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1

Nalle, Efraim Semuel, Andy Nabu Sogen, and Lenny Magdalena Tamunu. "The role of parents, schools and society in developing civil society in Senior High School." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 31, no. 2 (June 30, 2018): 218. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v31i22018.218-229.

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A qualitative research study using the phenomenology and cultural method was conducted in SMA Negeri 4, in Kupang. The data collection techniques were observation, interviews, and documentation. The data was obtained from the informants, and then processed and analysed by using interactive model analysis. The results of this study are 1) the lack of an optimal role from parents in building Civil Society; 2) schools embed the concept of society in their students but need to strengthen the students’ character; 3) the Civil Society concept in social life is not implemented properly, and 4) there are some obstacles which result in the absence of good civil society, such as the lack of character education, community high dependency on the government, a lack of facilities in relation to the children’s development at school, a lack of political education and political communication, and the practice of nepotism and interests in relation to social justice. The role of society in building a civil society community is still lacking. This is even though, in terms of tolerance and pluralism, parents and schools are already well implemented. However, the aspects of autonomy, democracy and social justice are not working properly, which turn out to be constraints when it comes to civil society formation.
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2

Kristiana, Maria Dita. "Politics of Law on School Days Policy: Legal Reform on Indonesian Education Policy." Journal of Law and Legal Reform 1, no. 1 (October 15, 2019): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/jllr.v1i1.35405.

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The research is aimed to identify, analyze, and examine concerning to: (1) what is Permendikbud Law No. 23 of 2017 on the political politics of School Days? And (2) how is the implementation of Permendikbud Number 23 of 2017 concerning School Days in Semarang City? The method of this research is qualitative with the type of sociological juridical legal research. The research explored some information through interviews and observation in some schools in Semarang as well as Education Unit in Semarang Government. The research highlighted that the law politics of School Day in Semarang City included the substance of Permendikbud Number 23 of 2017, namely the strengthening of character education at the high school level, provisions on school days and hours, and implementation of school day provisions. The philosophical reasons for five days of schooling are come up from Pancasila values and the opening of the 1945 Constitution to strengthen character or character as the spirit of the national spirit. Juridical purposes for the five-day school policy are sourced from laws and regulations that every child has the right to education, the provision of learning that is democratic and fair and non-discriminatory, as well as the fulfillment of the obligation to total teaching hours for teachers as employees of the state civil apparatus. The research concluded that the implementation of Minister of Education and Culture Regulation No. 23 of 2017 concerning School Days by State High Schools in the City of Semarang is supported by four aspects of communication, disposition, human resources, and bureaucracy.
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Arif, Firman Muhammad. "Nalar Maslahat Dalam Kebijakan Zonasi Dan Penguatan Pendidikan Karakter." IQRO: Journal of Islamic Education 2, no. 1 (October 8, 2019): 39–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.24256/iqro.v2i1.848.

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Zoning Policy and Character Education Strengthening are government policies in the education sector. Zoning policy aims at efforts to restore national education and strengthen character education aimed at developing religious values which then accelerate the strengthening of individual character so that they are able to control themselves and develop noble character in society and nationhood. Mass reasoning contained in the qawa'id fiqhiyyah and usul al-fiqh is used as an instrument to measure the weight of maslahat contained in government education policies. Zoning policies and strengthening character education are considered as media to achieve goals. The mass content contained in the zoning policy shows maximum weight than the mafsadah (something bad or potentially bad). National education arrangement that prioritizes citizenship character has triggered the government to issue a policy to strengthen character education with the maslahat (something good, potentially good) weight with consideration of the sociological, cultural and political aspects of the local government. The manifestation of strengthening character education is full day school allowing it to be applied in urban school areas and vice versa will increase the heavy burden of parents and students in various schools in rural areas so that full day school is not forced but chosen.
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Abibullayeva, D. I. "FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF MUSLIM CHARITABLE SOCIETIES IN THE CRIMEA (IN THE LATE XIX – EARLY XX CENTURY)." Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), no. 1 (2021): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-1-3-18.

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The article is devoted to the formation and development of charitable organizations of the Crimean Tatar people, whose main tasks were to combat poverty and illiteracy among the Muslim population in the Crimea in the second half of the XIX – early XX centuries. The leading role of representatives of the Crimean Tatar intelligentsia in the development of charity is considered, with the help of which issues of an educational social and humanitarian nature, problems in the development of education and culture were solved. During the next meeting of the Tauride nobles in 1893, the well-known public and political figure Ismail Mufti-zade, the idea of the need for the Crimean Muslims to organize a charitable organization was presented. For this purpose, at the same time, 150 rubles were collected between the murzas, which served as the basis of capital. Ismail Mufti-zade drew up the «Charter of the Crimean Charitable Society in Simferopol for helping the Crimean Tatars in need», which was reviewed and signed at the Ministry of Internal Affairs on December 24, 1896. Crimean Charitable Society of Muslims in Moscow In Simferopol, «Dzhemiet Khayrie» was under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Reports of the activities of the charity society after review and approval were sent to all the members of the society, and through the Taurida Governor and Trustee of the Odessa school district, was presented at the interior Ministry and the Ministry of national education. The charity society had its own seal and had the right to acquire and sell its own property on the grounds stipulated by law. According to the «Charter», the purpose of the society was to work in two main directions: social charity and charity education. In the first direction, the Society took care and helped the elderly and sick people from among the Crimean Tatars who were unable to work, and provided them with real material assistance. Russian Russian-Tatar schools, Russian classes at the existing mekteb and madrasahs, and placement of orphans and the poorest children in vocational schools were opened with the proper permission of the charity organization of the Crimean Tatars in the second direction. According to the «Charter», members of this society could be persons of both sexes, of all classes and ranks, except for underage students who were tainted by the court. The members of the society were divided into several categories: honorary members, full members of the society. The activities of the Muslim charity society in Simferopol are reflected in the reports of general meetings of different cities, which consider the positive aspects and shortcomings in the work of the society. At the beginning of the XX century. Charitable societies of Crimean Tatars were established in other cities of the Crimea: Yalta, Bakhchisarai, Kerch, Yevpatoria, Karasubazar, whose activities were aimed at solving social and humanitarian educational problems. With the beginning of the First World War, the financial situation of the Society deteriorated significantly, however, the needy Crimean Tatars continued to help receive financial assistance until 1920. With the establishment of Soviet power in the Crimea, charitable societies ceased to exist. The history of the creation and development of Muslim charitable societies in the Crimea is worthy of deep scientific research.
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Oliveira, Gilson de Sousa, Catarina Angélica Antunes da Silva, and Tânia Serra Azul Machado Bezerra. "EDUCAÇÃO PROFISSIONAL DE NÍVEL TÉCNICO INTEGRADA AO ENSINO MÉDIO: uma análise das escolas profissionalizantes do estado do Ceará." Revista Labor 1, no. 17 (July 31, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.29148/labor.v1i17.11897.

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O presente texto, de caráter bibliográfico e documental, traça um panorama geral da educação profissional brasileira e analisa, de modo especial, a perspectiva de educação integral, inaugurada com a promulgação do Decreto nº 5.154/04, que culminou na criação da rede de escolas profissionalizantes do estado do Ceará, a partir de 2008. Trata-se de uma investigação qualitativa, baseadas em documentos oficiais e em estudos que historiciza essa problemática, considerando, sobretudo os aspectos políticos, culturais e socioeconômicos envolvidos no processo, os quais adotam a epistemologia dialética. Identificou-se que, apesar da possibilidade de oferta de uma educação integral, do tipo politécnica e tecnológica inaugurada com este decreto, o ensino desenvolvido nestas unidades escolares tangencia esta perspectiva, priorizando, assim como no passado, as demandas do mercado de trabalho.PROFESSIONAL EDUCATION LEVEL TECHNICAL INTEGRATED TO HIGH SCHOOLThis text, bibliographic and documentary character, traces an overview of the Brazilian professional education and analyzes, in particular, the prospect of comprehensive education, inaugurated with the promulgation of Decree No. 5.154 / 04, which resulted in the creation of the network of schools professionalizing the state of Ceará, from 2008. this is a qualitative research, based on official documents and studies that historicizes this problem, considering especially the political, cultural and socio-economic aspects of the process, which adopt the epistemology dialectic. It was found that, despite the possibility of offering an integral education, polytechnic and technological type inaugurated with this decree, the school developed these school units tangency this perspective, priority, as in the past, the demands of the labor market. KEY - WORDS: Secondary - Vocational Education - Public Policy
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Nisar Ul Haq, Muhammad, Obaid Ullah, and Muhammad Nisar. "Impact of Corporal Punishment on the Students Drop Out at Primary Level." Global Regional Review IV, no. I (March 30, 2019): 473–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2019(iv-i).51.

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The research is focused on students, covering aspects of social, cultural, educational, psychological, political and legal, and medical effects of corporal punishment implications. The research main goal was to find out the impact of corporal punishment on the primary dropout point of the students. The research population included all of the primary schools of Gilgit Baltistan. The average sample size of the students was 100. The study participants were interviewed by questionnaire and interview scheduled for students, teachers and parents. The data were analyzed by calculating the frequency and percentage, respectively. Corporal punishment was found as an obstacle for the development of a healthy teacher-student relationship: it affects student character, increases dropout rate, hinder the learning environment, create frustration for teachers, decrease interest in research and encourage students to do so.
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7

Föllmer, Moritz. "Suicide and Crisis in Weimar Berlin." Central European History 42, no. 2 (May 15, 2009): 195–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938909000284.

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The linkage of suicide and crisis was a prominent feature of Weimar Germany's cultural landscape. In films as different as Bertolt Brecht and Slatan Dudow'sKuhle Wampeor Walter Ruttmann'sBerlin: Symphony of a Big City, suicide appears as a reaction to the darker aspects of urban modernity: an individual's answer to capitalist exploitation or personal drama in an otherwise smoothly functioning metropolis. In a number of contemporary novels the possibility of a suicide is disturbingly present. In Vicki Baum'sGrand Hotel, one character asks himself, “My God, does everyone now have his tea cup of veronal ready?” Tales of suicide also surfaced in the tabloid press which presented them as human interest stories. Partisan papers supported their respective stances by tying individual actions to political narratives, a strategy pursued by both Nazis and Communists as well as liberal reformers. Even schools' reports on pupils who had taken their own lives and farewell notes themselves echoed a general feeling that suicide was a sign of the times.
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8

Paino, Maria, Rebecca L. Boylan, and Linda A. Renzulli. "The Closing Door." Sociological Perspectives 60, no. 4 (October 26, 2016): 747–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121416674948.

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Charter schools are promoted by policy makers and advocates as a way to reduce educational inequality. Charter schools tend to enroll higher proportions of black students than do traditional public schools. However, the accountability function of charter schools means that these schools are also more likely to close than traditional public schools. A high incidence of closure can lead to educational instability with students moving in and out of charter schools and traditional schools. We use critical race theory to build on prior work, examining the factors that may promote or constrain charter school closure. Specifically, we ask, how do the racial demographics of a charter school affect its likelihood of closure? Our findings reveal that as the proportion of black students in a charter school increases, so too does its likelihood of closings. Our work suggests that the promotion of charter schools as avenues of racial equity may be misleading.
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9

Petrillo, Giovanna. "Promozione della salute e del benessere degli adolescenti nel contesto scolastico." PSICOLOGIA DELLA SALUTE, no. 3 (March 2009): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pds2008-003006.

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- Health and well-being have been separated for a long time from other aspects of school life and only recently they have been considered as the main objectives of health promotion educational programmes. Even in Italy, the recommendations by international charters on human health and the stimulation coming mainly from other European countries and the United States have resulted in a flourishing of initiatives on Health Education, involving different type and level schools. This was made possible through a profound political and cultural change, which have initiated for a long time in our country. This change took the interest in the development of child and adolescent as a priority in education and considered these subjects as legitimate holders of the right and duty to health and active players in the process of personal and social growth. Approaching to health and well-being of adolescents in the perspective of Social Psychology and Community Psychology, by addressing issues crossing different realities, categories and social conditions, contributes greatly to develop a more general reflection on the challenges posed by health promotion in the structure of society. This approach has criticized a medical and sectoral vision, and has gradually become more integrated and complex, assuming a bio-psycho-social perspective which deems extremely important the interdependence between different levels of health, between the individual and social components of well-being, among different subjects, between different contexts objectively and subjectively significant in this regard. Key words: health promotion; psycho-social well-being; adolescence; school setting.
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10

Gleason, Philip M. "CHARTER SCHOOLS’ SYSTEMIC EFFECTS." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 38, no. 4 (August 6, 2019): 1071–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pam.22164.

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11

Grosskopf, Shawna, Kathy J. Hayes, and Lori L. Taylor. "THE RELATIVE EFFICIENCY OF CHARTER SCHOOLS." Annals of Public and Cooperative Economics 80, no. 1 (March 2009): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8292.2008.00381.x.

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12

RENZULLI, LINDA A., and LORRAINE EVANS. "School Choice, Charter Schools, and White Flight." Social Problems 52, no. 3 (August 2005): 398–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sp.2005.52.3.398.

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13

Frankenberg, Erica, Genevieve Siegel-Hawley, and Jia Wang. "Choice without Equity: Charter School Segregation." education policy analysis archives 19 (January 10, 2011): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.v19n1.2011.

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The political popularity of charter schools is unmistakable. This article explores the relationship between charter schools and segregation across the country, in 40 states, the District of Columbia, and several dozen metropolitan areas with large enrollments of charter school students in 2007-08. The descriptive analysis of the charter school enrollment is aimed at understanding the enrollment and characteristics of charter school students and the extent to which charter school students are segregated, including how charter school segregation compare to students in traditional public schools. This article examines these questions at different levels, aggregating school-level enrollment to explore patterns among metropolitan areas, states, and the nation using three national datasets. Our findings suggest that charters currently isolate students by race and class. This analysis of recent data finds that charter schools are more racially isolated than traditional public schools in virtually every state and large metropolitan area in the nation. In some regions, white students are over-represented in charter schools while in other charter schools, minority students have little exposure to white students. Data about the extent to which charter schools serve low-income and English learner students is incomplete, but suggest that a substantial share of charter schools may not enroll such students. As charters represent an increasing share of our public schools, they influence the level of segregation experienced by all of our nation’s school children. After two decades, the promise of charter schools to use choice to foster integration and equality in American education has not yet been realized.
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Teresa, Benjamin F., and Ryan M. Good. "Speculative Charter School Growth in the Case of UNO Charter School Network in Chicago." Urban Affairs Review 54, no. 6 (April 16, 2017): 1107–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087417703487.

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Charter school advocates see the infusion of market competition into the educational sector as a means to achieving greater efficiency, effectiveness, and equity. Within this framework, consumer demand is understood to regulate the charter sector. This article challenges the adequacy of this premise, arguing that the structure of the financing of charter schools plays a decisive, if not determining, role in directing growth. Drawing on an analysis of the financing that enabled the dramatic growth of the UNO Charter School Network (UCSN) in Chicago during the 2000s, the article explores the implications of speculative borrowing and spiraling debt burdens on charter schools and on the functioning of the charter sector more broadly. The analysis reveals that (1) new debt was increasingly used to retire existing debt, (2) the structure of new financing assumed continued growth, and (3) schools within the network were yoked together as revenue from existing—and anticipated—schools was pledged to repay new debt.
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Holyoke, Thomas T., Jeffrey R. Henig, Heath Brown, and Natalie Lacireno-Paquet. "Institution Advocacy and the Political Behavior of Charter Schools." Political Research Quarterly 60, no. 2 (June 2007): 202–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912907301808.

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BARENDT, ERIC. "LEGAL ASPECTS OF BBC CHARTER RENEWAL." Political Quarterly 65, no. 1 (January 1994): 20–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.1994.tb00387.x.

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Haber, Jaren R. "Sorting Schools: A Computational Analysis of Charter School Identities and Stratification." Sociology of Education 94, no. 1 (September 1, 2020): 43–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038040720953218.

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Research shows charter schools are more segregated by race and class than are traditional public schools. I investigate an underexamined mechanism for this segregation: Charter schools project identities corresponding to parents’ race- and class-specific parenting styles and educational values. I use computational text analysis to detect the emphasis on inquiry-based learning in the websites of all charter schools operating in 2015–16. I then estimate mixed linear regression models to test the relationships between ideological emphasis and school- and district-level poverty and ethnicity. I thereby transcend methodological problems in scholarship on charter school identities by collecting contemporary, populationwide data and by blending text analysis with hypothesis testing. Findings suggest charter school identities are both race and class specific, outlining a new mechanism by which school choice may consolidate parents by race and class—and paving the way for behavioral and longitudinal studies. This project contributes to literatures on school choice and educational stratification.
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Cohodes, Sarah. "Charter Schools and the Achievement Gap." Future of Children 1000, no. 1 (2018): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/foc.2018.0008.

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Welsh, Richard O., Sheneka Williams, Shafiqua Little, and Jerome Graham. "Right Cause, Wrong Method? Examining the Politics of State Takeover in Georgia." Urban Affairs Review 55, no. 3 (July 6, 2017): 703–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087417714061.

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A growing number of states are using state-run school districts to take over and improve persistently underperforming schools. This article uses Georgia to examine the politics of state takeover. We analyze the supporting and opposing coalitions as well as the alignment between state takeover and charter schools in the campaign for the constitutional amendment to create a statewide turnaround district. Our findings show that corporate interests, the governor, and nonprofit organizations supported state takeover, whereas educators, parents, and community organizations opposed state takeover. There was bipartisan support across coalitions and a crisscrossing of interests regarding local control and the path to school improvement. There are divergent views on charter schools, with supporters of state takeover favoring charter schools.
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Edwards Jr., D. Brent, David DeMatthews, and Hilary Hartley. "Public-private partnerships, accountability, and competition: Theory versus reality in the charter schools of Bogotá, Colombia." education policy analysis archives 25 (February 13, 2017): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.25.2556.

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While charter schools are among the most prevalent public-private partnerships in the education sector, they are frequently only assessed by measuring outputs such as enrollment and test scores. In contrast, this article assesses the logic model behind charter schools, specifically the mechanisms of accountability and competition, through a study of the Concession Schools in Bogotá, Colombia, using a realist evaluation methodology. Despite the program’s success in increasing access in marginalized areas, findings indicate that accountability and competition were hindered in practice—because of insufficient choice for parents and other unique organizational and political factors. For example, particular issues emerged that influenced the availability of viable charter operators to open and manage schools while political orientations, political shifts, and evaluation design issues affected the charter authorizer’s ability to monitor, assess, and hold charters accountable. Successfully operationalizing public-private partnerships requires that the mechanisms underlying each link in the policy theory are carefully designed and supported, that they directly connect, and that the functioning of one does not adversely impact the others—a difficult task given the dynamic and sensitive nature of such mechanisms and the imperfect world of educational reform. The article concludes by reflecting on a number of issues, including charter school exit from the market, the need for accountability of charter authorizers themselves, the increasing political clout of charter management organizations and their allies, and the ways that these actors circumvent or avoid public accountability.
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Cook, Jason B., Vladimir Kogan, Stéphane Lavertu, and Zachary Peskowitz. "Government Privatization and Political Participation: The Case of Charter Schools." Journal of Politics 82, no. 1 (January 2020): 300–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/705818.

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Loveless, Tom, and Claudia Jasin. "Starting from Scratch: Political and Organizational Challenges Facing Charter Schools." Educational Administration Quarterly 34, no. 1 (February 1998): 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0013161x98034001003.

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Ladd, Helen F. "HOW CHARTER SCHOOLS THREATEN THE PUBLIC INTEREST." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 38, no. 4 (August 6, 2019): 1063–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pam.22163.

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Akimkin, Olexandr. "DEVELOPMENT OF PRIVATE EDUCATION IN UKRAINE: SECOND HALF OF XIX-EARLY XX CENTURY." PEDAGOGY AND EDUCATION MANAGEMENT REVIEW, no. 1 (October 21, 2020): 4–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.36690/2733-2039-2020-1-4.

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The article reveals the leading factors in the development of private education in Ukraine in the second half of the XIX - early XX century. It was found that the second half of XIX - early XX century becomes a period not only of social, scientific, national revival, but also a period of rapid development of private education. The purpose of the article is to reveal the leading factors in the development of private education in Ukraine in the second half of the XIX - early XX century. The historical-logical method made it possible to determine the socio-political and social features of social development and their impact on the development of private education in Ukraine in this historical period; constructive-genetic method made it possible to determine the socio-historical and cultural-pedagogical prerequisites for the development of private education in Ukraine in the second half of the XIX - early XX century and others. The leading area of implementation of pedagogical innovations in this period was a private school, which was explained by the strict legal regulation of the state educational system and at the same time the lack of real steps by the government to modernize it. The key innovations of the pedagogical concept in the innovative activities of a private institution were: the priority of the pupil's personality, the integration of family and school, increasing the requirements for the teacher, who must act as the personification of an active and creative personality. It is established that the leading factors in the development of private education in Ukraine in the second half of the XIX - early XX century were: the presence of legislative regulation of private education; establishment of public-state character of organizational bases of their activity; manifestation of public initiative in the opening of private educational institutions; taking into account in the organizational and substantive aspects of the activities of private schools the social and economic needs of the country's development.
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Roch, Christine H., and David W. Pitts. "Differing Effects of Representative Bureaucracy in Charter Schools and Traditional Public Schools." American Review of Public Administration 42, no. 3 (May 2, 2011): 282–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0275074011400404.

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Powers, Jeanne M., and Amanda U. Potterton. "The rich get richer: Inequalities in public school tax credit donations to charter schools in Arizona." Policy Futures in Education 17, no. 2 (August 16, 2018): 246–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478210318790602.

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In Arizona, individuals can receive a tax credit of up to US$200 per individual taxpayer for donations to public schools. We analyze public school tax credit donations to charter schools and document inequalities in the distribution of donations associated with the percentages of more advantaged students charter schools serve. The differences in donations may be partially attributable to parents’ ability to invest in their children and the extent to which schools actively solicit donations. These dynamics suggest a Matthew effect of cumulative advantage among Arizona’s charter schools. We discuss our findings in relation to a legislative proposal to change the public school tax credit program, the current political environment in Arizona, and in the context of a more transformative social change.
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Renzulli, Linda A., and Vincent J. Roscigno. "Charter School Policy, Implementation, and Diffusion Across the United States." Sociology of Education 78, no. 4 (October 2005): 344–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003804070507800404.

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This article applies theoretical and empirical insights on diffusion to a contemporary, important, and striking case in point: the groundswell of state legislation on and implementation of charter schools over the past decade. Drawing from several data sources and using event-history analyses, competing risks, and random-effects negative binomial regression, the analyses examine how interstate dynamics and intrastate attributes affect the adoption of legislation on and the creation of charter schools within states. The findings reveal a strong mimetic tendency among adjacent states to adopt charter school legislation and regional similarities in the creation of charter schools. Internal attributes of states, such as competition between the private and public school sectors, the relative strength of teachers' unions, the presence of racial competition, urbanization, and political party dominance likewise play a role, depending on whether the analytic focus is on the adoption of legislation or the implementation of policy. The authors conclude by discussing the implications of the results for understanding the forces underlying innovation and change in educational policy.
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Nairn, Karen, Vivienne Anderson, and Keely Blanch. "Future teachers debate charter schools on Facebook: analysing their political subjectivities." Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education 39, no. 1 (September 3, 2016): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01596306.2016.1228045.

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Henig, Jeffrey R., Thomas T. Holyoke, Natalie Lacireno-Paquet, and Michele Moser. "Privatization, Politics, and Urban Services: The Political Behavior of Charter Schools." Journal of Urban Affairs 25, no. 1 (February 2003): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9906.00004.

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Wronowski, Meredith L. "Beacon Charter School Needs a School: A Case of Capital Outlay of Charters in a Public District." Journal of Cases in Educational Leadership 20, no. 3 (July 26, 2017): 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1555458917701525.

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The case study presented below is a representation of a real-world, ongoing situation involving a public school district’s capital outlay for charter schools within its boundaries. One particular charter, Beacon Charter School, was promised a permanent building by the public school district that also acts as its authorizer. However, recent events have created a statewide revenue failure which has, in return, caused a dramatic decrease in the school district’s available funds. The school district leadership must decide whether they can still provide school facilities to Beacon Charter School. To complicate matters, the political climate surrounding the district’s 12 charter schools has become increasingly contentious. This case study provides ample material for discussion as well as suggests guiding questions and activities.
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Buddin, Richard, and Ron Zimmer. "Student achievement in charter schools: A complex picture." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 24, no. 2 (2005): 351–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pam.20093.

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Bohte, John. "Examining the Impact of Charter Schools on Performance in Traditional Public Schools." Policy Studies Journal 32, no. 4 (November 2004): 501–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1541-0072.2004.00078.x.

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Arapis, Theodore, and Sean Brandon. "Charter Schools Have Rainy Days Too! But Are They Ready for When It Pours?" American Review of Public Administration 51, no. 7 (May 10, 2021): 560–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02750740211013013.

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Nearly 30 years since their inception in the United States, charter schools are now a well-established educational option for parents and students. Although they are an important education provider schooling more than 3.1 million students nationwide, we know little about their ability to accumulate fiscal savings for weathering rainy days and sustaining smooth service. Unlike most other fiscal savings studies focusing on the unrestricted fund balance, we examine both restricted and unrestricted fund balances across Pennsylvania charter schools, this study’s unit of analysis. Using a Newey-West regression and data spanning the years 2011–2019, we show that charter schools consider all fund balance classifications when making savings decisions; albeit the unrestricted was their primary savings vehicle. Given their limited revenue portfolio, they are left with only a few options for accumulating fiscal savings. Surplus from tuition payments and additional revenues from private funding sources appear as main fund balance boosters. Surprisingly, special education enrollment significantly increases the unrestricted fund balance, a finding that requires further attention from legislators and policy makers. Concerns are also raised about participation in the state pension system as it absorbs a significant amount of slack that otherwise could be used for other purposes. Overall, most charter schools retain inadequate fiscal savings not capable of insulating their operation from revenue volatility and other contingencies. Statutory fund balance minimums and the adoption of formal fund balance policies articulating how savings are accumulated, used, and replenished should, therefore, be considered.
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GILL, BRIAN, EMILYN RUBLE WHITESELL, SEAN P. CORCORAN, CHARLES TILLEY, MARIEL FINUCANE, and LIZ POTAMITES. "Can Charter Schools Boost Civic Participation? The Impact of Democracy Prep Public Schools on Voting Behavior." American Political Science Review 114, no. 4 (August 5, 2020): 1386–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305542000057x.

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Becker, Natalie Crow, Peter W. Cookson, and Kristina Berger. "Expect Miracles: Charter Schools and the Politics of Hope and Despair." Contemporary Sociology 32, no. 5 (September 2003): 641. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1556519.

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36

Johnston, Joseph B. "Educational Ecosystems and Charter Policy Development in the United States." Sociological Perspectives 60, no. 4 (December 17, 2016): 768–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121416683161.

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Why have charter schools been embraced as an urban educational solution in many metropolitan areas, but not in others? I develop a theoretical framework whereby the “educational ecosystem” of metropolitan areas—formed through the social geography of school district boundaries and school integration plans—supplement existing perspectives, thereby aiding in the understanding of policy adoption variability. I provide an initial test to the theoretical framework through a case study of a metropolitan hub that continues to have no charter schools: Louisville, Kentucky. I demonstrate how Louisville’s particular urban educational ecosystem, which diverges from the overall national pattern of racially and socioeconomically isolated urban systems, transformed the perceptions of the urban district and shaped the battles over an otherwise nationally popular school reform.
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Lamboy, Lily, and Amanda Lu. "The pursuit of college for all: Ends and means in ‘no excuses’ charter schools." Theory and Research in Education 15, no. 2 (June 30, 2017): 202–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1477878517716443.

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In recent years, ‘No Excuses’ charter schools have been hailed as a promising solution to closing the ‘achievement gap’ between low-income students of color and their high-income White peers. These schools, which have the explicit goal of college completion for all, measure success in terms of standardized test performance and college acceptance rates. Schools use rigid instructional and disciplinary practices to achieve success along these dimensions. And they are broadly successful, boasting test scores and college acceptance rates that are higher than average for the students they serve. For this reason, No Excuses schools are proliferating rapidly, dominating the educational landscape in low-income minority-serving urban districts. In this article, we argue that a focus on these standardized test performance and college acceptance drives schools to participate in practices that may impede other essential aspects of student learning and development. We outline a research agenda for social scientists, philosophers, and policymakers interested in evaluating the holistic success of these schools. We focus on four key components: the goal of college-for-all itself and its effects on student outcomes, instructional practices geared toward success on standardized exams, disciplinary practices that demand rigid physical and psychological conformity and punish minor infractions, and teacher practices that traumatize students and/or fail to meet the needs of students who encounter significant trauma in their homes and neighborhoods. We conclude that more information is needed before reformers can embrace No Excuses schools as a mechanism for eradicating inequality and promoting educational and psychosocial growth for students in poor communities of color. This research agenda is urgent as No Excuses charter networks are growing rapidly, and we urge policymakers and social scientists to take this task seriously before continuing to charter these schools wholesale.
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Gleason, Philip M. "LET THE SEARCH CONTINUE: CHARTER SCHOOLS AND THE PUBLIC INTEREST." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 38, no. 4 (August 6, 2019): 1054–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pam.22162.

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Ladd, Helen F. "EXPERIMENTATION FALLS SHORT AS A JUSTIFICATION FOR MORE CHARTER SCHOOLS." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 38, no. 4 (August 6, 2019): 1074–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pam.22165.

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Oeur, Freeden. "The Respectable Brotherhood: Young Black Men in an All-boys Charter High School." Sociological Perspectives 60, no. 6 (April 27, 2017): 1063–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121417706071.

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Neoliberal public school reform has revitalized efforts to open unique all-male schools for black boys. Existing research stresses how these black male academies nurture resilience but has failed to examine what makes these schools distinctive. Drawing on one year of ethnographic research, this article demonstrates how Northside Academy, an all-male charter high school, built a respectable brotherhood. Modeled after elite all-male institutions, Northside’s classics curriculum and professional uniform marked its young men as having disciplined minds and bodies, destined for college and a middle-class future. Yet to maintain legitimacy within a competitive environment, the school community drew moral boundaries between its exceptional young men and those delinquent boys most in crisis. This engaged a respectability politics where upwardly mobile black men reject their more marginalized peers for failing to reform their character. This study’s findings extend knowledge of single-sex public schools and of the impact of increased competition under neoliberalism.
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Renzulli, Linda A. "Organizational Environments and the Emergence of Charter Schools in the United States." Sociology of Education 78, no. 1 (January 2005): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003804070507800101.

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42

Addo, Michael K. "Political Self Determination Within the Context of the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights." Journal of African Law 32, no. 2 (1988): 182–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300010718.

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In 1981, after nearly three years of drafting and deliberations, the Assembly of Heads of States and Governments of the Organisation of African Unity (O.A.U.) at its 18th Session adopted a regional human rights instrument— The African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights. Recent documentation indicate that an adequate number of ratifications have been received to bring the Charter into force. There has so far however not been any test of its provisions. Nevertheless this article will be devoted to a legal examination and in other ways to a speculative analysis of an aspect of one of the human and/or peoples' rights sought to be guaranteed in the Charter—the right to political self determination. This of course means that the very narrow scope of this paper will hardly touch on the economic aspects of self determination, which is also provided for in the Charter.
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Kubiak, Anthony. "Virtual Faith." Theatre Survey 47, no. 2 (September 12, 2006): 271–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557406000251.

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The recent rubs and resistances within the various flows of religious thought and practice in American culture and politics have become near clichés. The impact of right-wing religions on government and cultural policies has been well noted, as have the concomitant attempts to keep religion of all kinds out of politics entirely. Meanwhile, the problematic status of Islam both locally and globally has become a continuous topic of debate, as have the debates over creationism and so-called intelligent design in American schools. These high-profile debates have in turn eclipsed the suspicions of academic leftist thought regarding religious questions of any sort, and this has in turn resulted in an entrenchment of theory—especially political theory—into a kind of religiosity of its own, while various forms of revivalism have signaled the mutation of faith into dogma, most recently the dogma of moderation. Each of these issues, apart from its intrinsic importance and currency, speaks to the practice of religion as a fundamentally philosophical problem of appearances that continues to emerge as a first cause of politics and of culture. The status of religion as a uniquely performative issue will, I think, occupy theorists over the coming years. Indeed, I suggest here that the thinking through of religion and spirituality will necessarily take place along the ontologic fault lines not just of performance but of theatre itself, and will come to delineate the important differences between performance and theatre. Finally, the reappraisal of religion as an ontologically charged theatricality will move into areas far afield from normative spirituality: cyberreligions and technoshamanism, chaos magic and the new alchemies, rave culture and other varieties of hyperinduced trance states.1 Although the focus in these newer forms of performance is almost exclusively on music, sound, and movement, the ultimate goal is the created intensity of a shared performative experience framed by theatrical perception: Artaud is the genius cited by nearly all of the authors of these phenomena. One larger suggestion here, in fact, is the moribund state of current theory, which sees dance culture (techno, hip-hop, electronica, rave), when it sees it at all, almost exclusively in cultural and political terms, ignoring the ecstatic, trance, and transformative aspects of DJ culture at large.2
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44

Hejazziey, Djawahir. "Political Aspects of Shari’a Banking Law in Indonesia." JURNAL INDO-ISLAMIKA 2, no. 1 (June 20, 2012): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/idi.v2i1.1659.

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This article discusses the history of the establishment of Islamic banking in Indonesia. The author examines the derivers of their establishment and argues that, aside other aspects, political aspects give contribution to the establishment of the Islamic banking. He describes a number of evidences of how politics play an important role in the success of their establishment; one of those proofs is the economic and political Islam interdependence which can be read in the idea of ​​Indonesian Muslims on establishing Islamic banks, which is influenced by political content. At the beginning, the relationship between Muslims and the New Order was covered with suspicions and prejudices. The rulers of the New Order in the 1970's were still suspicious of the idea on the establishment of an Islamic state or the realization of the Jakarta Charter. Until recent days, the idea is still debated.
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45

Urbaniok, F. "Zurich Victim Protection Charter." European Psychiatry 24, S1 (January 2009): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0924-9338(09)70516-4.

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Every person has the right to not become a victim of violent or sex offenses.There is neither absolute certainty, nor “the solution” when dealing with violent and sex offenders. A society has many options for lowering the risks and for protecting its citizens. The focus on aspects of prevention in handling offenders plays a central role. Unfortunately, many countries show sizable deficits in areas of prevention:•No effective, social lobby for subjects on victim protection.•Political discussions are often characterized by ideologies and follow stereotypical rightist-leftist-schemata.•For legal- dogmatic reasons, the principle of prevention is treated subordinate to that of guilt.•This is where the Zurich Victim Protection Charter comes into play.The Charter formulates 10 principles regarding prevention and victim protection. It's a statement against violent and sex offenses, but not against offenders. It pleads for a pragmatic strategy in dealing with offenses, offenders and risks. It demands adequate consideration of the rights and needs of (potential) victims.The charter was formulated in Zurich in 2008 and has recently been posted on the internet with the aim of collecting enough signatures to give it political weight.The initiators are convinced that subjects on victim protection can gain (social) political majorities and that the focus on prevention during criminal proceedings and correctional practices must receive the same status as the guilt principle. This is the central demand of the Zurich Victim Protection Charter, the contents and goals of which will be presented.
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Stahl, Garth. "Critiquing the corporeal curriculum: body pedagogies in ‘no excuses’ charter schools." Journal of Youth Studies 23, no. 10 (October 10, 2019): 1330–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13676261.2019.1671582.

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47

Goodridge, Shane. "Tracing the Historical DNA and Unlikely Alliances of the American Charter School Movement." Journal of Policy History 31, no. 2 (April 2019): 273–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030619000058.

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Abstract:More than three million children in the United States are currently enrolled in charter schools, with increasing enrollments despite strong evidence of academic gains. This historical analysis moves beyond a focus on academic outcomes and traces the success of the charter school movement, in part, to the foundational premise of restoring agency to educational stakeholders. State-mandated schooling was a counterintuitive feature of American policy that chafed against the founding ideals of the Republic and gradually engendered resentment among mostly white conservatives. Concurrently, in the aftermath ofBrown,factions of African American policymakers began to look for equitable educational alternatives. The unlikely alliance of these two antithetical constituencies resulted in the creation of a unique—albeit fragile—coalition and the passing of the Milwaukee Parental Choice Program and paved the way for the nation’s inaugural charter school policy passed in Minnesota in 1991.
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48

Stoddard, Christiana, and Sean P. Corcoran. "The political economy of school choice: Support for charter schools across states and school districts." Journal of Urban Economics 62, no. 1 (July 2007): 27–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jue.2006.08.006.

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49

Carter, Mark. "The Constitutional Validity of the Corporal Punishment Defence in Canada: A Critical Analysis of Canadian Foundation for Children, Youth and the Law Versus Canada (Attorney General)." International Review of Victimology 12, no. 2 (May 2005): 189–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026975800501200205.

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In Canadian Foundation for Children, Youth and the Law Versus Canada the Supreme Court rejected the Foundation's arguments that the corporal punishment defence denies children rights that are guaranteed to them under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The author argues that among the unfortunate aspects of the Court's decision is the extent to which it identifies the perpetrators of violence against children, rather than the children themselves, as the most deserving recipients of concern about victimization in the debate over the retention of the corporal punishment defence. By failing to extend basic human rights protections to our most vulnerable citizens, the Foundation decision raises troubling questions about the effectiveness of the Charter and the relationship of Charter litigation to other law reform strategies.
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Shober, Arnold F., Paul Manna, and John F. Witte. "Flexibility Meets Accountability: State Charter School Laws and Their Influence on the Formation of Charter Schools in the United States." Policy Studies Journal 34, no. 4 (November 2006): 563–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1541-0072.2006.00191.x.

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