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1
Moosavinia, Sayyed Rahim, and Fatemeh Raeisi. "“Stark Raving Sane”: A Deconstructionist Reading of Tom Stoppard’s Rosencrantz and Guildenstern Are Dead." Anafora 8, no. 1 (2021): 187–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.29162/anafora.v8i1.10.
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The focus of this study is the theme of Hamlet’s madness in Tom Stoppard’s Rosencrantz and Guildenstern Are Dead, which as a play based on Shakespeare’s Hamlet, provides a critique on this theme through the perspective of Ros and Guil, who, by means of a reversal of minor and major characters, have become the center of the spotlight in Stoppard’s play. The concept of madness in general is complicated, including many different aspects, among which the historical aspect is the most significant, as the definition of madness has evolved through different historical eras. By placing Stoppard’s Rosencrantz and Guildenstern Are Dead in a historical context, this essay aims to demonstrate that as a play written in the latter half of the twentieth century, Ros and Guil’s critique of Hamlet’s madness, with all the intricacies of its language, collapses the binary opposition of sanity and insanity in a twentieth century poststructuralist manner, and leads to no clear-cut answer to the question of Hamlet’s madness. However, as a play whose events unfold in the context of Hamlet, a Renaissance play, it carries some of the social and political aspects of Shakespeare’splay, as Ros and Guil’s evaluation of Hamlet’s condition is heavily under Claudius’s politically infused influence.
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Agius, Christine, and Karen Devine. "‘Neutrality: A really dead concept?’ A reprise." Cooperation and Conflict 46, no. 3 (September 2011): 265–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836711416955.
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This article approaches ‘neutrality’ as an essentially contested concept and traces its meaning and purpose over centuries-long historical timelines and situated political, societal and security contexts. It distinguishes neutrality from other concepts such as ‘neutralization’ ‘non-belligerency’, ‘non-alignment’, ‘military non-alignment’, ‘military neutrality’ and ‘non-allied’. The article explains the politics of defining neutrality in the current European political and legal landscape and in the context of shifting definitions and practices of war, peace, security and state sovereignty. This episteme-based analysis focuses on changes to neutrality in accordance with the rise and fall of particular empires and international actors over time, and changes to its status linked to the development and reification of particular meta-theoretically-based subfields of International Relations and Political Science, setting the background to this special issue of Cooperation and Conflict. A renewed emphasis on the normative aspects of neutrality (i.e. the role of domestic values, politics, preferences, history and mass publics in foreign policy formulation) is achieved by employing a range of perspectives, characterized by increased pluralism in levels of analysis and theoretical approaches. Through this pluralism, authors engage with (1) the strategic and normative drivers underpinning the norm of neutrality, (2) the potential for neutrals to serve as norm entrepreneurs in the field of peace promotion, (3) the tenuous legal status of elites’ quasi-neutral foreign policy constructions underpinned by tensions between discourses and practices and (4) the discursive strategies underpinning the move from neutral states’ traditional forms of neutrality to what is termed ‘post-neutrality’ in the current politico-legal context.
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Caldwell, Peter C. "The Life of the Dead: Karl Marx in Context." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 48, no. 1 (June 2017): 61–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01089.
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In Karl Marx: Greatness and Illusion, Gareth Stedman Jones draws a distinction between Marx’s nineteenth-century views and those of twentieth-century Marxism, which abandoned ideas of Marx that seemed outdated. Stedman Jones’ careful reconstruction of Marx’s philosophical, political, and economic thought in the context of the new social thought of the early nineteenth century, however, reveals aspects of Marx that returned to challenge official Marxism. In this respect, Stedman Jones’ conception of intellectual history as the careful placement of ideas in their historical context conflicts with his actual practice of intellectual history, which discovers challenges to the present in past debates.
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BEN-AVRAHAM, ZVI. "The Dead Sea – a unique global site." European Review 9, no. 4 (October 2001): 437–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798701000400.
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The Dead Sea area is unique in the sense that it is a natural laboratory in which key topics in several scientific disciplines can be studied in situ. Processes that take place during continental break-up, geochemistry and dynamics of the hypersaline Dead Sea water, paleoclimate and paleoseismic records in sediments and the survival mechanisms of halophilic micro-organisms are among the topics being studied there. Active tectonic processes control all aspects of the Dead Sea and have created an environment that has also influenced the course of human history.
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Dopieralla, Jakub. "Battling Procedural Windmills: Introductions of Proposals to Change U.S. Senate Procedure." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 28, no. 2 (June 2021): 115–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2021-2-115.
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Procedural change in Congress, especially in the United States Senate, has been studied quite extensively over the last thirty years. One of the most remarkable aspects of Senate procedural change is the extremely low likelihood that any proposals to change the way the Senate conducts its business will actually pass the relevant procedures and become part of either the Standing Rules of the Senate, or other sources of the procedural outlay. Being fully aware of this, however, senators continue to introduce scores of proposals that deal with many different aspects of the procedural environment, despite the negligible chance of any of them being accepted or even gaining attention from fellow lawmakers or the public. This paper looks at these ‘dead on arrival’ proposals, and tries to provide an explanation for the proposals, grounded in theories that deal with legislators’ building of their personal brands, aimed at helping their chances of re-election.
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Dodonov, Roman, Vira Dodonova, and Oleksandr Konotopenko. "The Baptism of Relics of Oleg and Yaropolk: Ethical, Theological and Political Aspects." Filosofiya-Philosophy 30, no. 3 (September 20, 2021): 272–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.53656/phil2021-03-05.
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A stereoscopic view on a particular historical event, in which contemporary assessments are combined with mental stereotypes of a medieval man, allows a slightly different assessment of the chronicle plot about the posthumous “baptism of bones” of Oleg and Yaropolk, Princes of Kyivan Rus, in 1044. While from theological positions it is perceived as an absurdity and a direct violation of the rules of the church, in the Middle Ages this act did not contradict the mass religious beliefs. From an ethical point of view, the action of Yaroslav the Wise was regarded as concern for the souls of the ancestors who died pagans and therefore did not claim for the salvation. The soteriological optimism that prevailed in the eleventh century in countries of the late Christianization, including Kyivan Rus, gave hope that living people were able to influence the fate of the souls of the dead. From a political point of view, the baptism of the ashes of the ancestors and their reburial in the family tomb of the Princes of Kyiv in the Church of the Tithes was aimed at expanding the circle of heavenly patrons and protectors of the princely dynasty, expanding the period of the Christian history of Kyivan Rus, and, as a result, legitimizing the power of Yaroslav the Wise.
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Chu, Lan T. "God is Not Dead or Violent: The Catholic Church, Just War, and the “Resurgence” of Religion." Politics and Religion 5, no. 2 (July 30, 2012): 419–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048312000090.
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AbstractWhile scholars have recognized a resurgence of religion, their focus mainly has been on religion's more violent aspects, overlooking its peaceful capacities and effects. This oversight is due in part to the lack of theoretical rigor when it comes to the study of politics and religion. Using the Catholic Church's opposition to the United States’ 2003 war in Iraq, this article highlights the political significance of religion's moral, symbolic voice, which is as important as the hard power that has traditionally dominated international relations. The post-Vatican II Catholic Church's modern articulation of human dignity and interpretation of just war theory challenges both scholars and policymakers to utilize the peaceful, diplomatic methods that international relations theory and practitioners have made available. Religion's role in politics, therefore, can be one that is supportive of modern political societies and it need not be violent.
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Samson Normand de Chambourg, Dominique. ""We Are Not Dead Souls"." Sibirica 18, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 109–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/sib.2019.180306.
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Through the example of the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug–Yugra, which has become one of the country’s main energy hubs (accounting for 62 percent of Russian oil production) and a pioneer in matters of native rights, this article sheds light on what is at stake in the Siberian taiga of the early twenty-first century between two worlds that, over the years, have variously clashed, assisted each other, and ignored each other. Based primarily on fieldwork carried out between 2013 and 2018, as well as on interviews with local cultural and economic actors, the article outlines a local aspect of a history in movement that is still to be written.
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Vad, Erich. "How to fight terrorism? Political and strategic aspects." CNS Spectrums 23, no. 2 (October 26, 2017): 158–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1092852917000724.
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“Fighting terrorism is like eating soup with a fork” (Shimon Peres). Peres’s quote symbolically captures the key problem of countering terrorism. 9/11 proved to be a hallmark in the global perception of modern terrorism. The following questions form the framework of the present essay: What is the essence of modern terrorism? How did it develop during the past two decades? Who are the key players within the terror framework? What are the root causes for global terrorism? How are we to deal appropriately with the global phenomenon of terrorism? Are there any solutions (short-, medium-, long-term) to terrorism? If yes, where do we have to look for them? The underlying essay provides a strategic overview of antiterrorism policy that is based on the author’s years-long experience as a high-level expert and advisor within the security policy framework. For this reason, citations are expressly not included. The key target audience comprises laypersons interested in the phenomenon of global terrorism and its social interplay.
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Scott Bray, Rebecca. "Contested Deaths and Coronial Justice in the Digital Age." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 9, no. 4 (November 26, 2020): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.1692.
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This article discusses emergent digital mechanisms that are engaging with, analysing and challenging coronial practice and state talk around contested deaths. Drawing on key examples, the article argues that these mechanisms represent and enable a growing, interactive public dialogue around deaths in controversial circumstances, which has the potential to shape how we might understand aspects of death justice and knowledge about the dead and their bereaved in the digital age.
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Khallaf, Muhammad. "Norman Mailer’s The Naked and the Dead as a Novel of Manners." Journal of English Language and Literature 9, no. 2 (April 30, 2018): 828–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17722/jell.v9i2.358.
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Norman Mailer (1923-2007) is one the most important figures among the American Writers, an extremely influenced personality in the post-world war II American Literature. He is best known for his first war novel The Naked and the Dead (1948), which is a commentary on the American society. Hence, the present study is an attempt to investigate and reflect the social ills and fragmentation, misery and the overwhelming social and political restraints that formed the American atmosphere at that time. Mailer is interested in what happens in the contemporary American society. His aim is to depict the national rituals of American life. The researcher in this study seeks to identify the literary aspects reflected and drawn in The Naked and the Dead that make us categorize it as a novel of manners for it is satiric and realistic in depiction, in which Mailer unprecedentedly characterizes the social mores, evils and customs that are characteristic of a particular class of people in a specific historical context. The descriptive approach along with detailed analysis is utilized in conducting the present study. The conclusion sums up the most important findings of the study.
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Newman, Karl, and Sophie Boyron. "I. Constitutional Aspects." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 48, no. 3 (July 1999): 703–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300063533.
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Article N of the Treaty on European Union (TEU ) called for an intergovernmental conference (IGC) in 1996 to reform the articles of the Treaty for which a revision is provided. Also, it was felt that the institutional question should be addressed before the next wave of enlargement; the institutional structure which was adopted to deal with six member States could hardly be stretched further to include the Eastern European applicant States. A complete re-engineering of the institutional framework was required. Furthermore, the reform of the institutions should tend to increase democracy in the Union.
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Gordon, Leonid. "Russia at the Crossroads." Government and Opposition 30, no. 1 (January 1, 1995): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1995.tb00429.x.
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THE CURRENT CRISIS IN RUSSIAN SOCIETY HAS BEEN THE SUBJECT of all manner of scholarly investigations, essays and editorials. But the clear economic reverses, distinctly felt by all, have caused analysis to focus almost exclusively on this aspect of the crisis. A more constructive approach to the problem might be to examine it as a process, as an objective result of all aspects of the country's development and contemporary civilization as a whole.This approach presupposes that the rejection of socialism in Russia and Eastern Europe, the major reforms in China and Vietnam, and the dead-end situation in Cuba are not chance, but form a pattern. In each case, the crisis is a function of the transition from one social system to another. This transitional crisis is all-encompassing; its economic component is no more important than the political, social, ethical, cultural, or that of daily life. A transitional crisis is the harbinger of a Time of Troubles when all of society — not just isolated elements — is thrown into turmoil.
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Lukowski, Jerzy. "Recasting Utopia: Montesquieu, Rousseau and the Polish constitution of 3 May 1791." Historical Journal 37, no. 1 (March 1994): 65–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014709.
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ABSTRACTBetween the sixteenth and eighteengh centuries, the nobility of the Polish–Lithuanian commonwealth had developed an ideology of extreme individualism and libertarianism, within a correspondingly weak and decentralized state structure. The first partition of 1772 starkly revealed the weaknesses of the Polish polity, but any hopes of major political overhaul were frustrated by the dead hand of Russian ambassadorial policing. The war of 1787–92 with Turkey proved a temporary distraction for Russia, which the Polish parliament of 1788–92 showed itself only partly capable of exploiting. Factional conflicts and a wary conservatism hampered reforms: the ideas of Montesquieu and Rousseau, which closely complemented so many aspects of traditional Polish noble ideology, seemed to offer the most acceptable way forward, culminating in the constitution of 3 May 1791, a compromise between enlightened idealism and political pragmatism.
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Aijmer, Göran. "A Family Reunion The Anthropology of Life, Death and New Year in Soochow." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 15, no. 2 (July 2005): 199–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186304004705.
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AbstractFor a long time students of China have held the view that ancestral cults formed one of the pillars of the Imperial state, that they were the backbone of family life and provided the ideological source for the political class. In a vague and general way this is no doubt true. However, from an anthropological perspective, the position of the dead in Chinese society is not well known. China is a vast country with a great variety of ecological circumstances and ethnic substrata, which have contributed to differences in ritual articulation. The most important of the regional differences may have been the divide between the rice-producing areas in the south and those producing wheat and millet in the north. China was sinicised in a slow process by the acceptance of hegemonic influences under shifting political conditions, and we must expect rich and diverse strands within the substrata lingering in the mix that we sometimes superficially designate ‘traditionally Chinese’. Furthermore, we must realise that there have been shifts in these ancestral cults through the ages, and that what was conducted in earlier dynasties might in some important aspects have been rather different from what went on in the later days of the Empire. In this article I wish to continue earlier work on the Chinese cult of the dead in terms of time – cyclical, calendrical and linear.
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Bennett, Caroline. "Living with the dead in the killing fields of Cambodia." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 49, no. 2 (June 2018): 184–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463418000188.
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This article traces the changing relationships between the living and the dead in post-Khmer Rouge Cambodia. Fuelled with fear, confusion, and massive displacement, these relationships initially consisted of distrustful interactions. Over time, however, reciprocal relations of support were established, enabling a transformation of the dead from frightened and frightening beings, to benevolent allies in the reconstruction of post-Khmer Rouge Cambodia. These relationships allowed both the living and the dead to be brought in from the ‘forest’, thus showing how managing the dead was an integral aspect of post-conflict security. By comparing such relationships at Choeung Ek Genocidal Center (a national memorial site) and Koh Sap (an island in the Bassac River) this article shows how the dead replicate the locally situated politics of the living in these encounters.
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Fishel, Stefanie, and Lauren Wilcox. "Politics of the Living Dead: Race and Exceptionalism in the Apocalypse." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 45, no. 3 (June 2017): 335–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0305829817712819.
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The zombie, as a Western pop culture icon, has taken up residence in International Relations. Used both humorously and as a serious teaching tool, many scholars and professors of IR have written of the zombie as a useful figure for teaching IR theory in an engaging manner, and have used zombie outbreaks to analyse the responses of the international community during catastrophe, invasion, and natural disasters. The authors of this article would like to unearth another aspect of the zombie that is often left unsaid or forgotten: namely, that the body of the zombie, as a historical phenomenon and cultural icon, is deeply imbricated in the racialisation of political subjects and fear of the Other. Through a critical analysis of biopower and race, and in particular Weheliye’s concept of habeas viscus, we suggest that the figure of the zombie can be read as a racialised figure that can provide the means for rethinking the relationship of the discipline of IR to the concept of race. We read The Walking Dead as a zombie narrative that could provide a critical basis for rethinking the concepts of bare life and the exception to consider ‘living on’ in apocalyptic times.
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SWIRSKI, PETER. "Literature as History: The Lives and Deaths of Richard Milhous Slurrie and Walter Bodmor Nixon." Journal of American Studies 43, no. 3 (November 11, 2009): 459–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875809990818.
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The enduring success of any roman-à-clef owes to the ghost of the real world lurking, like a palimpsest, behind the storyworld. Barring a few counterfactual twists, Richard Condon's Death of a Politician follows the chequered career of a dead-ringer for Richard Milhous Nixon through the war-scam 1940s, the red scare 1950s, and the freewheeling-dealing 1960s. Square the revisionist drive of Condon's political fiction with the premise of historical veracity, and you may wonder where sober fact ends and fiction begins. How much of Nixon lies in Walter Bodmor Slurrie? How much of Nixon's banker and confidant “Bebe” Rebozo lies in Slurrie's banker and confidant “Kiddo” Cardozo? How much of the Miami mobster Mayer Lansky lies in Cardozo's boss, Miami mobster Abner Danzig? How much of their crass venality and control is the figment of Condon's imagination? Better still, how much is true? In my article I set out to answer all these questions, using Condon's roman-à-clef as a springboard for analysis of salient aspects of the Nixon presidency and of American electoral politics in general.
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Bicknell, Jeanette. "The Individuality in the Deed: Hegel on Forgiveness and Reconciliation." Hegel Bulletin 19, no. 1-2 (1998): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263523200001294.
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The topic of forgiveness and reconciliation is one of the areas in Hegel's philosophy in which an uneasy tension between philosophy and religion, logic and existence, is most obvious. My goal in this paper is to illuminate Hegel's discussion of forgiveness and reconciliation in his Lectures on the Philosophy of Religion by examining his treatment of the same topic in the Phenomenology of Spirit. Previous commentators have discussed the political and social aspects of reconciliation, but paid little attention to its religious aspects. Similarly, commentators who have addressed the psychological and social aspects of reconciliation in the Phenomenology, have too seldom turned their attention to Hegel's full discussion of the religious aspect of reconciliation in the Lectures. In bringing these two texts together, I hope to make a contribution to the larger project of showing the relevance of the Phenomenology to Hegel's later works. Finally, I will suggest some limitations in Hegel's analysis of forgiveness and reconciliation.Part III of the Lectures delineates three levels of rupture and reconciliation: within the individual consciousness, among individuals of the community, and between the individual and God (215-251 ). This last level of reconciliation is the religious aspect and presupposes the earlier levels. To help understand the individual's reconciliation within himself and with others, which will be my main area of concern in this paper, we will now look at the relevant passage of Phenomenology of Spirit.
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Elledge, C. D. "Critical Issues in Death and the Afterlife in Ancient Judaism." Journal of Ancient Judaism 10, no. 1 (May 19, 2019): 4–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-01001003.
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Studies of the afterlife in ancient Judaism have often charted the historical emergence and development of beliefs, like resurrection, that would ultimately become normative within Western religions. Yet recent studies have focused more intently on specific aspects of ancient literary evidence, including apocalypses, sapiential texts, Philo, Josephus, and select Dead Sea Scrolls. Social-scientific analysis has also brought clearer insights into the interactive roles that attitudes toward death may play in shaping behavior, community continuity, political resistance, and self-definition. The present article surveys these developments, highlighting the conceptual diversity of attitudes toward death and the varied social roles that they played within their ancient Jewish contexts. The conceptual variety and social adaptability of afterlife beliefs to varying sectors of Judaism offer a revealing window into the process of theodicy-creation and legitimation in ancient Judaism.
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Stevanovic, Lada. "Private is (not) public: About Antigone’s mourning voice and its echo in Hegel and Kierkegaard." Filozofija i drustvo 24, no. 1 (2013): 254–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1301254s.
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This paper presents a rereading of the interpretations of Antigone by Hegel and Kierkegaard on the grounds of research of Sophocles? text and its performance in Athenian theatre in the context of socio-political climate of the fifth century Athens. Focus is placed on the political aspect of theatre, as well as on the figure of Antigone, her voice and her action, which is the subject recognized by Hegel. However, what this interpretation lacks is the notion that Antigone is political and not pre-political figure. This political aspect reveals itself within the research of ancient Greek lamentation and funeral ritual as an exclusively female practice in ancient Greek tradition, which was subjected to regulations and control in particular by the law of Solo (6th ct. BC). However, new political organization was not based on family relation and aristocratic clans, as before, but exclusively on political bodies. So, for example the vendetta, which was formulated by women during the lamentation, was banned by law. Still, in spite of many laws and regulations by the state, and later on (in the Byzantine period) the church, women in Greece succeeded in keeping their important position in all the practices around the dead, almost until the end of the XX century. So, we see the example of traditional practice that functions on the margins of the society endangering and controlling its official political structure in pre-modern societies. What are the echoes of the political figure of Antigone, as a woman in charge of the family funeral duties, in the text of Hegel and in the text of Kierkegaard. Where is her voice? And does she act politically or privately?
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Bratthall, D., and D. E. Barmes. "Adding Fluoride to Sugar—a New Avenue to Reduce Dental Caries, or a "Dead End"?" Advances in Dental Research 9, no. 1 (February 1995): 3–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08959374950090010501.
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A study group was formed in 1989 by the Oral Health Program of WHO, Geneva, to consider the possibility of reducing dental caries by adding fluoride to sugar. Although a few promising clinical reports were available for review, the group found that information was too scarce for field trials to be recommended at this stage. Among the many items to be considered was what concentration of fluoride in sugar could reasonably be regarded as cariostatic. Thus, the committee decided to initiate studies to obtain further background information. Unlike fluoridated salt, the concept of fluoridated sugar does not involve trying to give the individual a certain daily amount of fluoride, since daily consumption varies considerably. Instead, the idea is to elaborate on recent fluoride research showing that low concentrations of fluoride may also be beneficial, particularly for remineralization, if present at the sites where caries occurs. This paper is an introduction to a set of papers describing the background for the project, attempting to define optimal concentrations for a clinical trial, and concluding that, although dental caries prevalence continues to decrease in industrialized countries, the potential for large increases remains in the huge populations in developing countries. All avenues must be searched for a system which optimizes preventive efficiency. However, the possible introduction of fluoridated sugar on the market is not related only to oral health. Safety aspects are of high priority, and several ethical, political, and economic factors must also be considered. These papers attempt to present the issue for broad discussion and to stimulate researchers to conduct further studies which can guide decisions on whether fluoridated sugar may be an avenue worth testing on a broader scale, or whether the idea should be abandoned.
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Blondel, Jean. "Political Opposition in the Contemporary World." Government and Opposition 32, no. 4 (October 1997): 462–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb00441.x.
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ALTHOUGH THE CLASSICAL WORK ON POLITICAL OPPOSITION IN Western Democracies, edited by Robert Dahl, was published decades ago, in 1966, the analysis of the characteristics of opposition, in democracies or elsewhere, has advanced rather less than other aspects of comparative politics. The word ‘opposition’ is used daily to account for a variety of developments; but its many meanings have not been systematically related to the differences among the political systems of the world. A number of comparative studies did appear after the 1966 seminal work, admittedly, including one by Dahl himself in 1973, as well as those by Ionescu and Madariaga in 1968, by Schapiro in 1972, by Tokes in 1979, by Kolinsky in 1988 and by Rodan in 1996; these volumes explore aspects of the concept which could not have been even referred to in the original study, since that study was confined to Western democracies and to the part played by political parties in the context of opposition. Yet the problem has still not been tackled truly comprehensively, as, with the exception of the 1973 Dahl volume, the works on the subject are comparative only in the sense that they deal with more than one country; but their scope remains limited to a region or to a particular type of political system. Meanwhile, many country analyses examine the nature of political opposition in each particular case, but the information which they provide has to be brought within a common framework before we can hope to obtain a general picture of the characteristics of opposition across the world.
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Back, Les. "Live Sociology: Social Research and its Futures." Sociological Review 60, no. 1_suppl (June 2012): 18–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.2012.02115.x.
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The article draws on recent debates about empirical sociology's methodological crisis that results from the emergence of sophisticated information-based capitalism and digital culture. Researchers face the challenge of ‘newly coordinated social reality’ in which social relations and interconnections exist across time and space. However, this challenge co-exists with an unprecedented opportunity to use digital multimedia to reimagine social research. In the face of these developments it is argued that the sociological craft needs to be invigorated by a renewed focus on its political purpose. Digital culture offers researchers the opportunity to develop new methodological devices. This vision is contrasted with a critique of dead sociology that is characterized as objectifying, comfortable, disengaged and parochial. The article argues for a live sociology, able to attend to the fleeting, distributed, multiple and sensory aspects of sociality through research techniques that are mobile, sensuous and operate from multiple vantage points. If researchers enact reality rather than simply reflect it, there is an opportunity to create sociological forms of representation that are more knowing and innovative than their antecedents.
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Stabro, Stanisław. "Motory Emila Zegadłowicza czytane po latach." Ruch Literacki 55, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ruch-2014-0006.
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Abstract Emil Zegadłowicz’s Motors, which was published in 1937, has to read in the context of the writer’s artistic and ideological evolution, marked by his novel cycle, The Life of his Mikołaj Srebrempisany (1927-1935), in particular Mares (1935), as well as the later The Dead Sea (1939). Close attention should also be paid to the autobiographical aspects of all his fictions. The same is true of Motors, the origin of which is deeply rooted in the writer’s biography. How should we read and interpret the novel today? Should we treat it as erotic fiction? Or focus primarily on the main character’s three types of utopian thinking, the utopia of sex, art and left-wing political activism? It seems that the latter approach may well restore to us and reveal a fresh relevance of a book often regarded as a product of a long gone epoch
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Krevel, Mojca. "Into the Rabbit Hole: The Realism of Simulation." ELOPE: English Language Overseas Perspectives and Enquiries 10, no. 1 (May 9, 2013): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/elope.10.1.39-50.
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In the first half of the 1980s, at the height of the postmodernist theoretical debate, the actual literary production already showed signs of fatigue from the postmodernist dictum. Especially the works of American authors from the 1980s onwards show an increasing tendency to abandon the dead-end loops of postmodernist autoreferentiality, and to focus on various aspects of tangible reality instead. The paper argues that such practice should not be considered or theorised in terms of falling back on the great tradition of realism but rather as a necessary literary response to the mechanisms governing the changing of the epochs. My intention is to show that the allegedly realistic modes of contemporary American writing correspond to the epochal social, cultural and political changes accompanied by the rise of digital media. As such, these works effectively reflect, comment on and contribute to the contemporary reality that can no longer be adequately described or theorised about in terms of Cartesian metaphysics.
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Mahoney, Paul O. "The Origin of the Olive: On the Dynamics of Plato’s Menexenus." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 27, no. 1 (2010): 38–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000162.
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Plato’s Menexenus is a persistent puzzle for interpreters, in the main because of its obscurity of purpose and apparent lack of philosophical matter. This article argues that, while no doubt an elusive piece, it can be counted quite definitely a sdialogue of philosophical import, as well as one of its author’s most subtly accomplished works. The article focuses on two portions of Aspasia’s oration—the account of the earliest Athenians and the exhortation to the living in the voice of the dead—to demonstrate the radical nature of the speech. Close attention to its subtle internal dynamic reveals not only the range of philosophical themes touched upon, but also its outrageous aspects and the strength of its indictment of the Athenian democracy. The article also affirms the consistency of this critique with Plato’s reservations regarding that regime as expressed with most force and clarity in Republic and Gorgias.
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Street, John. "‘Fight the Power’: The Politics of Music and the Music of Politics." Government and Opposition 38, no. 1 (2003): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00007.
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AbstractPopular music has a long and varied association with politics. It has provided the soundtrack to political protest and been the object of political censorship; politicians have courted pop stars and pop stars — like Bono of U2 — have acted as politicians. But although these more familiar aspects of pop's connections to politics have been noted in passing, they have not received a great deal of academic attention, and there are other aspects of the relationship — the state's role as sponsor of popular music, for instance — which have been largely ignored. This article explores the various dimensions of the interaction between popular music and politics, and argues that the study of music can contribute to our understanding of political thought and action.
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Gavini, Diego. "Funerals of mafia victims, 1963-2012: the construction of a new civil religion." Modern Italy 23, no. 3 (May 29, 2018): 253–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2018.16.
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Political and criminal violence are an integral part of recent Italian history. Killings and mass murders have moulded everyday life and the collective memory of the Italian people, changing the shape of public life. Veneration of the dead has taken on a symbolic function and become part of a new ‘civil religion’, which has redefined Italy’s national identity. Scholars are currently examining the role of mafia victims in this phenomenon, concentrating in particular on the bombings that took place in 1992. Following the crisis that marked the end of the First Republic, symbolic ties to figures like Giovanni Falcone and Paolo Borsellino became an essential aspect of redefining democratic mobilisation. Nevertheless, when examined from a long-term perspective, the relationship between the Italian population and the celebration of mafia victims is more complex than it may at first appear. This article aims to analyse the contradictions inherent in the issue, focusing on the funerals of mafia victims in order to examine the relationships between political and institutional bodies, the Italian population as a whole, and the local community, in the celebration of the dead. Through this analysis, it seeks to consider both the achievements and failures in the construction of this new ‘civil religion’ in a contemporary society.
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Sekulic, Nada. "Gender aspects of public urban space: Analysis of the names of Belgrade streets." Sociologija 56, no. 2 (2014): 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1402125s.
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The street city network and the street names represent structural public symbolic system which is characterized by readability. This readability gives identity; the city is clearly divided in significant and less significant zones used for different purposes with different levels of communicativity. It is explicitly connected with public memory evocation-with collective memory and the state ideology. Having that in mind, the names of streets in Belgrade given by female names will be analyzed. It is analyzed how it is in structural manner the street network in Belgrade on symbolic level (through the names of streets and their distribution in the street network structure) expresses gender based distribution of power in the public space-using relation between the center and periphery in certain municipalities and the city as a whole. Investigating different city zones, it can be showed ?rationalization of political domination? - the parts of the city where the residencies of foreign countries, embassies and consulates are situated, representative and private, as well as zones which belong to different social stratums - higher and lower layers, which are also the zones of different communicative capacity (determinated by the structure of street network). This analysis clearly points out on distinctive, even though implicitly inherited difference in power distribution and gender based standings in social organization of the space. Streets which got the name by women are very few and they occupy marginal positions in the street network structure - they are mostly peripheral, smaller streets, which are in high percent dead end streets. In the same time, the dynamics of the change of the street names in the last decade is not in favor of the names from National Liberation Army (NOB). Street name change affirms historical females characters from XIX century, expressing on the direct way the ideological change and the need of classes and stratums which tend to establish their social position today and their influence on the changing the view on history in order to consolidate their own legitimization.
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Pinelli, Cesare. "Constitutional Reasoning and Political Deliberation." German Law Journal 14, no. 8 (August 1, 2013): 1171–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200002212.
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In the recent Anglo-American scholarly debate, contrary to that of continental Europe, judicial review of legislation raises strong criticism for various aspects. Among these, I will examine the claim that legislators are better equipped than courts in constitutional reasoning, on the ground that the institutional settings and procedures affecting the former ensures a better protection of rights than those that characterize the judicial function. The following questions will be posed: Do legislators primarily deal with rights as such? Do they reason about rights, and in that case for which purposes? Are these purposes sufficiently similar to those affecting the judicial reasoning about rights? Why in most legal orders courts are bound to reason-giving? While answering these questions, I will outline the different meaning that consequentialist reasoning is likely to acquire, respectively, in representative assemblies and on the bench. I will then classify the kinds of juridical consequences, and of the corresponding premises, that might affect constitutional reasoning according to the different weight of judicial construction. Finally, I will attempt to demonstrate why the indeterminacy of principles on which constitutional reasoning is expected to rely should be viewed as enhancing, rather than as distorting, the insight of courts on the right at stake.
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Shibuichi, Daiki. "The Yasukuni Shrine Dispute and the Politics of Identity in Japan: Why All the Fuss?" Asian Survey 45, no. 2 (March 2005): 197–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2005.45.2.197.
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The Yasukuni Shrine specifically honors the ““spirits”” of Japanese war dead. Visits by Japanese prime ministers to the shrine have stirred domestic anger and triggered numerous diplomatic disputes. This article focuses on the role of Japanese rightists in the disputes and describes an aspect of identity politics in Japan.
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Gadamska-Serafin, Renata. "Norwid’s Roma antiqua in its full version." Studia Norwidiana 37 English Version (2020): 227–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sn.2019.37-13en.
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Magdalena Karamucka’s book Antyczny Rzym Norwida [Norwid’s Ancient Rome] is the first monographic study of the problem addressed in the title. Ancient Rome is presented in this valuable study from different perspectives: as a geographical, historical and cultural reality and as a literary topos. The starting point for the discussion is a chapter devoted to a Roman episode of Norwid’s biography and his Roman readings. Another subject of analysis are the poet’s political, religious and historiosophical reflections about Rome and his remarks on literature, art and Roman theatre. The main, comparative part is devoted to a meticulous analysis of reminiscences, quotations (paraphrases), titles, etc. taken from works of Roman authors (including Catullus, Horace, Juvenal, Ovid, Virgil), Norwid’s translational work and his Roman correspondence. However, Norwid’s Roma antiqua presented in the monograph is not frozen in a dead form. The author shows in an interesting and convincing way how this romanitas becomes a starting (or reference) point for the author of Quidam in his reflections on almost all aspects of his contemporary times.
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Anter, Andreas. "Statualitŕ come idea e strumento ordinativi." TEORIA POLITICA, no. 2 (October 2009): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/tp2009-002002.
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-The question of the capacity and quality of the State marks a constant challenge to modern political science up to now. The article points out that the modern State should be comprehended in its quality as an idea and as an instrument of order. From its early beginning, the modern State has been closely bound up to this aspect, since it is a product of the desire of order in the time of denominational civil war. Thus in the modern age, the guarantee of order remains a central basis to the State's legitimacy. In the last decades, the State has often been said to be a weak patient or even to be dead. The article argues that this opinion is untenable, and that statehood still remains an elementary condition of democratic political order.
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Bucur, Maria. "Of Crosses, Winged Victories, and Eagles: Commemorative Contests between Official and Vernacular Voices in Interwar Romania." East Central Europe 37, no. 1 (2010): 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633010x488308.
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AbstractThis essay examines contests between local practices and central institutions over the meaning and cultural practices linked to the nation, focusing in particular on commemorations of the war dead after 1918. The analysis shows that the ability of the state to control how nationalism was celebrated through commemorations of the Great War was by no means determined or even successfully mediated from the center. In fact, local voices in rural settings often had their own rituals for mourning those that died in war and also for commemorating heroism in localized versions of what sacrifice for the nation and mourning heroes might have meant. In discussing vernacular-official contests over commemorating war heroes, this essay will present several important aspects: the relationship between traditional religious symbols and the new secular official symbols in representing nationalism; the relationship between rural and urban settings for understanding the unsuccessful attempts of the state to impose its version of war commemorations; and the relationship between the Romanian majority and other ethnic groups in these contests.
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Dahler-Larsen, Peter. "Theory-Based Evaluation Meets Ambiguity." American Journal of Evaluation 39, no. 1 (August 29, 2017): 6–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1098214017716325.
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As theory-based evaluation (TBE) engages in situations where multiple stakeholders help develop complex program theory about dynamic phenomena in politically contested settings, it becomes difficult to develop and use program theory without ambiguity. The purpose of this article is to explore ambiguity as a fruitful perspective that helps TBE face current challenges. Literatures in organization theory and political theory are consulted in order to cultivate the concept of ambiguity. Janus variables (which work in two ways) and other ambiguous aspects of program theories are classified and exemplified. Stances towards ambiguity are considered, as are concrete steps that TBE evaluators can take to identify and deal with ambiguity in TBE.
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Romanova, N., S. Kononov, А. Zhukov, and А. Zhukova. "Evolution of the concept “regional security” in the world political science." Transbaikal State University Journal 27, no. 1 (2021): 66–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/2227-9245-2021-27-1-66-74.
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The relevance of the article is due to the growing importance of the regional security factor in modern conditions, where the level of regional self-awareness and the desire for relative autonomy are growing within the framework of the general process of developing the security system. The article is devoted to the analysis of the security concepts existing in the history of political doctrines in order to identify the evolution of ideas about “regional security”. The study uses comparative, systemic and hermeneutic methods, the action of which is aimed at identifying aspects of regional security in the texts devoted to the problems of state, national and public security. The novelty of the research is associated with the development of the ideas’ evolution about regional security from abstract ideas to various aspects of regional practice. The result of the study is the evidence that, being originally one of the aspects of general management theory, the ideas of regional security at the end of the twentieth century have become the core of the concept of “regional security complexes”. The next result was the substantiation that modern criticism of this concept is the basis of the theoretical constructions of regional security in the 21st century, which are based on a synthesis of ideas about the need to adopt rules adopted by states that support the stability of world security and the influence of regions with their own interests. The conclusion of the study is to assert that modern concepts of regional security are based on the synthesis of methodologies of the systemic and constructivist approaches. This methodology is used to substantiate the assertion that any state is forced to deal with the security problems of its regions, to pay attention to the existing threats and regional interests in them, which may be of a constructive nature, and may pose a real danger associated with challenges from the political, economic, military, environmental, social spheres
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SHAW, DAVID M. "Justice and the Fetus: Rawls, Children, and Abortion." Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 20, no. 1 (January 2011): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963180110000654.
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In a footnote to the first edition of Political Liberalism, John Rawls introduced an example of how public reason could deal with controversial issues. He intended this example to show that his system of political liberalism could deal with such problems by considering only political values, without the introduction of comprehensive moral doctrines. Unfortunately, Rawls chose “the troubled question of abortion” as the issue that would illustrate this. In the case of abortion, Rawls argued, “the equality of women as equal citizens” overrides both “the ordered reproduction of political society over time” and also “the due respect for human life.” It seems fair to say that this was not the best choice of example and also that Rawls did not argue for his example particularly well: a whole subset of the Rawlsian literature concerns this question alone.
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Akoum, Ibrahim. "The Political Economy of SOE Privatization and Governance Reform in the MENA Region." ISRN Economics 2012 (November 26, 2012): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.5402/2012/723536.
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The purpose of this paper is to shed light on the political economy aspects of state-owned-enterprises (SOEs) governance and privatization in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. In particular, the paper presents an overview of privatization in the region and examines the extent to which SOEs operate at arm's length from the public sector and the motives for this behavior. Showing empirically the region’s relative reticence on privatizing public assets, the paper highlights the political economy aspects contributing to this impasse, offers Lebanon as a case study, and suggests a policy framework for successful reform of SOEs. Highlighting the lack of sustainable drives for SOEs reform and privatization in the region and the need for better governance systems based on the rule of law, property rights protection, and combating corruption, the paper proposes policy options to deal with privatization and improve the governance of SOEs through advocating a state-owned enterprise governance framework. This framework suggests subjecting SOEs to regulation and supervision of more than one government entity as opposed to only one ministry of custody. This should help to ensure a level-playing field in the industry and reduce the pressure on SOEs to heed to political pressures.
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Gordon, H., A. Zabow, L. Carpel, and P. Silfen. "Forensic psychiatry in Israel." Psychiatric Bulletin 20, no. 2 (February 1996): 109–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.20.2.109.
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In May 1995 a Conference on Forensic Psychiatry was held near Tel Aviv, to which psychiatrists and other health professionals specialising in forensic psychiatry from Britain and Israel and Palestinians from the West Bank were invited. Participants at the Conference took part in discussions on forensic psychiatry and visited a maximum security prison with a hospital wing at Ramleh and an Arab psychiatric hospital in Bethlehem on the West Bank. On the days between Conference events, the British group visited Jerusalem and the Dead Sea and became aware of the almost unique interflux between Muslim, Christian and Jewish religion and culture which underlies the historical evolution of this area of the world. The modern social and political landscape is of course characterised by a violent confrontation between Arabs and Jews yet permeated now by a growing realisation of the need for peace and reconciliation, even if this has its ambivalent aspects at times. In this context the participation of Jewish and Arab health professionals together is a sign that ultimately medical and health care has its universal qualities which can bridge over or supersede the differences between nations that are so endemic to history.
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Katunina, Olena V. "The concept of "religious cult": scientific and legal aspects." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 39 (June 13, 2006): 73–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2006.39.1745.
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During the Second World War, two new government bodies were established in the Soviet Union to deal with religious communities: on September 14, 1943, the Council for the Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church was formed, and on May 19, 1944, the Council for Religious Cults. Their formation was linked to the liberalization of Stalin's policy on the church, which supported the state in its fight against fascism. The creation of two independent structures was also due to the fact that the communist regime paid special attention to cooperation with the leadership of the Orthodox Church, whose leaders not only raised funds for the needs of the front, but also were leaders of Stalin's political line, both within the state and in the its borders. In order to coordinate these activities more effectively, a Council for the Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church was set up, headed by intelligence officers. In recent years, a large number of ground works have been published, which analyze the issues of interaction between the Orthodox Church and the state during the years of Soviet power. N.Hordienko, Yu.Katunin, M.Korzun, V.Paschenko, D.Pospelovsky, V.Tsipin and many other Ukrainian and foreign authors dealt with these issues.
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Kranz, Jerzy. "Wollt ihr den totalen Krieg? Legal, Political, and Moral Aspects of the Resettlement of German Population." Polish Review of International and European Law 7, no. 2 (August 17, 2020): 9–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/priel.2018.7.2.01.
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Germany had started the Second World War in an intentional and conscious manner, obviously being aware that every action can have unpredictable and unwanted consequences. The Potsdam decisions were taken by the Great Powers after assuming supreme authority in Germany. They constituted a manifestation of the Allies’ rights and responsibilities. The territorial changes of Germany and the transfer of population were part of the general regulation of the effects of the Second World War. These decisions were not a simple matter of revenge. They must be perceived in a wider political perspective of European policy. The resettlement by Germany of ethnic Germans to the Reich or to the territories it occupied constituted an instrument of National Socialist policy. This German policy turned out in 1945 to be a tragic irony of fate. The resettlement decided in Potsdam must be perceived in the context of German legal responsibility for the war’s outbreak. The individual perception of the resettlement and individual guilt are different from the international responsibility of the state and from the political-historical responsibility of the nation. In our discussion we made the distinction between the individual and the collective aspect as well as between the legal and historical/political aspect. We deal with the guilt of individuals (criminal, political, moral), the international legal responsibility of states, and the political and historical responsibility of nations (societies). For the difficult process of understanding and reconciliation between Poles and Germans, the initiatives undertaken by some social circles, and especially the church, were of vital importance. The question of the resettlement became a theme of numerous publications in Poland after 1989. In the mid 1990s there was a vast debate in the media with the main question of: should we apologize for the resettlement? Tracing a line from wrongdoing/harm to unlawfulness is not easy. In 1945 the forcible transfer of the German population was an act that was not prohibited by international law. What is significant is that this transfer was not a means of war conduct. It did not apply to the time of a belligerent occupation, in terms of humanitarian law, but to a temporary, specific, international post-conflict administration. Maybe for some people Potsdam decisions will always be seen as an illegal action, for others as an expression of strict international legal responsibility, for some as a kind of imperfect justice, and still for others as an opening of a new opportunity for Europe.
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PAWLIK, SABINA. "Towards a radical life. Social and political threads of Helen Keller's activities." Interdyscyplinarne Konteksty Pedagogiki Specjalnej, no. 27 (December 15, 2019): 151–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ikps.2019.27.07.
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Sabina Pawlik, Towards a radical life. Social and political threads of Helen Keller's activities. Interdisciplinary Contexts of Special Pedagogy, no. 27, Poznań 2019. Pp. 151–161. Adam Mickiewicz University Press. ISSN 2300-391X. e-ISSN 2658-283X. DOI: https://doi.org/10.14746/ikps.2019.27.07Biographies of people with disabilities emphasising on their humanity and the value of this very special human experience may lead to questioning common assumptions about disability and people suffering from it. One of the best known historical figures among the people with disabilities was Hellen Keller, a deaf-blind American writer, educator and social activist. The article contains an attempt to challenge the myth of Keller as a “miracle child” by presenting her rich life and the most prominent aspects of her social and political activity.
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Tushnet, Mark. "The Legitimation of the Administrative State: Some Aspects of the Work of Thurgood Marshall." Studies in American Political Development 5, no. 1 (1991): 94–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000171.
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The judicial role in the construction of the twentieth-century state was decisively structured by the interaction of developments in jurisprudence and by changes in the organization of the regulation of economic activity. Individual judges brought their backgrounds and political predispositions to the task as well, and we will gain a full understanding of the judicial role in structuring the state only by integrating biography, jurisprudence, and political economy. This article examines the work of Justice Thurgood Marshall in constructing the post-New Deal settlement of the relations among people in their capacity as consumers, people in their capacity as workers, and capital. That settlement was expressed in legal forms that departed from the common law doctrines that had for two centuries provided one of the legitimating ideologies of social relations. With the construction of the administrative state came the need to reconstitute not only the legal structures that supported the agencies of government, but also the ideological structures that explained the legitimacy of these innovations. While legal academics articulated carefully thought out defenses of the administrative state, judges provided the citizenry with less developed but, perhaps, more easily understood ideologies. Justice Marshall's work in areas of labor law and civil procedure provides insight into the dimensions of the legal legitimation of the administrative state, while his unique experience as a lawyer and his place within the Court illuminate the importance of biographical factors in a full explanation of the construction of the legal structures of the administrative state.
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Brown, Ian, Robert Brannen, and Douglas Brown. "The Arts Council Touring Franchise and English Political Theatre after 1986." New Theatre Quarterly 16, no. 4 (November 2000): 379–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00014123.
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The pressures of Thatcherism on theatre funding in the 'eighties were severe, but the early harshness was tempered by several factors. One was the positive influence of the Cork Report, particularly on touring and experimental theatre. Another, the authors believe, was a careful strategy of reallocation of funding to support creativity in English theatre, notably through the touring franchise scheme. Here, they analyze in detail the ways in which the English Arts Council operated the scheme in an attempt to revitalize aspects of English theatre from 1986 onwards, trace the change in the values of ‘political’ theatre over that period, and critically examine some received ideas in the light of the available evidence. Ian Brown is Dean of Arts and Professor of Theatre at Queen Margaret University College, Edinburgh, Rob Brannen is a Senior Lecturer in Drama at De Montfort University, Bedford. Douglas Brown is Assistant Director, Scottish Centre for Cultural Management and Policy, at Queen Margaret University College, Edinburgh.
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Wibisono, Ali Abdullah. "ASEAN-China Security Relations: Traditional and Non-Traditional Aspects." Jurnal Global & Strategis 11, no. 1 (September 28, 2017): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.11.1.2017.39-54.
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Both ASEAN and China used the concept of Non-Traditional Security (NTS) in order to pursue security diplomacy in the Asia Pacific. For ASEAN, NTS is an area of security cooperation that allows it to drive the agenda of security architectures involving extra-regional powers such as the ASEAN Defense Ministerial Meeting Plus (ADMM+) and ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). For China, NTS policy agenda allows it to gain acceptance among ASEAN member-states and an active role in the security agenda of ASEAN-led security architectures. The question that this article is pursuing is to what extent has ASEAN-China cooperation on NTS balanced between addressing the humanitarian aspect and the political objectives of security? This question is derived from the conceptual origin of NTS that stands on the importance of both the state and the individuals as the referent subjects of security. This article argues that ASEAN-China NTS cooperation emphasized more towards the strengthening of state’s capacity to deal with non-state actors’ transnational criminal activities, either for profit-seeking or subversive purposes. It is also apparent from evaluating the Memorandum of Understandings and Plans of Action between ASEAN and China that NTS cooperation is one China’s investments to engage a closer cooperation with ASEAN as well as a stronger presence in Southeast Asia’s strategic environment.
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Naumenko, Olga N., and Evgeny A. Naumenko. "Book as a Cure of the Condemned: From the History of Penitentiary System of Western Siberia (second half of the 19th - beginning of the 20th century)." Bibliotekovedenie [Library and Information Science (Russia)] 1, no. 2 (April 28, 2016): 171–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/0869-608x-2016-1-2-171-176.
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Historical experience of education by the means of books, known as culture of reading, started being weakened in “the age of Internet”. Novelty of the article is in the described process of impact of the book on criminals in the territory of Western Siberia considered through the cultural, historical and psychological aspects. With the use of previously unknown archival materials there are revealed the cure methods of the condemned by using the book, and the relationship to the prison literature of the political prisoners. The personality of prisoners differed by a set of moral qualities, but almost all of them were ready to the perception of people around and themselves through the literature. Illiteracy was the main obstacle in education of the condemned, but the administration of prisons opened prison schools and organized reading literature aloud. The first prison libraries appeared in the 1860-ies and were replenished generally at the expense of philanthropists. F.M. Dostoyevsky’s novels “Crime and Punishment” and “Notes from the Dead House”, fairy tales and poems by A.S. Pushkin were the most popular books: they filled life with romanticism and were a compensation factor. Political prisoners denied any educational methods, preferring to read revolutionary literature. It is impossible to track extent of impact of book on the process of correction of criminals, but it is possible to claim that libraries started forming the atmosphere of book which is the most important condition of education in prisons, and is a necessary prerequisite for correction of a convicted person.
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Miklós, László, Anna Špinerová, and Monika Offertálerová. "Critical approach to landscape-ecological mainstream topics." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Agriculture and Environment 11, no. 1 (December 1, 2019): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ausae-2019-0006.
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Abstract Nowadays, changes in environment have become characteristic of notorious mainstream political topics, with a corresponding moral, political, and financial support. The presented article deals with the landscape-ecological scientific aspects of climatic changes and of ecosystem services. The research of both phenomena is based on the complex investigation of the geosystem and, as a second step, on the scientifically-based interpretation of the obtained results. The problem resides in the question concerning the capability of scientific institutions and teams to deal with these topics with scientific profoundness, taking into account intensive public pressure and high expectations.
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Placido. "Between Pleasure and Resistance: The Role of Substance Consumption in an Italian Working-Class Subculture." Societies 9, no. 3 (August 14, 2019): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc9030058.
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In this article I discuss how illegal substance consumption can act as a tool of resistance and as an identity signifier for young people through a covert ethnographic case study of a working-class subculture in Genoa, North-Western Italy. I develop my argument through a coupled reading of the work of the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) and more recent post-structural developments in the fields of youth studies and cultural critical criminology. I discuss how these apparently contrasting lines of inquiry, when jointly used, shed light on different aspects of the cultural practices of specific subcultures contributing to reflect on the study of youth cultures and subcultures in today’s society and overcoming some of the ‘dead ends’ of the opposition between the scholarly categories of subculture and post-subculture. In fact, through an analysis of the sites, socialization processes, and hedonistic ethos of the subculture, I show how within a single subculture there could be a coexistence of: resistance practices and subversive styles of expression as the CCCS research program posits; and signs of fragmentary and partial aesthetic engagements devoid of political contents and instead primarily oriented towards the affirmation of the individual, as argued by the adherents of the post-subcultural position.
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Fonio, Chiara, and Stefano Agnoletto. "Surveillance, Repression and the Welfare State: Aspects of Continuity and Discontinuity in post-Fascist Italy." Surveillance & Society 11, no. 1/2 (May 27, 2013): 74–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v11i1/2.4449.
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This paper seeks to explore political, cultural, legal and socio-economic legacies of the Fascist regime (1922-1943) in Italy. With the fall of the regime, in fact, the overall surveillance apparatus did not fade away. Former fascists were not purged from political and cultural life and very few were found guilty. The transition to democracy was thus marked by a substantial continuity of men and institutions (Della Porta and Reiter 2004) due to the active involvement of ex-OVRA (Organization of Vigilance and Repression of Anti-Fascism) officers in public institutions (Author 2011). It comes as no surprise that forms of pervasive non-technological social control continued for more than twenty years after the fall of the duce. Moreover, police state surveillance was combined with a meaningful continuity in other areas. For instance, the welfare state immediately after World War II was actually based upon the model built during Fascism. The “Fascist Social State” (Silei, 2000) had a corporative and authoritarian inspiration and was a strategy of social control and a tool to create consensus. In the 1950s and 1960s the institutional features of the Italian social security system remained fundamentally unchanged (Giorgi, 2009; Silei, 2000): an excess of bureaucracy and discretionary power; a system based on specific categories of people needing assistance and not on a more universal approach. The Italian post-fascist experience is a paradigmatic case-study that allows us to deal with ambiguities of the welfare state experience, described either as a tool of social control or as a vector of social justice. This paper is an attempt to analyze “social control strategies” in post-Fascist Italy with a focus both on aspects of continuity and on crucial socio-political discontinuities that are often overlooked in the literature.