHS Act No. 85 of 1993. Majority of the study sites did not deploy adequate resources to manage problems related to health and safety at work and reduce their incidence. In addition, employees experienced injuries or illnesses at one point or the other as they were exposed to various occupational hazards. Finally, most study sites had poor housekeeping practices. Employers did not have the appropriate control measures, such as baseline risk assessments, in place. This placed employees at an increased risk of injuries and illnesses as well as the possibility of employers facing financial burdens such as higher compensation claims, medical specialist fees, fees involved in the replacement of injured employees or fees for the recruitment and training of new recruits.
Health Studies
D. Litt. et Phil. (Health Studies)

This dissertation is an ethnography centered around two bands based in Guangzhou and their relationships with one of China’s largest record companies. Bridging ethnomusicology, popular music studies, cultural geography, media studies, vocal anthropology, and the anthropology of infrastructure, it examines emergent forms of musical creativity and modes of circulation as they relate to shifts in concepts of self, space, publics, and state instigated by China’s political and economic reforms. Chapter One discusses a long history of state-sponsored cartographic musical anthologies, as well as Confucian and Maoist ways of understanding the relationships between place, person, and music. These discussions provide a context for understanding contemporary musical cosmopolitanisms that both build upon and disrupt these histories; they also provoke a rethinking of ethnomusicological and related linguistic theorizations about music, place, and subjectivity. Through biographies of seven musicians working in present-day Guangzhou, Chapter Two outlines a concept of “musical subjectivity” that looks to the intersection of personal histories, national histories, and creativity as a means of exploring the role of individual agency and expressive culture in broader cultural shifts. Chapter Three focuses on the intertwining of actual corporeal mobilities and vicarious musical mobilities, and explores relationships between circulations of global popular musics, emergent forms of musical creativity, and an evolving geography of contemporary China. Chapter Four extends these concerns to a discussion of media systems in China, and outlines an approach to “sonic infrastructures” that puts sound studies in dialogue with the anthropology of infrastructure in order to understand how evolving modes of musical circulation and the listening practices associated with them are connected to broader economic, political, and cultural spatialities. Finally, Chapter Five examines the intersecting aesthetic and political implications of popular music sung in local languages (fangyan) by focusing on contemporary forms of articulation between music, language, listening, and place. Taken together, these chapters explore musical cosmopolitanisms as knowledge-making processes that are reconfiguring notions of self, state, publics, and space in contemporary China.

The study investigated the feasibility of including DPOAEs in the annual medical surveillance test battery for the identification of NIHL in a group of employees in a manufacturing industry in KwaZulu-Natal. Feasibility was investigated by exploring the sensitivity, specificity and predictive efficiency of DPOAEs, the ability of DPOAEs to detect subtle noise-induced cochlea changes, the test-retest reliability of DPOAEs and lastly, the duration of time taken to conduct the DPOAE test bilaterally. A cross-sectional and repeated measures within-in participant design was utilized in the study. A purposive convenience sampling technique was used, as well as a stratified sampling approach in order to realize objective two of the study. The study consisted of 60 participants, which were further stratified into four test groups, i.e. Group A: 0-3 years, Group B: 3.1-6 years and Group C: 6.1-9 years and Group D: 9.1-13 years of working within the beverage manufacturing industry. A high sensitivity and negative predictive value was reported in the current study, suggesting that DPOAEs may be able to identify those who present with subtle cochlea changes as a result of exposure to occupational noise. The sensitivity of DPOAEs was 100% at 1, 2, 4, 6 and 8kHz in the right ear and at 4 and 6kHz in the left ear. The specificity of DPOAEs in the current study ranged between 55%-97% across the frequency range in the right ear and 49%-88% in the left ear. A negative predictive value of 100% was obtained bilaterally across the frequency range, except at 8kHz in the left ear. Visual inspection of the DPgram in the current study revealed a bilateral reduction in DPOAE amplitudes for all test groups in the high frequency region of the DP-Gram, namely, 5477Hz and 7303Hz, in the absence of a statistically significant difference (p>0.05). A greater frequency range appears to be affected in this group of workers, indicating that the type of noise, namely, impulse noise, may result in cochlea changes. Corresponding changes on the pure tone audiogram were not observed, however, noise notch configurations were observed for the groups with a longer history of noise exposure. This was not seen bilaterally as is typically expected with NIHL. Good test-retest reliability across the frequency range obtained in the current study further indicates the feasibility of including DPOAEs in the annual medical surveillance test battery. Additionally, the current study calculated an average of 86 seconds (1 minute 26 seconds) to conduct the DPOAE test bilaterally, confirming that DPOAEs are a quick test to administer. The findings of this study suggest that DPOAEs may be used to monitor early subtle noise-induced cochlea changes for workers exposed to noise in the beverage manufacturing industry as part of the annual medical surveillance test battery.
Thesis (M.Comm.Path.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Westville, 2013.

Text in English
The introduction of the New Growth Path (NGP) and the New Industrial Policy Framework (NIPF) have created an opportunity for the industrialisation of indigenous medicinal and aromatic plants (MAPs Amarula (Sclerocarya birrea), Buchu (Agathosma betulina), and Pelargonium (Pelargonium sidoides) for job creation and economic development in South Africa. The aim is to create a locally sustainable industry which creates jobs as well as improvement of the balance of payments. The National Growth Plan highlights some of the opportunities for industrialization as well as creation of decent jobs. There is increasing pressure on the harvesting of wild indigenous medicinal and aromatic plants (MAPS). The establishment of a local pharmaceutical and nutraceutical industry for processing MAPS remains a challenge in South Africa and many low income countries. The objective of this study was to assess the challenges and their impact looking at particular species, Amarula, Buchu and Pelargonium by using structured focus group interviews with users in communities and businesses in KwaZulu Natal Province, Eastern Cape and the Western Cape. More data/information was also collected from key stakeholder companies including desk-top reviews. Data/information was analysed using the SPSS computer programme and the Atlas software to summarize data and the results. Graphs and tables were used where necessary. The qualitative research reported on some qualitative assessments and challenges facing the establishment of medicinal and aromatic plants in South Africa. Comparative findings from BRICS were also reported. The results of the study indicated that there is continuous exploitation of several medicinal plant species, for plant trade, from the wild and substantial loss of their habitat. The research identifies a number of challenges such as: poor standards for raw materials, lack of research and development linking industry driven revenues, demand exceeding supply, regulatory risk, community risk, lack of understanding of judicious agronomic practices, ethical challenges, liquidity risk as well as political instability fail to attract foreign direct investments. The research concludes that for the establishment of a viable local pharmaceutical industry, iii beverage industry and nutraceutical industry with sustainable harvesting, there are serious hegemonic challenges which will require multi-stakeholder analysis. However, for the South African (SA) industry to be competitive, detailed feasibility studies need to be done comparing SA with other BRICS countries. There is also a need for the Research and Development to be strengthened. It must also be linked into industrial development in the industry. Furthermore there is a need to initiate the incentivizing of the pharmaceutical manufacturing to lower the cost of setting up the businesses in the industry and lessen the need to harvest from South African forests. Furthermore there is a need for programmes of production so that key species are given opportunity for cultivation and the attention they deserve to preserve these depleting resources.
Agriculture and  Animal Health
M.Sc. (Agriculture)

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, 2017
This research report conducts a critical examination of Ayo Akinfe’s Fuelling the Delta Fires by paying attention to the writer’s use of satire to highlight social problems such as corruption, deception and exploitation in Nigeria. The focus is on how Akinfe’s novel represents exploitation, waste, and excess that have become normative in a country on the brink of collapse. The work also seeks to identify and critique how Akinfe employs satire to interrogate the syndrome of the ‘big-man’ in Nigeria, showing how their actions contribute to social decay and violence. The research will also examine issues of ecology in the Niger Delta. Ecology has often been construed as a Western ideology that has little resonance within the framework of the African novel. However, this work, tries to show that as the scholarship on ecological humanities has evolved over the years, African alternatives which take account of the unique challenges of the continent have also being developed. Akinfe draws from these proposed models of ecology to focus attention on the ecological issues that are a direct outcome of the exploration of oil in the Niger Delta and by so doing, brings attention to the transgressions of government and multinational corporations who go to great lengths to extract oil in the region. Applying ecocritical examples suggested by scholars like Anthony Vital, Byron Caminero-Santangelo and others, the research report demonstrates how literature has been used as a medium to expose greed that facilitates ecological degradations and how the culture of consumerism affect the daily lives of the inhabitants of the Niger Delta.
XL2018

Research Report for the Degree of Master of Arts in Political Studies Graduate School for Humanities and Social Science University of the Witwatersrand Submitted: March, 2015
This dissertation delves into the contested post-1994 transition to deliver economic justice and development in South Africa, particularly the country’s more recent quest to emulate the interventionist economic strategies successfully implemented in South East Asia. It follows from the governing African National Congress (ANC) being one among a few governments that have explicitly committed themselves to building a developmental state. Among some of its intentions, such a state aims to alter market incentives, reduce risks, offer entrepreneurial visions and manage conflicts. Specifically, the research study examines the role of industrial sector planning in South Africa as a component of a developmental state. In the 20th century East Asian developmental states, also known as early generation developmental states, such selective industrial policy was characterised by close ties between government and business that facilitated the sharing of information. These countries – Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore - were also distinguishable by the ability of the state to “discipline” capital through treating incentives, not as “gifts” but as enforceable performance contracts. The paper is split into three parts. Part 1 looks at the origins and evolution of the concept of a developmental state, along with key elements of such a state and their applicability to South Africa. Part 2 traces South Africa’s association with industrial sector planning, from the Jan Smuts era, through Hendrik Verwoerd until the Jacob Zuma administration. Part 3 is a case study that examines two particular sectors, the automotive industry and the business process outsourcing (BPO) sector (consisting of offshore call centres and related activities) to gauge the level of corporatism, along the state’s ability or desire to “discipline” or “reward” companies in pursuit of its industrialisation goals.

Abstract in English, Afrikaans and Sesotho
Scuba diving is a popular marine recreational activity along the eastern and southern coast of Africa. This region is characterised as the East African Marine Ecoregion (EAME) and is known for its richness in marine fauna and flora, including some of the Indian Ocean‟s most diverse and abundant coral reef ecosystems, making it a popular destination for scuba divers. The future of the scuba diving industry has come under threat as a result of environmental, social, political and economic impacts, and there is a need to better understand how these external risks impact on scuba diving tourism businesses in the EAME. Empirical evidence suggests that external risks, both international and domestic, have an effect on the tourism industry as a whole. However, limited research has been conducted on the impact of such external risks on the dive tourism industry specifically. Existing research has also focused extensively on environmental risks rather than on how external risks of a political, economic and social nature affect dive operator sustainability in the EAME. Most studies have also focused on the demand side (divers) as opposed to the supply side (dive operators). In addition, as dive tourists have greater flexibility to change their destination should risks arise, this threatens the success of dive operators in higher risk areas. To address these problems, the primary objective of the research undertaken sought to comprehensively identify the impact of external risks (environmental, economic, social and political) on dive operators in four countries within the EAME from a supply-side perspective. In order to achieve the primary objective, the following secondary objectives were achieved: 1. Identified scuba diving tourism operators in the EAME and their scope of operation. 2. Determined the external risks most relevant to dive operators in the EAME and assessed their level of impact. 3. Compared the individual external risks experienced by each of the countries in the EAME (Kenya, Tanzania, Mozambique and South Africa) using a cross-case analysis. 4. Assessed the perception of dive operators regarding whether external risks would influence a dive tourists decision to travel to the dive operators area of operation in the EAME ii The study consisted of two phases. Phase 1 comprised structured interviews with a select group of dive operators to gain insight into the external risks most prevalent in the scuba diving industry, as well as to assist in developing a quantitative structured survey (Phase 2), which was subsequently completed by dive operators in Kenya, Tanzania, Mozambique and South Africa. Data was imported into SPSS for quantitative statistical analysis. From the primary data collected, the major findings from this study determined that current economic and political risks have the greatest impact on dive operators in the EAME, and this trend is expected to continue. Environmental degradation of coral reefs, while not seen as a threat at present, constitutes a key threat for the near future. The greatest influences expressed in terms of risk categories impacting on dive tourism are domestic economic risks, international economic risks, domestic political risks and international political risks. A cross-case analysis conducted on the four countries concluded that external risks have varying effects within the different countries. Finally, the results indicated that external risks significantly influence a dive tourist's decision to travel to the EAME. By identifying and assessing the external risks that have an impact on dive operators in the EAME, this research contributes to knowledge on the dive tourism industry in the EAME, as well as dive tourism further afield and the wider field of tourism management. The study's findings create awareness of the effect that external risks have on dive operators in the region. A conceptual framework was developed which encompasses external risks in the scuba diving industry. Risk radars, risk maps and colour-coded tables were further outputs this study which can assist businesses, society and economies in responding to current and future threats and crises in a more informative and intuitive way. This can be achieved by implementing risk management strategies to mitigate or reduce exposure to external risks; strengthening stakeholder involvement along the tourism value chain; and stressing the need for government involvement towards the protection of the environment and promotion of small business growth in the region. Future research can include a wider view of the marine tourism industry and other areas of the Blue Economy.
Skubaduik is 'n gewilde mariene ontspanningsaktiwiteit langs die oos- en suidkus van Afrika. Hierdie streek staan bekend as die Oos-Afrika Mariene Ekostreek (East African Marine Ecoregion, EAME) en is bekend vir sy rykheid aan mariene fauna en flora, insluitende sommige van die Indiese Oseaan se mees diverse en welige koraalrif-ekostelsels, wat dit 'n gewilde bestemming vir skubaduikers maak. Die toekoms van die skubaduikbedryf word bedreig weens die impak van omgewings-, sosiale, politieke en ekonomiese gebeure, en daar is 'n behoefte om beter te verstaan hoe hierdie eksterne risiko's skubaduiktoerisme-besighede in die EAME beïnvloed. Empiriese bewyse suggereer dat eksterne risiko's, internasionaal sowel as plaaslik, 'n invloed op die toerismebedryf as 'n geheel het. Beperkte navorsing is egter gedoen oor die impak van sulke eksterne risiko's op spesifiek die duiktoerisme-bedryf. Bestaande navorsing het ook uitvoerig gefokus op omgewingsrisiko's eerder as hoe eksterne risiko's van 'n politieke, ekonomiese en sosiale aard duik-operateur-volhoubaarheid in die EAME beïnvloed. Die meeste studies het ook gefokus op die aanvraagkant (duikers) in teenstelling met die aanbodkant (duik-operateurs). Verder, omdat duiktoeriste meer buigsaamheid het om hulle bestemming te verander indien risiko's voorkom, bedreig dit die sukses van duik-operateurs in hoë-risiko-gebiede. Om hierdie probleme te hanteer is die primêre doel van die navorsing wat gedoen is om op omvattende wyse die impak van eksterne risiko's (omgewing, ekonomies, sosiaal en polities) op duik-operateurs in vier lande in die EAME te identifiseer uit 'n aanbodkant-perspektief. Om die primêre doelwit te behaal, is die volgende sekondêre doelwitte bereik: 1. Skubaduik-toerisme-operateurs in die EAME en hulle operasionele omvang is geïdentifiseer. 2. Die eksterne risiko's wat die relevantste vir duik-operateurs in die EAME is, is bepaal en hulle vlak van impak is geassesseer. 3. Die individuele eksterne risiko's wat deur elkeen van die lande in die EAME (Kenia, Tanzanië, Mosambiek en Suid-Afrika) ervaar is, is vergelyk deur die gebruik van 'n kruisgeval-analise. 4. Die persepsie van duik-operateurs wat betref of eksterne risiko's 'n duiktoeris se besluit sal beïnvloed om na die duik-operateur se operasionele gebied in die EAME te reis, is geassesseer. Die studie het uit twee fases bestaan. Fase 1 het gestruktureerde onderhoude met 'n geselekteerde groep duik-operateurs behels om insig te kry in die eksterne risiko's wat die algemeenste in die skubaduikbedryf voorkom, en om te help om 'n kwantitatiewe gestruktureerde peiling (fase 2) te ontwikkel, wat gevolglik deur duik-operateurs in Kenia, Tanzanië, Mosambiek en Suid-Afrika voltooi is. Data is ingevoer in SPSS vir kwantitatiewe statistiese analise. Uit die primêre data wat ingesamel is, het die belangrikste bevindings van hierdie studie bepaal dat die huidige ekonomiese en politieke risiko's die grootste impak op duik-operateurs in die EAME het, en daar word verwag dat hierdie tendens sal voortduur. Die omgewingsagteruitgang van koraalriwwe, hoewel dit nie tans as 'n bedreiging beskou word nie, is 'n sleutelbedreiging vir die nabye toekoms. Die grootste invloede wat uitgedruk is as risiko-kategorieë wat 'n invloed op duiktoerisme het, is plaaslike ekonomiese risiko's, internasionale ekonomiese risiko's, plaaslike politieke risiko's en internasionale politieke risiko's. 'n Kruisgeval-analise wat op die vier lande uitgevoer is, het bevind dat eksterne risiko's wisselende uitwerkings binne die verskillende lande het. Laastens het die resultate aangedui dat eksterne risiko's 'n duiktoeris se besluit om na die EAME te reis, aansienlik beïnvloed. Deur die eksterne risiko's te identifiseer en te assesseer wat 'n impak op duik-operateurs in die EAME het, dra hierdie navorsing by tot kennis oor die duiktoerismebedryf in die EAME, asook duiktoerisme verder weg en die wyer veld van toerismebestuur. Die studie se bevindings skep 'n bewustheid van die uitwerking wat eksterne risiko's op duik-operateurs in die streek het. 'n Konseptuele raamwerk is ontwikkel wat eksterne risiko's in die skubaduikbedryf omvat. Risiko-radars, risiko-kaarte en tabelle wat volgens kleur gekodeer is, was verdere uitsette van hierdie studie wat besighede, die gemeenskap en ekonomieë kan help om te reageer op huidige en toekomstige bedreigings en krisisse op 'n meer ingeligte en intuïtiewe manier. Dit kan bereik word deur risikobestuurstrategieë te implementeer om blootstelling aan eksterne risiko's te mitigeer of te verminder; belanghebberbetrokkenheid op die toerismewaardeketting te versterk; en om die behoefte vir regeringsbetrokkenheid by die insluit.
Ho sesa tlasa metsi a lewatle ke mosebetsi o tsebahalang haholo wa boithabiso ba lewatle haufi le mabopo a ka botjhabela le borwa ba Afrika. Sebaka sena se kgethollwa e le lefatshe la bophelo ba mawatle a Afrika Botjhabela (EAME) mme se tsejwa ka leruo la sona la diphoofolo tsa lewatle le dimela, ho kenyelletsa le tse ding tsa diphedi tse fapaneng tsa lewatle la Indian, e leng se etsang hore e be sebaka se tumeng bakeng sa batho ba sesang tlasa lewatle. Bokamoso ba indasteri ya ho tola tlasa lewatle bo kotsing ka lebaka la tshusumetso ya tikoloho, kahisano, dipolotiki le moruo, mme ho na le tlhokahalo ya ho utlwisisa hantle hore dikotsi tsena tsa kantle di ama jwang dikgwebo tsa bothori bo amanang le ho sesa tlasa lewatle EAME (Mabatoweng a Afrika Botjhabela a diphedi tsa mawatle). Bopaki bo hlakileng bo fana ka maikutlo a hore dikotsi tsa kantle, tsa matjhaba le tsa lehae, di na le tshwaetso indastering ya bohahlauli ka kakaretso. Leha ho le jwalo, dipatlisiso tse fokolang di ile tsa etswa mabapi le sefutho sa dikotsi tse jwalo tsa kantle indastering ea bohahlaudi ba ho sesa ka ho kgetheha. Dipatlisiso tse teng di boetse di tsepamisitse maikutlo haholo ka dikotsi tsa tikoloho di sa shebe hore na dikotsi tsa kantle tsa dipolotiki, tsa moruo le tsa kahisano di ama jwang ho tsitsisa tshebetso ho EAME. Diphuputso tse ngata di boetse di tsepame lehlakoreng la tlhokahalo (disesi) ho fapana le lehlakore la diphallelo (batho ba sesang). Ho phaella moo, jwalo ka ha disesi tsa bahahlaudi di ena le maemo a mangata a ho fetola dibaka tsa bona ha ho hlaha dikotsi, sena se senya katleho ya disesi dibakeng tse nang le dikotsi tse ngatanyana. Ho rarolla mathata ana, sepheo se ka sehloohong sa dipatlisiso tse entsweng di ile tsa leka ho lemoha ka ho hlaka sefutho sa dikotsi tsa kantle (tikoloho, moruo, kahisano le dipolotiki) ho disesi dinaheng tse nne tse ka hare ho EAME ho tloha lehlakoreng la phepelo. E le ho finyella sepheo se ka sehloohong, dipheo tse latelang di ile tsa fihlellwa: 1. Ho kgetholla basebeletsi ba bahahlaudi ba ho sesa lebatoweng la EAME le tsela ya tshebetso ya bona. 2. Ho etsa qeto ya dikotsi tse ka ntle tsa bohlokwa ho tsamaisa ba disesi ho EAME le ho hlahloba boemo ba tsona ba tshusumetso. 3. Ho bapiswa dikotsi tse ka ntle tsa naha ka nngwe ho EAME (Kenya, Tanzania, Mozambique le Afrika Borwa) ho sebedisa dintlha tsa ho hlahloba diketsahalo. 4. Hlahloba maikutlo a disesi mabapi le hore na dikotsi tse ka ntle di tla susumetsa qeto ya bahahlaudi ba ho etela sebakeng seo ba sebetsang ho sona ho EAME Thuto e ne e ena le mekgahlelo e mmedi. Mokgahlelo wa 1 o ne o ena le dipuisano tse hlophisitsweng le sehlopha se kgethilweng sa basebetsi ba disesi ho utlwisisa dikotsi tse ka ntle tse atileng haholo indastering ya ho sesa, le ho thusa ho ntlafatsa tlhahlobo e entsweng ka bongata (Phase 2), e ileng ya qetella e phethilwe ke basebetsi ba disesi Kenya, Tanzania, Mozambique le Afrika Borwa. Lesedi le ile la kenngwa ka SPSS bakeng sa tlhahlobo ya dipalopalo. Ho tswa leseding la motheho le bokelletsweng, diphuputso tse kgolo tsa thuto ena di bontshitse hore dikotsi tsa moraorao tsa moruo le tsa lipolotiki di na le tshusumetso e kgolo ho ba sebetsang e le basebetsi ba disesi EAME, mme mokgwa ona o lebeletswe hore o tswele pele. Ho senyeha ha tikoloho ya dimela/diphedi tsa lewatle, ha ho sa nkuweng e le tshoso hona jwale, ke tshoso e ka sehloohong bakeng sa nako e tlang. Tshusumetso e matla ka ho fetisisa e hlalositsweng ka mekgahlelo ya dikotsi tse amang tsela ya ho etela dibaka tsa bohahlaudi ke dikotsi tsa moruo wa lehae, dikotsi tsa matjhaba tsa moruo, dikotsi tsa dipolotiki tsa lehae le dikotsi tsa matjhaba tsa dipolotiki. Phuputso e entsweng dinaheng tse nne e qetile ka hore dikotsi tsa ka ntle di na le diphello tse fapaneng dinaheng tse fapaneng. Qetellong, diphello di bontshitse hore dikotsi tsa ka ntle di susumetsa haholo qeto ya mohahlaudi wa ya sesang tlasa lewatle ho etela EAME. Ka ho kgetholla le ho hlahloba dikotsi tse ka ntle tse nang le tshwaetso basebetsing ba disesi EAME, dipatlisiso tsena di tlatsetsa tsebong lefapheng la bohahlaudi ba ho ho sesa tlasa lewatle dibakeng tsa EAME, ha mmoho le bahahlaudi ba ho sesa ka ho phatlalla tsamaisong ya bohahlaudi. Diphuputso tsa thuto di etsa hore ho be le tlhokomediso ya phello ya ka moo dikotsi tse ka ntle di nang le kameho disesing sebakeng seo. Ho na le moralo o ileng wa etswa o kenyeletsang dikotsi tsa kantle indastering ya ho sesa tlasa lewatle. Diwaelese tse nkgellang dikotsi, dimmapa tsa dikotsi le ditafole tse nang le mebala di ne di boetse di hlahisa thuto ena e ka thusang dikgwebo, setjhaba le moruo ho arabela dikotsing tsa moraorao le tsa nakong e tlang ka ditsela tse rutang le tse nang le tsebo. Sena se ka fihlellwa ka ho kenya tshebetsong maano a tsamaiso ya kotsi bakeng sa ho fokotsa ho pepeseha dikotsing tsa kantle; ho matlafatsa tshebetsong ya bankaseabo motjheng wa bohlokwa wa bohahlaudi; le ho totobatsa tlhokahalo ya ho nka seabo ha mmuso ho sireletsa tikoloho le tshehetso ya kgolo ya dikgwebo tse nyenyane sebakeng seo. Phuputso ya nako e tlang e ka kenyelletsa pono e pharaletseng ya indasteri ya bahahlaudi ba lewatle le dibaka tse ding tsa Blue Economy.
Environmental Sciences
M. Com. (Tourism Management)

This dissertation seeks to explore how the exercise of political power and the music industry impacted each other in South Africa under apartheid during the 1980s. It does so by looking firstly at the ways in which the South African government used music to promote apartheid. Secondly, it looks at the role of South African popular musicians in the struggle against apartheid in the country, specifically their role in civil society and the methods they employed to fight apartheid while avoiding censorship. It looks at key musical developments of the decade and explores their political implications, focusing on three popular genres: bubblegum (or disco), crossover and reggae. Thirdly, it explores the role of South African music and musicians in the struggle against apartheid outside South Africa. Finally, it looks at the role of music in the international anti-apartheid movement and the contribution of the international music community to the struggle.
Political Sciences
M.A. (African Politics)

Text in Afrikaans
Die doel van hierdie studie is om op die liedtekste van die kunstenaars, Bok van Blerk, Fokofpolisiekar, The Buckfever Underground (en Toast Coetzer) en Karen Zoid te fokus en om te bepaal wat hulle funksie in die eietydse Afrikaanse kultuurlandskap is, en wat hulle rol in die definiëring van kulturele identiteit is. In hierdie studie sal daar ook klem gelê word op die sosiopolitieke faktore wat tot die opbloei van die Afrikaanse musiekbedryf gelei het. Deur die analise van dié kunstenaars se lirieke, sal ek vasstel of hulle wel betekenisvolle werk van literêre gehalte lewer. Ek het spesifiek hierdie musikante gekies omdat hulle jong eietydse musikante is.
The purpose of this study is to focus on the song texts of artists, Karen Zoid, Fokofpolisiekar, The Buckfever Underground (and Toast Coetzer) and Bok van Blerk and to determine their function in today’s cultural reality, and whether these musicians and their music have an influence on today’s youth and their search for a Cultural Identity. This study will also focus on the socio-political factors that led to the rise of the Afrikaans Music Industry. By analyzing these artists’ lyrics, I want to determine whether they are significant works of literary quality. These musicians were chosen because they are regarded as young contemporary musicians.
Afrikaans & Theory of Literature
M.A. (Afrikaans)