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Maume, Patrick. "Aspects of Irish nationalist political culture 1900-18." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.286776.
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Cordiner, Tom Stuart. "Zionism and aspects of British political culture since 1945." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648164.
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Gandhi, Ashu. "Some aspects of political culture and political development in India and Pakistan, a comparative study." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq24586.pdf.
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El-Rayes, Waseem. "The political aspects of Ibn Khaldun's study of culture and history." College Park, Md.: University of Maryland, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/8529.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2008.Thesis research directed by: Dept. of Government and Politics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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莫詠儀 and Wing-yee Heronie Mok. "De-institutionalizing culture: a study of there-institutionalization of the cultural apparatuses of Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31966937.
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Boberg, Per. "Translating Political Text : Cultural and Stylistic Aspects of Translating the American Republican Party's 2004 Political Platform." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Humanities, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-2375.
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The present paper discusses the cultural and stylistic issues in the translation of a part of the 2004 Republican Party Platform. Political text in American English and Swedish is in focus, and translation examples are accounted for and categorised according to Vinay & Darbelnet’s (1995) system theory of translation procedures. The conclusion is that cultural issues caused fewer problems than stylistic ones when the Republican Party Platform 2004 was translated.
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宮翠棉 and Chui-min Koon. "The politics of popular culture: a study of aHong Kong comic strip, McMug." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B43894884.
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Lutes, Todd Oakley. "Shipwreck and deliverance: Modernity and political culture in Latin American literature." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/187249.
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This study examines the political theory of modernity as it appears in the work of contemporary Latin American writers and thinkers (pensadores). It is designed to help bridge the gap that separates the North American and European dialogue on modernity from the parallel dialogue on modernity currently flourishing in Latin America. The dialogues are brought together in two ways. First, the theory of modernity, which is still often thought to apply only or primarily to the developed world, is subjected to the challenge of the Latin American political and cultural context. Many features of the theory are found to apply equally well to both cultures, and these features provide the basis for the second "bridging" of the two dialogues, in which some of the most interesting Latin American responses to the problems of modernity are brought to the attention of North American and European political scholars. After reviewing the problem of modernity in some depth, the work of Jose Ortega y Gasset is presented both as a link to German philosophical thought and as a pattern for subsequent discussion of modernity in the Spanish-speaking world. Ortega's uniquely Latin way of understanding modernity is then compared to other philosophical approaches, and placed within the context of political literature in Latin America. Literature is shown to be a uniquely suitable forum for conveying Ortega's approach to modernity because it expresses in itself the central role of arts and culture in his political thought. The balance of the study focuses on the works of three contemporary Latin American authors: Octavio Paz of Mexico, Gabriel Garcia Marquez of Colombia, and Mario Vargas Llosa of Peru. Each author's major works are placed within the context of the model Latin American response to modernity inspired by Ortega and analyzed for significant contributions to the discussion of modernity. Their most important insights center around the need to assimilate the value of tradition in a new approach to modernity by means of some form of democratic dialogue combined with critical appreciation for the cultural uniqueness of nations.
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Johansson, Cecilia. "Cultural Aspects and Terminology : A Translation Study of three Political Articles." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för språk och litteratur, SOL, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-12730.
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This study focuses on the translation from English to Swedish of three political articles published in The Economist. The aim was to analyze problems that can occur, and strategies that can be used when translating cultural aspects in the form of proper nouns and political correctness as well as political terminology. The study began by translating the texts mentioned above. The potential areas of special interest in the analysis were also identified. During the translation process, dictionaries, parallel texts and Statsvetenskapligt Lexikon proved particularly helpful along with various Internet searches. Theoretical strategies were also consulted and Vinay and Darbelnet’s (V & D in Munday 2008) theories and procedures proved useful. The strategies discussed by Ingo (1991 and 2007) were also applied to a great extent. The results showed that Vinay and Darbelnet’s procedure of borrowing along with Ingo’s strategy of adaption were most useful for translating proper nouns and political terminology. To use parallel texts as well as Ingo’s strategy of adaption proved to be the best way to deal with political correctness when translating the particular texts used for this study.
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Signorello, Rosario. "La voix charismatique : aspects psychologiques et caractéristiques acoustiques." Thesis, Grenoble, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014GRENL004/document.
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Cette thèse porte sur la voix charismatique dans le cadre du leadership politique. L'hypothèse générale est que le locuteur-leader utilise sa voix selon deux fonctions. Une fonction primaire, biologique, qui est d'utiliser les modulations de fréquence fondamentale pour être reconnu comme le leader du groupe. Une fonction secondaire, apprise et dépendante de la langue parlée et de la culture d'appartenance, qui est de modifier la qualité de la voix pour véhiculer différents traits et types de charisme dans le but de persuader l'auditoire et atteindre certains buts. La première étape a été de décrire le phénomène du charisme avec une théorie socio-cognitive qui distingue le charisme de l'esprit (la pensée, les actions et le visionnarisme du leader exprimés à travers le langage écrit et verbal) du charisme du corps (tout comportement non verbal utilisé pour exprimer son message ainsi que ses affects et émotions). De plus, des recherches empiriques ont permit de récolter des adjectifs décrivant les traits positifs et négatifs du charisme propres au français, à l'italien et au portugais brésilien. Enfin, un outil appelé MASCharP a été développé pour évaluer les traits du charisme d'un individu à partir de tout comportement perceptible. La deuxième étape d'étude concerne la description acoustique et perceptive de la voix charismatique. Une première phase a consisté à créer des profils vocaux des leaders masculins français, italiens et portugais brésiliens, dans le but de représenter l'extension vocale du leader lors de différents contextes de communication (formels vs. informels). Les profils vocaux montrent l'adoption, par les leaders, d'une stratégie vocale liée au contexte de communication et à leur stratégie persuasive. Ces résultats montrent des similarités inter-langagières et culturelles du comportement vocal entre leaders. La deuxième phase expérimentale sur la voix charismatique démontre l'influence de la qualité de voix des phrases sur la perception de différents types et attributs du leadership charismatique. Le locuteur-leader utilise sa production vocale pour être reconnu comme le leader du groupe. Ceci est valable dans tous les contextes de communication formels où le leader doit exprimer son leadership et a un but persuasif à atteindre. S'il veut soumettre les membres du groupe et souhaite apparaître comme un leader dominant ou menaçant, il utilise une fréquence fondamentale basse associée à des types phonatoires comme le creaky. S'il veut être perçu comme un leader sincère, calme et rassurant, il utilise une fréquence fondamentale plus haute associée à sa voix modale, évitant des types de phonation comme le harsh. Cela est la fonction primaire de la voix charismatique. Enfin, ces travaux de recherche montrent que les traits du leader charismatique, dans le discours politique, sont filtrés par le contexte langagier et culturel d'interaction partagé entre leader et partisans. L'utilisation de la voix pour véhiculer différents types de charisme, caractérises par des attributs différents, est filtrée par la langue et la culture qui favorisent l'émergence de comportements vocaux charismatiques, prototypiques et qui correspondent à l'attente inhérente de l'auditoire. Cela est la fonction secondaire de la voix charismatiqueThis dissertation analyzes the charismatic voice in the context of political leadership. It is shown that the speaker-leader uses his/her voice based on two functions. The primary function is biological and consists of manipulating changes in fundamental frequency in order to be recognized as the leader of the group. The secondary function is learned and dependent upon the language spoken and the culture that one belongs to, and consists of changing voice quality in order to convey different traits and types of charisma. These functions are employed in order to persuade an audience and achieve certain goals. The phenomenon of charisma is first addressed through social-cognitive theory that distinguishes charisma of the mind (the leader's thought, actions, and vision expressed through written and spoken language) from charisma of the body (all non-verbal behaviors used for expressing one's message, affects, and emotions. Certain adjectives were established through empirical research to describe positive and negative traits in French, Italian, and Brazilian Portuguese speech. The tool MASCharP (Multi-dimensional Adjective-based Scale of Charisma Perception) was then developed in order to evaluate the charismatic traits of an individual's perceptible behavior. The study then establishes an acoustic and perceptual description of the charismatic voice. Speech range profiles are created for French, Italian, and Brazilian male leaders in order to represent the leaders' vocal extension in different communication contexts (formal vs. informal). The voice profiles demonstrate how the leaders adopt a particular vocal strategy related to the communication context as well as the leaders' persuasive strategy. These results show cross-language and cross-cultural similarities in leaders' vocal behavior. The following experimental phase demonstrates the influence of voice quality on the perception of different types and attributes of charismatic leadership. The speaker-leader uses his vocal production to be recognized as the leader of a group. This is true for all formal communication contexts wherein the leader must express his leadership and has a persuasive goal to achieve. If he wants to submit group members and hopes to appear as a dominant or threatening leader, the leader uses a low fundamental frequency associated with phonatory types such as creaky voice. If he wants to be perceived as a sincere, calm, and reassuring, he uses a higher fundamental frequency associated with his modal voice, avoiding phonatory types such as harsh voice. This is the primary function of the charismatic voice. Lastly, this study shows that, in political discourse, the traits of a charismatic leader are filtered by the language and cultural context of the interaction. The secondary function of the charismatic voice is therefore addressed: the use of one's voice for conveying different types of charisma, as characterized by varying attributes, is filtered through the language and culture that favor certain charismatic vocal behaviors which serve as prototypes that correspond to the audience's inherent expectations
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Xie, Zhibin, and 謝志斌. "Religious liberty, religious diversity, and religion in politics: in search of an appropriate role ofreligion in public political culture for a democratic China." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2004. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42577767.
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Dinan, William. "Lobbying and devolution : policy and political communication in Scotland, 1997-2003." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/26826.
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This thesis examines the growth of commercial lobbying in Scotland with the devolution of political power to Edinburgh in 1999. The study analyses the nascent public affairs community in Edinburgh in the lead up to, and during, the first session of the Scottish Parliament. This period covers the public debate at Holyrood over the registration and regulation of outside interests, and examines both the public and private political communication of those actors involved. The evidence base for this thesis is drawn from archival and documentary research, extended observational fieldwork in Edinburgh, and in depth interviews with informants from lobbying consultancies, corporations, voluntary sector organisations, elected representatives and public servants. A key focus of this study is the role of commercial and corporate lobbyists in Scottish public affairs and the Scottish public sphere. The analysis concludes that the Scottish Parliament's founding principles of openness, equality and accountability could be served through the regulation of lobbying.
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Gomez-Rivera, Sara Maria. "Por uma cultura ecológica." Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/91/91131/tde-20092010-141932/.
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O presente trabalho busca compreender e analisar a partir de um ponto de vista conceitual o termo cultura ecológica, que vem sendo usado como sinônimo de uma infinidade de conceitos associados à racionalidade econômica capitalista. O objetivo principal deste trabalho não é definir o quê é cultura ecológica, mas apontar as suas possíveis potencialidades conceituais, já que até agora tem se forjado como um termo mais normativo do que conceitual. Este trabalho propõe uma análise teórica - critica do termo e de vários aspectos ligados a ele, questionando e refletindo sobre a atual crise socioambiental. Primeiramente faz-se uma análise dos termos cultura, ecologia e cultura ecológica, apontando para os usos atuais desta idéia. Baseando-se em alguns aspectos teóricos de Karl Marx, de Max Weber e usando o conceito de cultura política de Gabriel Almond e Sidney Verba, analisaram-se algumas possibilidades de estudo da cultura ecológica. Depois, refletiu-se sobre a relação entre idéias e práticas ecológicas apoiando-se no conceito de práxis, o que levou também a tratar do espaço público, da cidadania e do individualismo.This study aims to understand and analyze from a conceptual point of view the term ecological culture, which has been used as a synonymous of several concepts associated to the capitalist economic rationality. Thus, the main objective is not to define what ecological culture is, but to point at the possible conceptual potentialities, since it has been shaped as a normative term, instead of a conceptual one. This study suggests a theoretical and critical analysis of the term and of several aspects linked to it, inquiring and reflecting on the current socio environmental crisis. First of all, an analysis of the terms culture, ecology and ecological culture is done, pointing at the current usages of the term ecological culture. Some possibilities of study of the ecological culture are analyzed based upon theoretical aspects from Karl Marx, Max Weber and using the political culture concept from Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba. Finally, a reflection on the relation between ecological ideas and practices is made using the praxis concept, what leads to treat about public sphere, citizenship and individualism.
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Gilbert, Francis Bertrand. "A culture of chaos: The politics of dynamic space." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/187356.
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This discussion of chaos theory is concerned with two major issues. On the one hand, I explore what kind of knowledge is linked to chaos theory, and more specifically how as a science it informs the cultural discourses created by postindustrial societies. On the other hand, I probe chaos theory's potential as a model for challenging the existing conception of our world within the prevailing epistemologies of order and predictability. Both of these issues are addressed with in mind the broader framework and question concerning social relations, especially to the extent that those relations, in their spatial dimension, have become an object of scientific discourse. My approach to chaos theory is purposefully eclectic, conjoining the scientific with the social and the political. I believe that chaos theory points to a dynamic, intertextual, and multidimensional universe, and therefore, my interest lies in these connections, in bridging the various elements working together to create our contemporary, postmodern world. Science creates theories and images of nature that have been used to subordinate and control segments of the population through theories of race and sexuality. Thus, to recognize the existence of complexity and instability is to give away powerful conceptual means of political and social control, a strategy in which Western science has been an active participant.
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Lara, Paulo Jose Olivier Moreira. "Fragmentos das taticas da cultura : tecnica e politica dos usos de midia." [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281424.
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Orientador: Renato Pinto OrtizDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Esta pesquisa verifica a adaptação do conceito de "tática" desenvolvido por Michel de Certeau e utilizado como fundação teórica de um movimento denominado Midia Tática. Com origens na Europa no final do século XX, este movimento herda modos de expressões culturais aliados à uma construção crítica do aparato tecnológico, notadamente das mídias eletrônicas e informáticas. Situamos a discussão sociológica a partir do conceito de racionalidade emergido no debate sobre recentes mutações na configuração do capitalismo e da tendências à novas formas de dominação que se erguem apoiadas no desenvolvimento tecnológico e na mudança das condutas erigidas das transformações do século XX. Para isso, situamos a Mídia Tática no contexto e discussões que deram origem a esta percepção e discutimos aspectos de recentes manifestações de oposição enquanto culturas que se utilizam desta noção em seus diferentes aspectos de intervenção. A intenção é observar os módulos de conflito e contradições que se dão quando o aumento das manipulações tecnológicas entram em contato com novas formações coletivas e padrões individuais e verificar os elementos políticos e culturais que resultam desta junção.
Abstract: This research verifies the adaptation of the concept of "tactic" developed by Michel de Certeau and its use as a theoretical foundation of a movement called Tactical Media. With it's origins in Europe at the end of the twentieth century, this movement inherits modes of cultural expressions allied to a critical construction of technological apparatus, especially the electronic and informatics media. We locate the discussion based on the sociological concept of rationality emerged at the debate on recent changes in capitalism's configuration and it's trends to new forms of domination which appear supported by technological development and changes of conducts erected by some of the transformations on the twentieth century. For this, we alocate the Tactical Media in the context and discussions that led to this perception and discuss aspects of recent demonstrations of opposition as cultures that make use of this concept in its various aspects of intervention. The intention is to look at the modules of conflict and contradictions that occur when the increase of technological manipulations join with new collective formations and individual patterns and check the political and cultural factors that results in this junction.
Mestrado
Sociologia da Cultura
Mestre em Sociologia
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Ganczak, Iwona. "At the crossroads of politics and culture : Polish dissident art of the 1980s." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83104.
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This thesis will examine the political and social significance of the new artistic language that emerged in Poland in the 1980s. The new artistic language pertains to symbols, imagery and themes that originated in the discourse of the opposition and can be defined as the amalgam of the traditional religious vocabulary and time-specific symbols of oppression under Communism. The most prominent in this category are the symbols of the cross, the flowers, the national red and white flag, exclusively contemporary symbols such as the "television-people" as well as an array of traditional religious vocabulary. This unusual relationship between symbolic language of art and the symbols of the Church and the Solidarity accounted for the inherently political nature of dissident art. This thesis will discuss dissident art in context of the contemporary discourses: the discourse of the Communist Party, the Church, John Paul II and Solidarity.
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Zuser, Tobias. "One country, two teams: the cultural politics of football in Hong Kong." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2018. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/564.
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Amidst China's escalating pursuance of placing football in the centre of its soft power propagation, Hong Kong has remained entirely excluded from the accompanying policy strategies of the Mainland. Following the 1997 handover and with it the return to Chinese sovereignty, the former British colony has retained its independent memberships in global governing bodies, such as FIFA or the IOC, making sports the last cultural and political arena in which Hong Kong and China compete as two - de facto equal - national entities. While the status quo of this framework is not necessarily controversial, the popularity of football in both locales has created a new public platform for identity politics. At the same time, Hong Kong's marginalization of sports development has raised questions over the value and expediency of sport within the local policy regime. Formerly known as the "Football Kingdom of the Far East", interest and investment in domestic football have declined since the late 1980s, evoking a sense of crisis and nostalgia. However, as a cultural practice football has shown resilience throughout the years, leading to a reform process and on-going debates over public subsidies. Drawing upon the fields of cultural studies, sociology of sport, history, and cultural policy studies, this dissertation argues for the conceptualization of football as a cultural resource that is not just a mirror of socio-political constellations, but also a productive force in shaping leisure, consumption, and everyday life in the city. The overarching, and seemingly simple research question of this dissertation is therefore: how is sport - and in particular football - a culture in Hong Kong? And, how can a cultural understanding of sport contribute to the challenges of sports policies? As such, this project takes on a holistic approach to frame an understanding of local football culture through and between four different themes: history, policy, fandom, and national identity. Starting from early colonial times, the dissertation first aims to trace the cultural resonance of football in local society by using the intellectual discourse around cricket's Indianness as a so called inter-Asian reference to reflect on the particular context that enabled the rise of another sport in Hong Kong. Instead of nurturing a regional identity, local football was turned into a trans-national project of Chinese modernity. From there the research delves into a policy analysis to investigate the institutionalization, governance, and reformation of local football until now, and how it evolved as a Bourdieusian cultural field. Eventually, the research draws on its long-term ethnographic fieldwork to investigate the agency of fans and how local football has attracted subcultural practices with entrepreneurial traits that function as cultural resources. This culminates in the discussion of localist and nationalist sentiments based on the (auto-)ethnographic experience at the two 2015 World Cup games between Hong Kong and China in an attempt to contextualize the politicization of the spectacle within the cultural framework of local football. By proposing a cultural argument along notions of cultural resource, and cultural field, this dissertation argues for a culturalization of sport in cultural studies and policy-oriented discourses, and hence a conceptual move towards a cultural policy of sports.
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Kuhn, Marko. "Prophetic Christianity in Western Kenya political, cultural and theological aspects of African independent churches." Frankfurt, M. Berlin Bern Bruxelles New York, NY Oxford Wien Lang, 2007. http://d-nb.info/986562130/04.
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Sachs, Rafael Salmazi 1990. "O texto digital como processo e a política como regime de enunciação : um estudo de mashups multimodais nas Jornadas de Junho." [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/269452.
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Orientador: Marcelo El Khouri BuzatoDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: Esta dissertação teve como objetivo mais amplo gerar inteligibilidades acerca da relação entre a cultura digital e a ação política na contemporaneidade, a partir da articulação, no campo da Linguística Aplicada, entre a noção de linguagem digital como processo e o conceito de política como regime de enunciação, que objetiva traduzir em um os interesses de muitos. Como contexto para o estudo, escolheram-se os eventos das Jornadas de Junho de 2013, caracterizadas tanto pela emergência repentina de massivos protestos de rua no Brasil, quanto pela publicação, em sites de redes sociais, de uma grande quantidade de remixes e mashups contendo enunciados políticos a respeito. Compõem o corpus empírico da pesquisa 88 textos verbovisuais desse tipo, publicados no Facebook entre junho e julho de 2013. Entendidos como frutos de percursos de desmontagem e remontagem, e, portanto, de desressemiotização, esses textos foram analisados com base na articulação (proposta como objetivo teórico do trabalho) entre as categorias da Semiótica Social para a multimodalidade e as da Teoria Ator-Rede para translações. Como objetivo empírico, buscou-se descrever os significados representacionais e os percursos de constituição das montagens do corpus, em relação ao regime de enunciação da política. As perguntas de pesquisa foram duas, a saber: (1) quais foram os principais actantes mobilizados nos remixes estudados, e em que tipo de processos semióticos tais actantes apareceram com maior frequência?; e (2) quais foram algumas das operações de ressemiotização empregadas nas desreestabilizações sucessivas das diferentes versões de Brasil e realidade brasileira constituídas nesses textos? Os resultados elencaram as figurativizações mais comuns e os processos representacionais mais frequentes no corpus, em que os manifestantes, a nação brasileira, os políticos e a grande mídia foram os principais actantes representados, em geral, através de processos atributivos simbólicos. Destacou-se, nesse levantamento, a figura do gigante de pedra se levantando no Rio de Janeiro, empregada por muitos como representação unificada do Brasil e dos interesses múltiplos em atuação nas Jornadas. A partir dessa figura, descreveram-se ainda os processos de negociação de affordances para constituição de alguns dos textos analisados, e sua relação com as disputas pelo significado dos acontecimentos das Jornadas de Junho, e pela definição que era "ser brasileiro" no momento dos protestos. Como conclusão, os dados refletem a necessidade de buscar caminhos para compreensões menos deterministas da relação entre política, tecnologias digitais e sociedade, e modos de formação cidadã, no âmbito das mídias digitais, que viabilizem a compreensão de enunciados políticos como fruto de enredamentos semióticos sempre articulados em disputas de interesse, mesmo quando se pretendem neutros
Abstract: The main goal of the present study is to suggest ways of understanding the relation between digital culture and contemporary political action, based on the connection, drawn in the field of Applied Linguistics, between the notion of digital language as process and the concept of politics as a regime of enunciation which aims to translate the interests of many into one. The events of the June Journeys in 2013 were taken as context for the study, since they included not only the sudden emergence of massive protests on Brazilian streets, but also the publishing, on social network sites, of large amounts of remixes and mashups containing political statements on that regard. Seen as the outcomes of disassembling and assembling trajectories, and therefore, of deresemiotization trajectories, those texts were analyzed in the light of an articulation (also presented as a theoretical objective of this work) between Social Semiotics studies on multimodality and Actor-Network Theory principles for the understanding of translations. As empirical objectives, this work aimed to describe the representational meanings and the assembling trajectories of the texts in the corpus, in relation to the political regime of enunciation. The research questions were two: (1) what were the main actants mobilized in the remixes in the corpus, and in which kind of semiotic processes those actants appeared more often?; and (2) what were some of the resemiotization operations used for the continuous derestabilizations of different versions of Brazil and Brazilian reality represented in those texts? Results enroll the most frequent figurativizations and the most usual representational processes in the corpus, in which the demonstrators, Brazilian nation, politicians and mass media were the main actants, and were depicted, in general, through symbolic attributive processes. In that enrollment, the image of a stone giant rising in Rio de Janeiro was prominent, for it was used by many as a unified depiction of Brazil as a whole and of the multiple interests acting during the Journeys. From that picture, the results described the processes of negotiation of affordances for the composition of some of the analyzed texts, and their relation to the disputes for the meaning of the June Journeys events, and for what meant "to be Brazilian" then. As a conclusion, data reflects the need of pursuing less determinist ways of understanding the relation among politics, digital technologies and society, as well as the need for ways of citizenship education, regarding digital media, that address the understanding of political statements as outcomes of semiotic entanglements which are always connected to interests in dispute, even when allegedly neutral
Mestrado
Linguagem e Sociedade
Mestre em Linguística Aplicada
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Prado, Luis Antonio. "Patriarchy and machismo: Political, economic and social effects on women." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2623.
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This thesis focuses on patriarchy and machismo and the long lasting political, economic, and social effects that their practice has had on women in the United States and Latin America. It examines the role of the Catholic Church, political influences, social, cultural, economic and legal issues, historic issues (such as the Industrial Revolution), the importance of the family's preference for sons rather than daughters, and the differences in the raising of male and female children for their adult roles.
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Pagliaro, T. F. (Teresa Francesca). "Arthur Wilberforce Jose (1863-1934), an Anglo-Australian : a study of his contribution to Australian literary culture from the 1890's to the 1930's." Phd thesis, Department of English, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/5006.
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Tsui, Heung-ling, and 徐香玲. "Media for cultural praxis: a case-study of Hong Kong In-Media." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2009. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42664421.
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Seror, Avner. "Essays on Political Economy and Cultural Evolution." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH028/document.
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Cette dissertation est composée de trois articles traitant de sujets divers. Le premier développe une théorie sur la transmission de normes culturelles. Le second article traite de l'évolution des doctrines religieuses dans une économie productive. Enfin, le dernier article de cette dissertation est un travail joint avec Thierry Verdier. L'article propose une nouvelle approche des élections impliquant un nombre arbitraire de candidats. Cette problématique de recherche est importante non seulement quant à sa complexité théorique, mais aussi parce qu'elle permet d'étudier relativement simplement la structure des marchés politiques.Le premier article présente une théorie sur le développement de l'enfant et les pratiques parentales. Dans le modèle, un parent cherche à transmettre des normes comportementales à son enfant en lui envoyant des signaux, que l'enfant observe de manière imparfaite. L'enfant peut cependant augmenter la qualité des signaux qu'il reçoit en investissant dans l'acquisition de compétences cognitives.Nous établissons que les styles parentaux autoritaires ou permissifs décroissent l'accumulation de compétences cognitives. De plus, puisque les interactions entre parents et enfants visent à transmettre des normes comportementales, l'enfant développe un capital d'appréciation pour le développement de compétences cognitives.Notre perspective culturelle sur la question du développement cognitif fournit une grille d'interprétation utile pour divers résultats établis dans la littérature empirique sur le développement de l'enfant.Le second article propose une théorie de la prohibition religieuse contre l'usure et l'innovation et ses conséquences sur les activités et les occupations économiques.Comme une interdiction économique provenant de la religion majoritaire est soutenue par un risque d'exclusion sociale de ce groupe culturel, elle a moins d'effets sur les minorités religieuses. Cela implique que seules les minorités religieuses choisissent des activités qui vont à l'encontre de la prohibition à l'équilibre.Dans le dernier article, nous présentons une théorie micro-fondée de la concurrence politique à plusieurs candidats prenant une perspective ``d'organisation industrielle" de la politique. Nous présentons d'abord un modèle de vote aléatoire qui utilise des distributions introduites par le mathématicien français Maurice Fréchet et qui portent son nom. Ces distributions permettent d'exprimer les parts de vote des différents candidats comme des ``contest functions'', ce qui permet d'établir un théorème d'existence et d'unicité d'un équilibre des stratégies politiques dans des élections impliquant un nombre arbitraire de candidats.Le cadre analytique s'avère suffisamment souple pour traiter plusieurs applications sur des thèmes liés à la structure endogène des marchés politiques. Nous montrons en particulier que le degré d'information des électeurs sur les plateformes ainsi que les campagnes médiatiques impliquent un degré de fragmentation politique plus faibleThe first chapter of this dissertation presents a theory of child development and parental rearingpractices. In the model, a benevolent parent seeks to transmit cultural norms to her child, whoacquires cognitive skills and develops a capital of appreciation for adopting behaviors that accordwith these norms. Our cultural perspective on the issue of cognitive development provides aninterpretation grid for various results established in the empirical literature. It also permits to identifythe parental characteristics that are conducive to various parenting styles, to child neglect and tochild maltreatment.The second chapter provides a theory of religious prohibition against usury and innovation and itsconsequences on economic activities and occupations. As an economic prohibition from themajority religion is sustained by a threat of social exclusion from that cultural group, it has lesseffects on religious minorities. It then creates an occupational pattern where only the religiousminorities choose activities that transgress the prohibition. By creating resentment against thereligious minorities, this occupational pattern strengthens the diffusion of the majority religion in thepopulation. An economic prohibition is then instigated by the clerics in the majority religion,because it allows them to consolidate their norms and to increase the scope of their control overpopular masses. This work also demonstrates that an economic prohibition lasts longer whenreligious clerics can legitimize secular rulers and when the competition on the religious market isweaker.In the last chapter, we present a microfounded theory of multi-candidate political competition takingan "industrial organization" perspective of politics. The analytical framework is shown to be exibleenough to address several applications on the topics of special interest politics, coalition formationin the legislature in proportional elections, and redistribution under alternative electoral rules
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McCann, M. "The past in the present : a study of some aspects of the politics of music in Belfast." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.236361.
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Babayigit, Salih. "L'immigration turque en France entre 1880-1980 : aspects politiques culturels et artistiques : les intellectuels turcs en France : aspects politique et culturels, sociabilités." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013STRAG023/document.
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En partant de l’idée que la France a été pour les Turcs une terre de refuge, de découverte, d’apprentissage mais aussi d’inspiration, nous nous sommes interrogés pour chercher à déterminer à quoi ils ont pu s’initier et s’intéresser dans ce pays en fonction des différentes périodes. Il est établi qu’entre 1830-1856, la France était un pays de formation militaire pour les Ottomans. Par la suite, elle devient un modèle d’administration pour les réformateurs des Tanzimat, pendant que les exilés commencent à en faire une tribune de libre expression. Il semblerait donc suivant les périodes, que la France ait eu une résonance politique, artistique ou culturelle auprès des Turcs. Il se dessine, a priori, une première période (1880-1914) où la France se présente davantage comme un laboratoire politique. Durant la seconde période (1925-1980), la France semble davantage se profiler comme un terrain artistique grâce à la présence et à l’influence des écrivains et surtout des peintresStarting from the idea that France was for the Turks a land of refuge , discovery , learning and also inspiration, we asked to try to determine what they were able to initiate and s' interest in this country according to the different periods. It is established that between 1830-1856 , France was a country of military training for the Ottomans. Thereafter, it becomes a model for the administration of Tanzimat reformers , while the exiles began to make a forum for free expression. This suggests the following periods , as France has been a political, artistic or cultural resonance with the Turks . It draws a priori an initial period (1880-1914) when France is presented more as a political laboratory. During the second period (1925-1980) , France seems more itself as an artistic field due to the presence and influence of writers and especially painters
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Czajka, Rodrigo. "Praticando delitos, formando opinião : intelectuais, comunismo e repressão no Brasil (1958-1968)." [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280603.
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Orientador: Marcelo Siqueira RidentiTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: A produção artística e cultural realizada no Brasil entre as décadas de 1950 e 1960 é permeada de intensas discussões, tensões e conflitos que envolvem a disputa de distintos projetos intelectuais. Assim, a formação de um campo intelectual, a diversificação dos circuitos culturais e núcleos intelectuais e a emergência de uma intelectualidade de esquerda foram elementos presentes nesse contexto sócio-cultural. Estes foram fatores essenciais na consolidação de uma resistência cultural de esquerda que se defrontava tanto com o centralismo burocrático do Partido Comunista Brasileiro quanto com o regime militar após 1964. Entre dilemas ideológicos e políticos uma intelectualidade de esquerda floresceu não de forma homogênea e unitária, mas entremeada de impasses, disputas e embates que permitiram, em certa medida, a formação de núcleos culturais caracterizados, sobretudo, pela fragmentação. Com intuito de aferir tal modelo de análise dispusemos de um conjunto de Inquéritos Policiais-Militares (IPMs) que além de constituírem um material inédito de pesquisa, trazem elementos importantes para a discussão e detalhamento das questões culturais caras à intelectualidade de esquerda daquele momento. Constata-se, por exemplo, que a resistência cultural, mais que símbolo de uma unidade contra a repressão seja dos partidos ou do Estado, foi um fenômeno a partir do qual determinados núcleos intelectuais viram-se representados; uma hegemonia cultural de esquerda construída não pela coesão dos projetos de resistência, mas pelas dissensões e por aquilo que representava a resistência e a subversão comunista
Abstract: The artistic and cultural production made in Brazil at the 1950s and 1960s is permeated intensive discussions, tensions and conflicts involving the dispute of different intellectual projects. The formation of an intellectual sphere and the emergence of a left intellectuals group were elements presents in this context. These were key factors in consolidating a culture resistance of left that was built in the middle at the bureaucratic centralism of the Brazilian Communist Party and the military dictatorship after 1964. Between ideological and political dilemmas the left intellectuals appeared not homogeneous, but permeate of impasses, disputes and conflicts that favored the formation of cultural groups characterized by ragmentation. To check this analysis we searched a large number of military process (called IPMs) that as being a new material research, provide important elements for discussion and details of the cultural questions of the intellectuals at that time. For example, that cultural resistance, more than a symbol of unity against oppression of the the Party or the State, was a phenomenon from which certain intelectuals groups have been represented; a cultural hegemony of the left not made the cohesion of the projects of resistance, but by dissension and by what it represented the resistence and communist subversion
Doutorado
Doutor em Sociologia
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Papadogiannis, Nikolaos. "Greek communist youth and the politicisation of leisure, 1974-1981." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609016.
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Huzzey, Richard. "A nation of abolitionists? : aspects of the politics and culture of anti-slavery Britian, c.1838-1874." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504021.
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Molapo, Rachidi Richard. "Sports, festivals and popular politics : aspects of the social and popular culture in Langa township, 1945-70." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/15984.
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Bibliography: pages 233-237.The rapid industrialization which transformed South African Society after the discovery of minerals, had a profound impact on the lives of most South Africans. The process of urbanization escalated during and after the Second World War because of better wages and job opportunities in the urban areas. South African urbanization was characterized by the brutal manner in which the state dealt with the Black people. The White middle and working classes' fear of being engulfed by this Black tide led to the multi-pronged strategies which were devised to contain and co-opt the Africans, hence the creation of townships like Langa. This study looks at how the journey from the rural areas to the cities became part of the 'making of Black working class'. Material conditions in the cities were characterized by social squalor and overcrowding. Ghetto-like conditions created ethnic identities and working class culture, consciousness and community struggles came to reflect capitalist domination in the twentieth century township of Langa. Many residents in the township indulged in leisure pursuits such as dance and music which had their origins in the rural areas and this indicated an important cultural resource which they adhered to so as to cope with the alienating and corrosive compound and hostel life. Some of the residents found pleasure in leisure pursuits whose roots and ethos could be traced to the Victorian period such as cricket, soccer and rugby. All these leisure pursuits however, came largely to be influenced by the realities of township life and the general national and economic exploitation. The working class in Langa was not a homogeneous block as there were intense struggles between the migrants and immigrants over township space and resources. Therefore festivals and sporting activities played an important part in the cultural history of Langa township's effort to create "communities". The last part of the study looked at how the conditions in the city led to the realization by the dominated classes that the solution towards the alleviation of the conditions that they were confronted with was through the formation of structures which aimed at overthrowing institutions of oppression, such as the pass laws.
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Fenech, Natalino. "Bird shooting and trapping in the Maltese Islands : some socio-economic, cultural, political, demographic and environmental aspects." Thesis, Durham University, 1997. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1588/.
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Wang, Yue. "Cultural nation versus political state : media construction of national identity : the case of China Daily." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2006. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/785.
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Ellis, Emily Melissa. "Global taxes and a more equitable global political economy : a feminist analysis." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49977.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Feminist international relations theories stress that global solutions to environmental, social and economic dilemmas will not be accurately diagnosed nor corrected until hierarchal social relations, including gender relations, intrinsic to the global economic and political framework are recognized and altered. How does a feminist interpretation of international relations aid in the adoption of global taxes to benefit women? This study explores the ways a mechanism such as global taxation could be utilized to create a more equitable global political economy. The study is exploratory making use of a qualitative methodology employing secondary data from industries such as tourism, toy production, and textiles. Feminist perspectives on environmental, social, and economic security, rational actor behavior and collectivism facilitate the dialogue which is essential for global tax implementation. The adoption of global taxes has the capability to better the lived experiences of women globally by minimizing poverty and strengthening the working conditions of women worldwide. Proposed carbon taxes and global commons taxes work to redefine environmental security by placing appropriate price indicators on the use of globally used resources. Proposed email taxes, world trade taxes, and currency exchange fee taxes grant the fiscal resources necessary to create greater economic and social security. Chapter One is an analysis of the global political economy. Chapter Two explains the controversial and progressive idea of a global tax administered by the United Nations to deal with the inequity of globalization. Chapter Three focuses on the linkages between the introduction of a global tax and the feminist perspective on the global political economy. Chapter Four summarizes the structural inadequacies of the current economic framework to address the economic and social grievances that global taxes combat.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Feministiese teorieë oor internasionale verhoudinge benadruk die feit dat wêreldwye oplossings vir omgewings-, maatskaplike en ekonomiese probleme nóg akkuraat gediagnoseer nóg reggestel kan word tensy hiërargiese sosiale verhoudinge (waaronder genderverhoudinge), wat onlosmaaklik deel van die wêreldwye ekonomiese en politieke raamwerk is, as sulks erken en verander word. Hoe dra die feministiese interpretasie van internasionale verhoudinge by tot die instelling van wêreldwye belasting wat vroue tot voordeel strek? Hierdie studie ondersoek maniere waarop 'n meganisme soos wêreldwye belasting benut kan word om 'n billiker wêreldwye politieke ekonomie daar te stel. Die studie is ondersoekend van aard en maak gebruik van kwalitatiewe metodes wat sekondêre data uit bedrywe soos toerisme, speelgoedproduksie en die tekstielbedryf gebruik. Feministiese standpunte oor omgewings-, maatskaplike en ekonomiese sekuriteit, rasionele optrede en kollektivisme dra by tot dialoog wat noodsaaklik is vir die instelling van wêreldwye belasting. Danksy die instelling van wêreldwye belasting kan die lewenservaring van vroue wêreldwyd verbeter word deur armoede te beperk en werkstoestande van vroue wêreldwyd te verbeter. Die voorgestelde koolstofbelasting en wêreldmeent-belasting sal bydra tot 'n nuwe benadering in omgewingsbeveiliging deurdat toepaslike prysaanwysers aan die gebruik van wêreldwyd benutte hulpbronne gekoppel word. Die voorgestelde e-posbelasting, wêreldhandelbelasting en belasting op valutagelde sal nodige fiskale middele bied vir die daarstelling van beter ekonomiese en maatskaplike sekuriteit. Hoofstuk 1 is 'n analise van die wêreldwye politieke ekonomie. Hoofstuk 2 is 'n uiteensetting wêreldwye belasting as kontroversiële en progressiewe konsep, wat deur die Verenigde Nasies geadministreer sou word om die wanbalans in globalisasie die hoof te bied. Hoofstuk 3 handel oor die raakpunte tussen die instelling van 'n wêreldwye belasting en die feministiese beskouing van die wêreldwye politieke ekonomie. Hoofstuk 4 bied 'n oorsig oor die strukturele ontoereikendheid van die huidige ekonomiese raamwerk met betrekking tot die ekonomiese en maatskaplike griewe wat wêreldwye belasting sou bekamp.
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Lutz, Barend Frederik. "Public digital media and democracy : constructing instruments for measuring expressions of support for democracy on Twitter." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/79986.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The constant growth in information and communications technology (ICT) broadens the capabilities of researchers to understand and interpret the social world. New multidisciplinary methods of measuring social realities are constantly being developed and improved. This methodological study aims to incorporate novel methods of automated, computerised content- and sentiment analysis software in order to produce a usable instrument for measuring public expressions on democracy from the social network site, Twitter. Adapting methods developed by O‟Connor et al. (2010) and using an online platform called Chatterbox Analytics Ltd., this study attempts to complement traditional survey research data on democracy. The creation of this method allows researchers to automatically and without deep programming knowledge, extract and analyse opinionated data from a substantial segment of the population, namely Twitter users. This is the first study, as far as this researcher is aware, that develops automated instruments for the measurement of expressions on democracy from online social networks. The rationale for the development of this instrument lies in the apparent recent rise in negative sentiment on democracy in academic spheres and political realities alike. Throughout history support for democracy has swayed, which in turn placed democracy on a rocky path of development. As negative opinions on democracy became overwhelming this system of governance was forced to adapt by changing its core structure. This could be the case again today. Authors such as Crozier, Huntington and Watunaki (1975) have already warned of a crisis of democracy in the 1970s. More recently authors such as Dalton (2004) and van Beek (2012) expressed opinions indicating that globally citizens are steadily becoming more critical of political parties, politicians, political policies and the whole democratic process. These negative sentiments might be indicative of what van Beek (2012:12) calls “an erosion in support for democracy”. Traditional survey projects examining opinions on democracy, such as the World Values Survey, offer insights into global expressions on democracy, but are time consuming, costly and complicated to conduct. The method developed in this study allows researchers to complement traditional survey data with insights that are automatically gathered and analysed from the influential social media network, Twitter. This introductory study finds that automated analysis of expressions on democracy from Twitter is indeed feasible. In order to express the extent to which the developed method is feasible, this study offers an example case, examining expressions on democracy from Twitter for the period of 1 May to 31 July 2012. Furthermore the study offers a quantitative manual evaluation of the accuracy of the developed measurement instrument. With the present level of content- and sentiment analysis technology this study finds that the accuracy of the results from this method, though informative, is still limited. The study therefore concludes with an advisory section highlighting methods for future studies to improve on the accuracy of this measurement instrument.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Deur die konstante groei in inligting- en kommunikasietegnologie (IKT) word die veld waaruit navorsers kan put om die sosiale wêreld te verstaan en te interpreteer al groter. Nuwe multidissiplinêre metingsmetodes om die sosiale werklikheid te verstaan, word konstant ontwikkel en verbeter. Hierdie metodologiese studie beoog om nuwe metodes van geoutomatiseerde, gerekenaariseerde, inhouds- en sentimentanalisesagteware saam te voeg om 'n bruikbare instrument vir die meting van publieke uitsprake oor demokrasie, op die sosiale netwerk Twitter te skep. Metodes wat deur O'Connor et al. (2010) en die aanlyn platform, Chatterbox Analytics Ltd ontwikkel is, is aangepas om 'n instrument te skep wat gebruik kan word om by te dra tot tradisionele opname-navorsingsdata oor demokrasie. Hierdie nuwe metode sal navorsers toelaat om outomaties en sonder veel programmeringsvaardighede opiniegelaaide data van 'n beduidende segment van die samelewing, naamlik Twitter gebruikers, te verkry en te analiseer. Hierdie is die eerste studie, sover hierdie navorser bewus is, wat geoutomatiseerde instrumente ontwikkel vir die meting van uitsprake oor demokrasie op sosiale netwerke. Die beweegrede vir die ontwikkeling van hierdie instrument vloei uit die oënskynlike onlangse styging in negatiewe sentiment oor demokrasie in sowel akademiese- as politieke sirkels. Die ondersteuning vir demokrasie het dwarsdeur die geskiedenis sy hoogte en laagtepunte gehad en hierdie onsekerheid het die ontwikkelingspad van demokrasie taamlik met dorings besaai. Die hele kernstruktuur van híérdie regeringsisteem was geforseer om hewig aan te pas elke keer wanneer die negatiewe opinies oor demokrasie oorweldigend geraak het. Dit wil voorkom asof demokrasie weer op die rand van verandering is. Skrywers soos Crozier, Huntington en Watunaki (1975) het alreeds in die 1970's gewaarsku teen 'n krisis rondom demokrasie. Meer onlangs het skrywers soos Dalton (2004) en van Beek (2012) opinies gelug dat burgers reg oor die wêreld stadig maar seker besig is om meer krities op politieke partye, politici en oor politieke beleide en die demokratiese proses in geheel raak. Hierdie negatiewe sentimente mag dalk 'n aanduiding wees van “'n erosie in die ondersteuning van demokrasie,”, soos Van Beek (2012:12) dit noem. Tradisionele opname-navorsingsprojekte wat na opinies oor demokrasie kyk, soos die „World Values Survey‟, bied wel 'n blik op globale uitsprake oor demokrasie, maar is duur, tydsaam en moeilik om deur te voer. Die metode wat in hierdie studie ontwikkel is, kan bykomende insigte tot tradisionele opname-navorsingsprojekte bring. Díé insigte word outomaties ingesamel en geanaliseer vanuit die invloedryke sosiale netwerk, Twitter. Hierdie inleidende studie bevind dat geoutomatiseerde analise van uitsprake oor demokrasie op Twittter inderdaad moontlik is. Ten einde die mate van sukses van hierdie metode wat ontwikkel is te illustreer, analiseer hierdie studie 'n datagreep van uitsprake oor demokrasie uit Twitter oor die tydperk 1 Mei tot 31 Julie 2012. Hierbenewens bied die studie ook 'n kwantitatiewe waardasie per hand wat die akkuraatheid van die ontwikkelde meetingsinstrument toets. Met die huidige ontwikkelingsvlak van inhouds- en sentiment-analisetegnologie vind hierdie studie dat die akkuraatheid van hierdie metode, alhoewel informatief is, tog beperk is. Die studie sluit af met 'n afdeling wat advies oor hoe verdere studies die akkuraatheid van hierdie meetinstrument kan verbeter, toelig.
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Li, Kenneth, and Ted Löndahl. "Arranged Marriages : A study on knowledge transfer through offsets in the defense industry." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Företagsekonomiska institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-255923.
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In order to sell products in the defense industry it is often demanded of the seller to reinvest capital and collaborate with companies in the buying country, with the buyer hoping to establish a defense industry of their own. These so called offset demands are seen as an industry standard and forces the sellers to open up their supply chain and educate and develop the industry in the buying country. This “forced” knowledge transfer is an interesting topic and have been the focus point of this thesis. How can firms conduct successful knowledge transfer and develop the foreign industry and at the same time protects its own products and competitive advantage? This qualitative study has been done through interviews with four people having senior positions and a vast knowledge and background in working with offsets, combined with secondary data from previous studies and articles. The study showed that the most important factor for a successful knowledge transfer is the absorptive capacity of the partner and buying country. Furthermore, the success also lies in the offset regulations of the buyer, if you ask for the wrong things or in the wrong way, the industrial effects will be very limited. The Swedish firms were not afraid of sharing their knowledge since they had the confidence that they would keep to stay ahead of any new upcoming competitor, therefore a minor factor to consider. Lastly offsets have often been portrayed negatively. However, if successfully conducted, several positive effects of offsets have been identified by the authors. Showing that even though partnerships may an “arranged marriage” it can still become successful.
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CAMARGO, GUSTAVO ARANTES. "STUDIES ABOUT THE CULTURAL AND THE POLITICAL ASPECTS OF THE RELATION BETWEEN WILL TO POWER AND THE NIHILISM." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2004. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=5167@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROA dissertação tem o intuito de percorrer algumas trilhas deixadas por Nietzsche em seus escritos filosóficos. Para tanto, iniciamos o trabalho investigando como o filósofo estudou as manifestações da vontade na Grécia antiga, relacionando, posteriormente, esta vontade com a razão socrática. Este é um gancho para iniciar o debate sobre a questão da razão e da vontade na filosofia do autor. Proposta que ocupa todo o restante do primeiro capítulo, culminando com o estudo sobre o livrearbítrio e a moral de senhor e de escravo. O segundo capítulo busca propriamente os desdobramentos políticos da filosofia apresentada na primeira parte. Analisando a gênese das regras sociais e também o Estado moderno. Culminando com o ensinamento de Zaratustra sobre o eterno retorno.
The dissertation intent to pass through some trills leaved by Nietzsche in his philosophical writings. For that, we started the work by investigating how the philosopher has study the manifestations of the will in the old Greece, doing the relation between this will and the Socratic reason. This is a hook to initiate the debate about the question of the reason and the will in the philosophy of the author. Propose witch occupy all the rest of the first chapter, finishing with the study about the free will and the master and slave morality. The second chapter ride the political consequences of the philosophy presented in the first part. Analyzing the geneses of the social rules and, also, the modern state, culminating with the Zaratustra s teaching about the eternal return.
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Hayaud-Din, Mian Ahad. "U.S. Foreign Policy in Islamic South Asia: Realism, Culture, and Policy Toward Pakistan and Afghanistan." [Tampa, Fla. : s.n.], 2003. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0000074.
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Reck, Jair. "A consciencia politica dos cooperados do MST : o caso da COOPAC - Campo Verde - MT." [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/252462.
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Orientador: Salvador Antonio Mireles SandovalTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Doutorado
Educação, Sociedade, Politica e Cultura
Mestre em Educação
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Tang, Wai-yan, and 鄧惠欣. "Hong Kong: an unidentified subject under colonialism." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31951181.
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Broxson, Gene Marshall. "A comprehensive examination of the precode horror comic books of the 1950's." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2003. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2429.
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Walker, Scott. "Does Cultural Heterogeneity Lead to Lower Levels of Regime Respect for Basic Human Rights?" Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3303/.
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This dissertation is a cross-national investigation of the relationship between cultural heterogeneity and regimes' respect for basic human rights. The quantitative human rights literature has not yet addressed the question of whether high levels of cultural diversity are beneficial or harmful. My research addresses this gap. I address the debate between those who argue that diversity is negatively related to basic human rights protection and those who argue it is likely to improve respect for these rights. Ultimately, I propose that regimes in diverse countries will be less likely to provide an adequate level of subsistence (otherwise known as basic human needs) and security rights (also known as integrity of the person rights) to their citizens than regimes in more homogeneous countries. Using a data set of 106 non-OECD countries for the years 1983 and 1993, I employ bivariate, linear multivariate regression, and causal modeling techniques to test whether higher levels of ethnolinguistic and religious diversity are associated with less regime respect for subsistence and security rights. The analysis reveals that higher levels of cultural diversity do appear to lead to lower respect for subsistence rights. However, counter to the hypothesized relationship, high levels of diversity appear to be compatible with high levels of respect for security rights.
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Pinto, Levi Fernando Lopes Vieira 1991. ""A par dum trabalhador, devemos fazer um pensador" : a cultura anarquista paulistana nas práticas artísticas e pedagógicas das Escolas Modernas n. 1 e 2. /." São Paulo, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/183268.
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Orientador(a): Rita Luciana Berti BredariolliBanca: Rejane Galvao Coutinho
Banca: Anna Mae Tavares Bastos Barbosa
Resumo: No final do século XIX, o anarquismo chegou ao Brasil graças a imigração europeia, estimulada tanto pela crise econômica alguns países do continente, como a Itália, Espanha e Portugal, quanto pelo financiamento a essa imigração por parte do governo brasileiro, sobretudo no Estado de São Paulo. A consolidação do anarquismo no interior da classe operária paulistana - classe social que começou a surgir com a progressiva reconfiguração do capitalismo brasileiro que começou a dar seus primeiros passos à industrialização - fomentou uma cultura própria, desdobrando-se na música, teatro, poesia, literatura e na educação, com a abertura de escolas libertárias. Nossa narrativa contará a história das Escolas Modernas de São Paulo, que funcionaram na década de 1910 nos bairros operários do Brás e Belenzinho. Falar sobre elas teve, basicamente, dois objetivos: primeiro, contribuir para a história do anarquismo, da educação e da arte/educação no Brasil - considerando que há pouca bibliografia sobre elas ou ainda a sua omissão nas narrativas oficiais; segundo, tentar compreender de que maneira a cultura libertária formada na classe trabalhadora em questão se conciliava com o programa curricular das Escolas e se, por consequência, contou com aulas de artes que se contrapunham ao currículo oficial. Esse trabalho só foi possível a partir da consulta e leitura de documentos preservados em alguns acervos, em conjunto ao material bibliográfico existente
Résumé: À la fin du XIXème siècle, l'anarchisme est arrivé au Brésil grâce à l'immigration européenne, stimulée à la fois par la crise économique dans certains pays du continent, tels que l'Italie, l'Espagne et le Portugal, et par le financement de cette immigration par le gouvernement brésilien, en particulier dans l'État de São Paulo. La consolidation de l'anarchisme au sein de la classe ouvrière de la ville de São Paulo - une classe sociale qui a commencé à émerger avec la reconfiguration progressive du capitalisme brésilien qui commeçait à faire ses premiers pas vers l'industrialisation - a favorisé la création d'une culture propre, qui s'est étendue à la musique, au théâtre, à la poésie, la littérature et l'éducation, avec l'ouverture des écoles libertaires. Notre récit racontera l'histoire des Écoles Modernes de São Paulo, qui ont fonctionné pendant les années 1910 dans les quartiers ouvriers du Brás et Belenzinho. Parler de ces écoles avait deux objectifs principaux: premièrement, contribuer à l'histoire de l'anarchisme, de l'éducation et de l'art/éducation au Brésil - compte tenu du fait qu'il existe peu de bibliographie à leur sujets ou même leur omission dans les récits officiels; deuxièmement, essayer de comprendre la manière dont la culture libertaire formée dans la classe ouvrière en question s'est réconciliée avec le programme éducationnel des Écoles et si, par conséquent, elle comptait sur des classes d'art que s'opposaient au programme officiel. Ce travail n'a été... (Résumé complet accès életronique ci-dessous)
Mestre
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McClelland, Roderick William. "White discourse in post-independence Zimbabwean literature." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/18261.
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Literally hundreds of novels were written by white Rhodesians during the U.D.I. era of the 1960s and 1970s. Since Independence, however, not much more than a handful of literary texts have been produced by whites in Zimbabwe. This dissertation, therefore, involves an interrogation of both white discourse and the (reduced) space for white discourse in postcolonial Zimbabwean society. In addition to the displaced moral space, and the removal of the economic and political power base, there has been an appropriation of control over the material means of production of any discourse and white discourse, which has become accustomed to its position of superiority due to its dominance and dominating tendencies, has struggled to come to terms with its new, non-hegemonic 'space'. In an attempt to come to some understanding of the literary silence and marginalisation of white discourse in post-independence Zimbabwe there has to be some understanding of the voice that was formed during the British South Africa Company's administration and which reached a crescendo of authoritarian self-assertion at the declaration of unilateral independence. Vital to this discussion (in Part I) is an uncovering of the myths that were intrinsic to white discourse in the way that they were created as justification for settlement and to propagandise the aggressive defence of that space that was forged in an alien landscape. These myths have not been easily cast aside and, hence, have made it so difficult for white discourse to adapt to post-colonial society. Most Rhodesian novels were extremely partisan and promulgated these myths. Part II, discusses ex post facto novels about the war (from the white perspective) to investigate whether white discourse is recognising the lies that make up so much of its belief system. This investigation of this particular perspective of the war, then, will help to define at what stage white Zimbabweans are at in the development of a national culture. Part III takes this discussion of acculturation and national unity further. Furthermore, through the discussion of a number of novels in this chapter, it is argued that white discourse is struggling to come to terms with its non-hegemonic position and is continuing to attempt to assert its control. The 'space' available to the early settlers' discourse for appropriation, however, has been removed and, in the reduced space available to white discourse, one continued area of possible control is that of conservation.
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Schneider, Christian Elias. "Orientation towards Asia Pacific or Europe - Political, economic and socio-cultural aspects of the current discourse on identity in New Zealand." St. Gallen, 2006. http://www.biblio.unisg.ch/org/biblio/edoc.nsf/wwwDisplayIdentifier/02604973001/$FILE/02604973001.pdf.
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Urs, Ion Social Sciences & International Studies Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences UNSW. "The empowerment of aggressive state ideology in two periods of Russian history." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Social Sciences & International Studies, 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40568.
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The concepts of power and state - particularly embedded in the idea of the Great Power, with a geopolitical perspective and a profoundly aggressive character - are tantamount in importance to the Russia's elite political ideology. However, the existence of different emphases within such a political ideology, ranging from the active-obstructive to the passive stances, brings into question the factors of variation that might be responsible for the elite's level of determination to pursue these concepts over an internal or foreign policy development. In addressing this query, two tasks are set: descriptive - involving a survey of the content of Russian aggressive political ideology over different periods in history; and explanatory - determining circumstances that might account for the empowerment of one or other option of Russian aggressive political ideology. Therefore, the thesis includes a comparison of historical periods with similar relevance to the Russian state. The concern here is in relation to shifting factors of variations of aggressive political ideology acting in the space-frame of one state, but in different time-frame. Resting on these frames the thesis explores the shaping of the Russian elite's defining principles of state internal and foreign policy development and traces the factors of variation responsible for the empowerment of one or other particular form of the aggressive political ideology. The factors of variation discussed in the thesis are different in nature and intensity. The primary impetus for variation in the form that aggressive political ideology would take is determined by the factor of national distress. Other factors (regime volatility, political and economic motivations, information dissemination, and challenges within the international system) are responsible for the depth and extent to which aggressive ideology is going to resonate. No factor could create the variation by itself. The argument is that a specific set of factors is required to create the conditions for variations in the form the aggressive political ideology would take and to determine whether aggressive ideology would generate or not an obstructive political decision.
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Chen, Hunglin Maggie. "An analysis of the impact of cultural differences upon management styles of selected Taiwanese managers within business/industry organizations of Southern California." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1995. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1045.
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Qiang, Wen. "Cultural resistances in Chinese cyberspace." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2150205.
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Newman, Christy Elizabeth National Centre in HIV Social Research & School of Media & Communications UNSW. "Looking after yourself : the cultural politics of health magazine reader letters." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. National Centre in HIV Social Research and School of Media and Communications, 2004. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/19192.
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Health is an organising principle of contemporary neoliberal citizenship, particularly evident in the political rhetoric of individual responsibility articulated around the privatisation of public health and welfare systems. The popular culture of these political technologies is expressed via the discourses of self-help and self-care, exemplified by the commercial success of consumer health magazines, and the responsibilising strategies of public health interventions. This thesis investigates the contemporary function of health magazines by examining both the content and the context of reader letters published between 1997 and 2000 in six Sydney-based 'commercial' and 'community' publications, and incorporating interviews with magazine editors. The three commercial magazines address the health media 'publics' of women (Good Medicine), men (Men's Health) and alternative health consumers (Nature & Health), whereas the three community publications address the 'counterpublics' of people living with HIV/AIDS (Talkabout), sex workers (The Professional) and illicit drug users (User's News). Despite their different social contexts, these six magazines are all exemplary of the advanced liberal health imperatives of Australian popular culture, although the community magazines also empower audiences to facilitate social change. Reader letters are approached via the interpretive lens of cultural studies, in which the specific local characteristics of each text is seen to have wider global implications. Each magazine's letters are positioned within a complex cultural, political and economic context that includes the rise of consumer culture, the social function of narrative disclosures, the increased validation of exhibitionism and the gendered politics of health and medicine. This research advocates for interdisciplinary dialogue between media/cultural studies, health/medical sociology and political theory, suggesting that health magazine reader letters can help to identify the role of popular and alternative media in constructing ideals of 'citizenships' within advanced liberalism.
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Giry, Julien. "Le conspirationnisme dans la culture politique et populaire aux Etats-Unis : une approche sociopolitique des théories du complot." Thesis, Rennes 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014REN1G006.
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Du 11 septembre aux extraterrestres, des camps de concentration américains à l'assassinat de Kennedy, cette thèse a pour objectif d'éclairer sous un angle sociopolitique les fondements, les mécanismes et les enjeux de la pensée conspirationniste aux États-Unis depuis la révolution jusqu'à nos jours. S'il ne s'agit pas de dresser un catalogue exhaustif de toutes les théories du complot en vogue, le but demeure de démontrer que le conspirationnisme est un véritable fait social aux États-Unis, un élément de culture politique et populaire. Cette thèse se propose alors d'étudier les rouages et les origines du conspirationnisme sous trois aspects différents et complémentaires qui forment un triangle. D'abord, sous l'angle factuel, c'est-à-dire en étudiant les thèses du complot relatives à un événement extraordinaire (9/11, assassinat de JFK, etc.). Ensuite, sous l'angle des acteurs du conspirationnisme : les leaders conspirationnistes (LaRouche, Icke, etc.), les citoyens enquêteurs et les boucs-émissaires (communistes, juifs, illuminatis, etc.). Enfin, sous l'angle culturel en mettant en perspective le conspirationnisme avec la culture américaine : l'anti-étatisme, la présence de mafias ou encore le cinéma de masseFrom 9/11 to UFOs, from American concentration camps to the Kennedy's assassination, this dissertation aims to enlighten, through a sociopolitical analysis, the grounds, the mechanics and the goals of the conspiratorial thought in the United States since the Revolution. Even Though it is no question to draw an exhaustive catalog of each and every conspiracy theory, I would stress that conspiracism is part of the American political and popular culture. Then, this dissertation studies the origins and the developments of conspiracism through three complementary focuses. First, a factual approach which dwells on specific conspiracy theories such as the 9/11 attacks or the assassination of Kennedy. Secondly, I will come on the actors of conspiracism : the conspiracist leaders (LaRouche, Icke) the citizens sleuths and the scapegoats (Communists, Jews, Illuminatis). Finally, under a cultural angle, I will outlook conspiracism and the American culture of anti-statism, the presence of mafias or the role of mass-medias
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Thompson, Glen. "Surfing, gender and politics : identity and society in the history of South African surfing culture in the twentieth-century." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97064.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study is a socio-cultural history of the sport of surfing from 1959 to the 2000s in South Africa. It critically engages with the “South African Surfing History Archive”, collected in the course of research, by focusing on two inter-related themes in contributing to a critical sports historiography in southern Africa. The first is how surfing in South Africa has come to be considered a white, male sport. The second is whether surfing is political. In addressing these topics the study considers the double whiteness of the Californian influences that shaped local surfing culture at “whites only” beaches during apartheid. The racialised nature of the sport can be found in the emergence of an amateur national surfing association in the mid-1960s and consolidated during the professionalisation of the sport in the mid-1970s. Within these trends, the making and maintenance of an exemplar white surfing masculinity within competitive surfing was linked to national identity. There are three counter narratives to this white, male surfing history that have been hidden by that same past. Firstly, the history women’s surfing in South Africa provides examples of girl localisms evident within the masculine domination of the surf. Herein submerged women surfer voices can be heard in the cultural texts and the construction of surfing femininities can be seen within competitive surfing. Secondly, surfing’s whiteness was not outside of the political. The effects of the international sports boycott against apartheid for South African surfing were two-fold: international pressure on surfing as a racialised sport led to sanctions in the late 1970s against the amateur national surfing teams competing internationally or maintaining international sporting contacts; and, as of 1985, the boycott by professional surfers of events on the South African leg of the world surfing tour further deepened South African surfing’s sports isolation. By the end of the 1980s, white organised surfing was in crisis and the status of South African as a surfing nation in question. Lastly, the third counter-narrative is the silenced histories of black surfing under apartheid. Alongside individual black surfer histories, the non-racial surfing movement in the mid-to-late 1980s is considered as a political and cultural protest against white organised surfing. The rationale for non-racial sport was challenged in 1990 as South Africa began its political transition to democracy. Nevertheless, the South African Surfing Union, the national non-racial surfing body, played a pivotal role in surfing’s unification in 1991 which led to South African amateur surfing’s return to international competition in 1992. However, it was an uneasy unity within organised surfing that set the scene for surfing development as a strategy for sports transformation in the post-apartheid years. The emergence of black surfing localisms after 1994 is located within that history, with attention given to the promotion of young, male Zulu surfers within competitive surfing, which point to emergent trends in the Africanisation of surfing in the 2000s. It is concluded is that while cultural change in South African surfing is evident in the post-apartheid present, that change is complicated by surfing’s gendered and apartheid sporting pasts.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie is ‘n sosio-kulturele studie oor die geskiedenis van die sport van branderplankry in Suid-Afrika vanaf omstreeks 1959 tot 2000. Dit behels onder meer ‘n kritiese bespreking van die “Suid-Afrikaanse Branderplank Argief” wat in die loop van navorsing opgebou is. Daar word veral op twee temas in kritiese sport historiografie in suidelike Afrika gefokus. Die eerste is die wyse hoe branderplankry in Suid-Afrika as ‘n wit manlike sport ontwikkel het. Die tweede is of branderplankry as polities beskou kan word. Hierdie onderwerpe word onder die loep geneem deur te let op die dubbele witheid van Kaliforniese invloede wat die plaaslike kultuur op “slegs blanke” strande onder apartheid help vorm het. Die rasgebonde aard van die sport kan gevind word in die totstandkoming van die amateur nasionale branderplank vereniging in in die middel 1960s en is gekonsolideer met die professionalisering van die sport in die middel 1970s. Vervat in hierdie verwikkelinge is die vorming en instandhouding van ‘n besondere tipe manlikheid wat as ‘n ideaal tipe voorgehou is en deurmiddel van mededingende branderplank kompetisies aan ‘n nasionale identitieit gekoppel is. Daar is drie kontra narratiewe tot hierdie wit manlike geskiedenis wat deur dieselfde verlede verberg is. Eerstens is daar die geskiedenis van vroue branderplankry wat blyke gee van plaaslike vroue se betrokkenheid in dié oorheersende manlike domein. Gedempte vrouestemme klink op in kulturele tekste en die konstruksie van vroulike identiteite binne mededingende kompetisies.Tweedens was branderplankry se witheid nie onverwant aan die politieke dimensie nie. Die uitwerking van die internasionale sportsboikot teen apartheid was tweeledig: internasionale druk op branderplankry as ‘n rasgebonde sport het in die laat 1970s tot sanksies teen amateur spanne gelei wat oorsee meegeding het of internasionale kontakte gehad het, en sedert 1985 het die boikot van professionele branderplankryers van kompetisies in Suid-Afrika die land se isolasie verdiep. Teen die einde van die 1980s was wit georganiseerd branderplankry in ‘n krisis en die status van van Suid-Afrika as ‘n branderplankry nasie in die gedrang. Laastens is die derde kontra narratief die vergete geskiedenisse van swart branderplankryers onder apartheid. Samehangend met swart geskiedenisse word die nie-rassige branderplankry beweging in die middel 1980s as ‘n kulturele en politieke protes beskou. Die rasionaal vir nie-rassige sport is in 1990 uitgedaag tydens die oorgang na volledige demokrasie in Suid-Afrika. Desnieteenstaande het die Suid-Afrikaans Branderplankry Vereniging ‘n bepalende rol gespeel in organisatoriese eenwording in die sport en die hertoelating tot internasionale kompetisies in 1992. Dit was egter ‘n ongemaklike eenheid waarop transformasie gedurende die postapartheid fase gebou moes word. Die groter teenwoordigheid van plaaslike swart branderplankryers moet in dié konteks gesien word, veral ten opsigte van jong Zoeloe ryers wat alhoemee navore tree en op die Afrikanisering van die sport sedert ongeveer 2000 dui. Daar word ten slotte op gewys dat hoewel kulturele verandering in die huidige bedeling merkbaar is, die sport se geslagtelike en rasgebonde verlede nog steeds sake kompliseer.
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Duong, Paloma. "Amateur Citizens: Culture and Democracy in Contemporary Cuba." Thesis, 2014. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8J964WP.
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This dissertation studies the creative practices of citizens who use cultural resources to engage in political criticism in contemporary Cuba. I argue that, in order to become visible as political subjects in the public sphere, these citizens appeal to cultural forms and narratives of self-representation that elucidate the struggles for recognition faced by emerging social actors. I examine blogs, garage bands, art performances, home art exhibits, digital literary supplements, improvised academies, and informal networks of publication that, as forms of aesthetic experimentation with stories of everyday life, disclose a social text. I suggest that their narrative choices emphasize their status as 'regular citizens' in order to distinguish themselves from both traditional voices of political opposition and institutionally accredited cultural producers--professional artists, academics, musicians. This recasts sites of cultural production as models of alternative citizenship where the concept of the political is re-imagined and where the commonplace, pejorative meaning of the term amateur is contested. On the fringes of the republic of letters, adjacent to traditional sites of cultural production, these oblique uses of culture consequently question legitimate forms of public speech. They demand that the way in which the relationship between aesthetics and politics in Cuba has been traditionally studied be reconsidered.
Read in tandem with discourses against and about them from the lettered city--in literature, cultural criticism, film, and visual arts--I also follow the trope of the amateur under revolutionary cultural politics. I suggest that these contemporary voices have a contradictory genealogy in the cultural practices of the early decades of the Cuban Revolution. I try to show that these cultural practices become politically and socially significant because they try to resist--though not always successfully--cooptation by two forces: the remnant of bureaucratic, state-capitalist tendencies on one hand, and the rapid commercialization of popular culture for a foreign audience on the other. As a result, both the reconfigurations of the cultural field and the contested meanings of democracy in post-Cold War Cuba are re-examined through a reading of informal hubs of cultural production. The functions of culture in late socialism can be then comparatively studied by looking at an institutional framework in transition through the social and political subjectivities that are both expressed in, and constituted by, corresponding aesthetic practices and forms.