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1
Naicker, Camalita. "Marikana : taking a subaltern sphere of politics seriously." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015651.
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This thesis aims to open up the realm of what counts as political in the context of the Marikana strikes and subsequent massacre. It does primarily by taking into account the social, political and cultural context of Mpondo workers on the mines. Many narrow Marxist and liberal frameworks have circumscribed the conception of the ‘modern’ and the ‘political’ so much so that political organisation which falls outside of this conceptualisation is often regarded as ‘backward’ or ‘archaic’. It will provide an examination of the history, culture and custom of men, who have, for almost a hundred years migrated back and forth between South African mines and Mpondoland. This not only reveals differing modes of organising and engaging in political action, but also that the praxis of democracy takes many forms, some of which are different and opposed to what counts as democratic in Western liberal democracy. By considering what I argue, following some of the insights from the Subaltern Studies collective in India, to be a subaltern sphere of politics and history, it is possible to better understand the way workers organised and acted. The thesis also argues that most labour and nationalist historiography has been silent on the political contributions of women because of how Marxist/liberal analysis frames struggles through disciplined notions of work and resistance. Rather than objectifying workers as representatives of a homogenous and universal class of people devoid of context, the thesis has linked ‘the worker’ to the community from which s/he comes and community specific struggles, which are supported and sustained, often, by the parallel struggles of women in the community.
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Hobby, Mark. "The political economy of industrial relations reform /." Title page, abstract and contents only, 1997. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09LRG/09lrgh682.pdf.
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Towers, B. "Aspects of industrial relations and public policy in the UK, 1969-1989." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.539567.
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Read, Simon Keneth Owen. "Industrial relations in the road passenger transport industry : a political-economic analysis." Thesis, Aston University, 1989. http://publications.aston.ac.uk/10835/.
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This thesis examines the British Bus and Tram Industry from 1889 to 1988. The first determinant of the pattern of industrial relations is the development of the labour-process. The labour process changes with the introduction of new technology (electrified trams and mechanised buses), the concentration and centralisation of ownership, the decline of competition, changing market position, municipal and state regulation, ownership and control. The tram industry, as a consequence of electrification, is almost wholly municipally owned and the history of the labour process from horse-trams to the decline of the industry is examined. The bus industry has a less unified structure and is examined by sector; London, Municipal, and Territorial/Provincial. The small independent sector is largely ignored. The labour process is examined from the horse-bus to the present day. The development of resistance in the labour process is discussed both as a theoretical problematic (the `Braverman Debate') and through the process of unionisation, the centralisation and bureaucratisation of the unions, the development of national bargaining structures (National Joint Industrial Council and the National Council for the Omnibus Industry), and the development of resistance to those processes. This resistance takes either a syndicalist form, or under Communist Party leadership the form of rank and file movements, or simply unofficial organisations of branch officials. The process of centralisation of the unions, bureaucratisation and the institutionalisation of bargaining and the relationship between this process and the role of the Unions in the Labour Party is examined. Neo-corporatism, that is the increasing integration of the leadership of the main Union, the T.G.W.U.with the Labour Party and with the State is discussed. In theoretical terms, this thesis considers the debate around the notion of `labour process', the relationship between labour process and labour politics and between labour process and labour history. These relationships are placed within a discussion of class consciousness.
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Tilton, Gregory E. "The political development of Japan's postwar economy." The Ohio State University, 1997. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/40596032.html.
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Al-Moammar, Mohammad A. F. "International aspects of the oil and industrial policy of Saudi Arabia 1970-1987." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.293440.
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Calveley, Moira Dorothy. "Workplace industrial relations in the context of a failing school." Thesis, University of Hertfordshire, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2299/14148.
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Over the last two decades the UK public sector has seen the introduction of 'new managerialism' - the devolvement to the local level of management initiatives and techniques more traditionally associated with the private sector; this has arguably increased industrial relations tensions in the workplace as both line managers and workers have become involved in actions and negotiations new to them. This thesis provides a unique, in-depth, consideration of the impact on industrial relations of new managerialism in a 'failing' secondary comprehensive school; it identifies how devolved management and public accountability has inflamed the workplace industrial relations of that school. By taking a qualitative, multi-method, case study approach to the research, the thesis investigates at first hand how management and teachers respond to centralised government initiatives at the school level. It considers, and contributes to, the debate surrounding the extent of managerial autonomy that public sector managers have and how managers may take differing approaches - and achieve different results - when implementing new managerialist initiatives at the local level. As a study of workplace industrial relations, the thesis, engages with and significantly contributes to, the academic literature stressing the importance of local trade union leadership to trade union activity; indeed, the work furthers the debate concerning the inter-relationship between political and trade union activism and the importance of political factions within trade unions, areas which are under-researched. By exploring the tensions between trade union members and their official union representatives, the thesis examines the complex inter-relationship between union democracy and union bureaucracy. Finally, the case study identifies policy implications for both the government and the trade union, particularly with respect to the closing and re-opening of 'failing' schools.
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Johnson, Philip D. "The impact of the disclosure of accounting information upon aspects of industrial relations." Thesis, Sheffield Hallam University, 1989. http://shura.shu.ac.uk/19879/.
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This thesis is primarily concerned with epistemological issues in connection with the disclosure of accounting information in industrial relations contexts. As such it largely arose out of a dissatisfaction with the orientation of much of the current academic literature that deals with this area. Essentially,this literature is characterised by both a deterministic policy science approach that ignores the mediation of such processes by recipients' subjectivity and a modernist discourse that perceives accounting information as an artefact that neutrally arbitrates the financial "reality" facing stakeholders, that thereby constrains their pursuit of sectional interest, and hence enables optimal decision making. The lattercharacteristic has resulted in a post modern concern, in this research, to explore aspects of the epistemological basis of present accounting practices - an inquiry grounded in prior consideration of the sociological nature of what is taken to be warranted knowledge/science. From this epistemological analysis this research then proceeds to an ethnographical investigation, entailing analytic induction, of how particular recipients perceive and interpret disclosed accounting information and thereby mediate its effects. This thesis then concludes by conjecturing about the potential for the development of employee derived heterodox modes of engagement and their eventual confrontation with modern accounting orthodoxy in industrial relations contexts.
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Yamada, Makio. "Beyond oil : the political economy of Saudi-East Asian industrial relations, 1953-2013." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:cfbc5bd7-3eb0-40de-a970-d82ba3390426.
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p>This thesis investigates the political economy of Saudi–East Asian industrial relations in the past six decades, between 1953 and 2013. The analysis focuses on industrial diversification in Saudi Arabia and how this has affected Saudi Arabia's relations with East Asian states. Accordingly, Saudi–East Asian relations, which have hitherto been understood as consisting of energy producer-consumer relationships, are re-framed as "industrialising–industrialised relationships". This thesis identifies the main dynamics of such relationships as diffusion of industrial technology from East Asian states to Saudi Arabia, which is considered to be a microcosm of a larger collective shift in the global economy, from "divergence" to "convergence" caused by the progress in human resources development (HRD) among developing countries. In order to capture that dynamics, this thesis develops two concepts: "techno-sovereignty" and "techno-diplomacy". Techno-sovereignty assumes a developing state's pursuit of greater level of self-reliance in industrial technology through investment in HRD and avoidance of dependence on single external source of technology. On the other hand, techno-diplomacy is defined as an advanced state's diplomatic strategy of implementing the transfer of industrial technology to a developing state in order to acquire other types of gain from that state in return. Saudi Arabia's pursuit of techno-sovereignty has been implemented in two steps: first, to invite foreign direct investment (FDI) from multiple advanced states for establishing industrial production; and, second, to "Saudise" the production over the years through the transfer of knowledge, skills and technologies from the foreign investor to national industrial workers. Saudi–East Asian industrial relations have followed these patterns: Japan has practiced techno-diplomacy towards Saudi Arabia mainly in return for oil; and Taiwan has done so mainly in return for diplomatic recognition – since Taipei has been in competition with Beijing since 1949 regarding its international legitimacy. Those quid pro quo relations have provided Riyadh with strong bargaining chips vis-à-vis Tokyo and Taipei in demanding industrial cooperation from them in the past decades. Currently, as the focus of industrial diversification in Saudi Arabia shifts from capital-intensive heavy industries to labour-intensive manufacturing industries, the insufficiency in HRD in Saudi Arabia, deriving from the "rentier" nature of its society, increasingly poses obstacles to further progress of the process. Accordingly, East Asian states' contributions to the development of HRD institutions in Saudi Arabia have been coming to the fore in their bilateral industrial relations in addition to the FDI, the trend which is likely to remain important in the coming years.
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Raftery, David Jonathon. "Competition, conflict and cooperation : an ethnographic analysis of an Australian forest industry dispute." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2000. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armr139.pdf.
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Bibliography: leaves 135-143. An anthropological analysis of an industrial dispute that occurred within the East Gippsland forest industry, 1997-1998 and how the workers strove to acheive better working conditions for themselves, and to share in the wealth they had created.
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Kalantzis-Cope, Phillip. "Whose property? Intellectual Property and the Challenge of Political Community in a Post-Industrial Age." Thesis, The New School, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3665764.
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Debates over the distinctive economic, political and social affordances of the post-industrial age converge in a constellation of intellectual property alternatives. This project maps four paradigmatic agendas for the production and ownership of immaterial property: Information Privatization, Immaterial Exceptionalism, Network Distribution and Ecological De-colonization. I define these paradigms through a tripartite rubric: their ontological foundations, their normative presuppositions and their institutional topologies. Grounded in these four alternatives for the production and ownership of immaterial property, I turn my investigation to the challenge of political community in a post-industrial age. Each paradigm poses a distinct challenge to traditional understandings of political community, as a theoretical proposition and empirical reality. The question of 'Whose Property?' emerges within the normative framework of Critical International Relations Theory. Within this tradition the challenge of political community is to address how political communities institutionalize and express modes of capitalist development. I pose the question of 'Whose Property?' for the purposes both of diagnosis and prognosis. My diagnosis speaks to the challenge of political community in an age of increasing global interdependency, shaped by the logics of post-industrial capitalism. The prognosis, I want to suggest, is that if we conceive political communities as a mode of collective political action, then the varied agendas for intellectual property may provide a powerful motivational argument underpinning emerging modes of political action. They may also offer institutional alternatives that can provide inroads to support the institutional realization of the emancipatory agenda of Critical International Relations Theory. By way of conclusion, this project leaves us with an overarching challenge. In looking at these approaches to intellectual property through the lens of political community, a key transformation manifests itself – the erosion of the Westphalian 'public' and rising demands for pluralized, distributed and globalized Post-Westphalian 'publics'.
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Correia, e. Silva Benilde. "Some legal aspects of flight information regions." Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59573.
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This thesis broadly seeks to present some relevant legal aspects concerning Flight Information Regions (FIRs) and to analyze State responsibility vis-a-vis FIRs, as well as liability incurred by States on account of acts and omissions while discharging their responsibilities.The first part of this thesis is a presentation of the international rules and regulations applicable to FIRs, their legal implications and the extent to which they create obligations for States.
Some relevant problems (accidents, airspace congestion, unlawful interference) likely to present an additional challenge for the discharge of responsibilities with regard to FIRs are also considered.
Settlement of differences between States deserves special attention and is discussed in the light of the judicial machinery provided under the Chicago Convention 1944.
Finally, the liability of States is analyzed and the need for a strict liability regime and a policy of risk management is considered.
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McKee, Erin Leigh. "Conflict-Conditioned Communication: A Case Study of Communicative Relations between the United States and Iran from 2005-2008." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/264.
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In protracted international conflicts, truth is often sacrificed in the name of victory. Political realists see international politics as a competition to win power, retain power, and demonstrate power; misleading the enemy in the name of strategy and misleading the public in the name of security are necessary elements of the game. A less obvious condition is that those caught in the cycle of intergroup conflict also withhold truths from themselves. This denial of truth and reality--to the Other, to the public, and to the self--is especially prevalent in the communicative relationship between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. This study explores the communicative relationship between the United States and Iran via mass media with a particular focus on propaganda as "natural." The literature review explains how conflict-conditioned communication grows and operates within the context of intergroup conflict, including the significance of globalization and information technology. The communicative relationship between the United States and Iran is used as a case study to explore conflict-conditioned communication. A snapshot of the U.S.-Iran communicative relationship was taken from May 1, 2005 - May 1, 2008. Articles from three print and online media sources were combed and analyzed for examples and patterns of conflict-conditioned communication. The method is based on an approach to understanding conflict-conditioned communication that was developed by Dr. Harry Anastasiou, a conflict resolution professional and educator. The method additionally utilizes the work of Dr. William O. Beeman, an expert on misperceptions between the United States and Iran. The conflict-conditioned communicative relationship between the United States and Iran shows how legitimate concerns and human needs are filtered through collective psychology, history, and national identity and absorbed into misperceptions. These misperceptions are perpetuated through propaganda and lead to unyielding political positions. The dual phenomena of globalization and advanced information technology amplify these unyielding political positions by spreading propagandized misperceptions faster and farther than ever before. As the United States and Iran become more entrenched in unyielding political positions, communication reduces to competing systems of propaganda, thus making peaceful conflict resolution less likely.
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Verhaegen, Benoît M. "Aspects légaux des communications aéronautiques mobiles par satellites." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26226.
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The new ICAO CNS/ATM (Communication, Navigation, Surveillance/Air Traffic Management) concept, based on satellite use, entails globalisation of these new air navigation systems.Concerning the communications, the concept's architecture includes those for security as well as administrative communications of airlines and public correspondence of passengers.
From this point of view, the requested globalisation will lead to regulatory and institutional changes, especially for non-security communications as they are regulated by each State overflown, according to Article 30 of the Chicago Convention.
Every legal solution, of course, must take into account the chosen technology. In this domain, the experience of INMARSAT, with the mobile maritime communications by satellites, will be of tremendous importance.
A period of transition, with regional initiatives, will be necessary too before the general implementation of the CNS/ATM concept.
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Chalkley, Marie Leone. "Saying Sorry: Conflict Atrocity and Political Apology." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc11054/.
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This study proposes and tests a comprehensive theory detailing the motivations behind political apologies. A brief survey of the literature shows a field rich in case studies but lacking in rigorous scientific analysis. The theory presented proposes a three-level examination of political apology at the state, dyadic, and system levels and incorporates the effects of culture, conflict, and the nature of the international system into analysis. This study makes use of a new dataset recording the occurrence of political apologies for interstate conflict atrocities from 1900 to 2006. The results suggest that the existing literature, while rich, does not account for all the motivating factors behind apology. The results also confirm that political apology is a creation of the modern era and a result of the liberalization of the international system. In conclusion, paths for future research are suggested and the advent of a global "age of apology" is confirmed.
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Von, Erlach Burkhart. "Public law aspects of lease, charter and interchange of aircraft in international operations." Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59586.
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Lease, charter and interchange have become more and more important throughout the last decades. The International Civil Aviation Organization could not ignore that reality. In 1980 after a long preparatory work Article 83bis, an amendment to the Chicago Convention on International Civil Aviation was adopted by the 23rd Assembly without any negative votes. Yet, in 1990, this amendment, which enables the State of Registry, which is responsible for the operation of the aircraft even if flying with an operator of another state, to transfer its functions and duties to the State of the Operator.This thesis takes a closer look on the history of that amendment. The reasons why Article 83bis is still not in force shall also be discussed. An attempt shall further be made to analyze the provisions of Article 83bis more thoroughly and to explain why states should no longer hesitate to ratify that amendment. Article 83bis has no controversial content and is very important for the safety of international air transportation, in establishing clearly who is responsible for a leased, chartered or interchanged aircraft.
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Greene, Brian W. "State identity, foreign policy, and systemic norm diffusion : towards humanitarian intervention." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84511.
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This dissertation explores the complex relationship between state identity, foreign policy, and systemic norm diffusion. Based on an empirical examination of the international military response to the humanitarian crises associated with the Yugoslav wars of secession (1991--1995), Somali civil war and famine (1991--1993), Rwandan genocide (1994), and Zairian refugee crisis (1996), I contend that a state's foreign policy is primarily a product of its international identity. The country case studies (Canada, France, and the United States) are not merely isolated narratives. Drawing on the logic of 'system effects' analysis, with its emphasis on the role of feedback and indirect effects, I then situate each state within the larger systemic narrative, highlighting the systemic normative consequences of each state's policy choices. In addition to demonstrating that states from outside the great power club can exert significant international normative influence (a heretofore unexplored phenomenon), the study paints a much clearer picture than presently exists about the possibilities for, and limits to, ethical normative evolution in world politics.
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Natherson, R. "Coloured labour relations and political organisation: past developments and a scenario." University of Stellenbosch Business School, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66392.
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The rise and development of ‘Coloured’ labour relations and political organisations form the central theme of this study. These two areas of South African contemporary history have received comparatively little attention for a number of reasons. Not the least of these is the controversial issue of whether or not it is justifiable or accurate to treat ‘Coloureds’ as a separate and identifiable group apart from the black majority. The term ‘Coloured’ as used in the South African context refers to those people often described in other societies as of mixed race, mulattos or half-castes. Within this study the term ‘Coloured with a capital C and hereafter without apostrophes is used to avoid confusion with ‘coloured1 meaning black. Black is used in the general sense of all those people not being White. The impact of organized Coloured politics, however, has been greater than their minority status would suggest, especially in the Cape, and in particular in the Western Cape, where most of the people described as Coloured live. When Coloured political mobilization started in the 1890’s, it centered in Cape Town. The founding of the first successful Coloured political movement, the African Political Organization (APO), marked the start of successful black political mobilization on a national scale in South Africa. Other Coloured organisations which emerged after the APO made important contributions to the tactics and ideologies of Black political leaders. Coloured intellectuals in the 1940’s propagated the principle of non-collaboration with segregatory political institutions, implemented through the tactic of the boycott, a strategy employed to good effect by contemporary Black organisations. This study is divided into three main sections. Chapters 1 and 2 trace the origins of the labour history in which past and present day developments in the industrial relations system can be viewed in relation to the political, industrial and economic systems that have evolved within South Africa since the occupation of the Western Cape by the Dutch in 1652. The initial contact between these Europeans and the indigenous inhabitants of the Cape developed a relationship which determined the pattern of interaction between Black and White South Africans the major traces of which have still remained until today. Chapters 3, 4 and 5 deal with the early history of the Coloured people, their industrial and political organisations prior to the watershed year of South African Industrial Relations, 1979, whereafter a more generalised view is adopted in order to trace the broad trends which have emerged with the new labour dispensation and its industrial enfranchisement of the Black worker. The remaining chapters concentrate on Coloured participation within the Industrial and Political arenas, particularly in the Western Cape, and offer substantiation for the postulate of a new political grouping based on socialist principles and having a similar trend in terms of its origins to that of the British Labour Party at its birth at the turn of this century. It is concluded that this grouping would be a natural home for the ‘stateless’ Coloured, and ideologically and politically would offer coherence and structure to the disparate groupings within the United Democratic Front (UDF) and form the most potential, Western Cape based political party ‘in waiting'.This occasional paper is based on the technical report which received the Finansbank award for 1987
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Spittal, Angela M. Sears. "An examination of ethical values : a Q-study of political consultants and public relations organizational consultants." Virtual Press, 1999. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1154776.
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This research compares the ethical values of public relations and political public relations practitioners. The study hypothesizes that a difference exists in the two groups' approach to ethical decision-making.A Q-study was completed by twenty-three midwest members of the Public Relations Society of America and the American Association of Political Consultants. The results identified two groups: one, a group of "communitarians" who relied on personal standards for ethical decision-making but believed the community-the public and the mediainfluenced those standards; and two, a group of "individualists" who relied on personal standards for ethical decision-making and were not influenced by the public, media, religion or law.This research determined that a significant difference did not exist in approach to ethical decision-making between political public relations and traditional public relations practitioners. All of the participants relied primarily on personal standards when making ethical decisions and no participants put personal advancement or pragmatism ahead of ethical decision-making.Department of Journalism
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Ozkiziltan, Didem. "A political economy of insecurity? : state and socio-economic actors in the making of industrial relations in modern Turkey." Thesis, University of Bath, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.636540.
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Most of the contemporary literature on Turkey’s industrial relations emphasises the impact of globalisation in bringing about fundamental institutional changes in the domain of industrial relations that have resulted in diminished capability of organised labour to act as an independent socioeconomic actor. However, what is often overlooked in these accounts is the historical continuity of insecurity as an embedded rationale in the institutions regulating industrial relations, the roots of which can be traced back to the first steps towards industrialisation following the establishment of the Republic of Turkey. The emergence of what I call the political economy of insecurity in Turkey was carried out by the generations of political actors to come and has had two far-reaching consequences in the domain of industrial relations. First, it distributed power between actors in favour of capital and the state. And second, with an exception of a couple of years, it served as an effective tool for the political actors to steer the behaviours of labour in the direction of so-called social peace and order. Against this background, my study investigates the institutionalisation of insecurity as a rationale in the political economy of Turkey’s industrial relations during the 20th century. It highlights the centrality of the modern Turkish state in shaping the interests of and interactions between the socioeconomic actors in modern Turkish society and the economy by adopting a long historico-institutionalist perspective, beginning with the early years of republican period and ending with Turkey’s integration into the global economy. The overall contributions of this study can be outlined in terms of theoretical, empirical and methodological aspects. Theoretically, this thesis brings forth new comprehension of the concept of security/insecurity by analysing it in relation to its different facets, i.e. security as one form of power resource, as an institutional outcome, and as an institutional rationale. Empirically, by taking an historical-institutionalist approach and by building on a power-sensitive perspective, the work investigates the formation and (re)configuration of Turkish industrial relations and calls attention to historically entrenched class alliances in the (re)distribution of power resources between the state, employers and labour, which is still an under-researched area. Methodologically, by examining industrial relations over a period of time as an institution, and by inserting power and actors at the heart of the analysis, this study presents a detailed and power-sensitive account of the institutional continuity, development and change that came into place in Turkey’s industrial relations.
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Kayser, Valérie. "Legal aspects of private launch services in the United States." Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60462.
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The last decade has witnessed the development of a private launch industry. Under international space law, in particular the Outer Space Treaty of 1967, States shall supervise and authorize the activities of their nationals, including private launch companies, in Outer Space. In the United States, a substantial set of regulations has been elaborated to exercise this control over the activities of the private launch industry. This thesis analyzes, in a first chapter, the evolution which led to these regulations. The Commercial Space Launch Act of 1984 and the subsequent regulations issued by the Office of Commercial Space Transportation, regarding the licensing process are dealt with in the second chapter. The third chapter examines the most important practical legal issue relating to private launch services, namely liability and insurance.
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Ko, Jessika Li-Juan. "Liability aspects of air transport between Taiwan, Hong Kong and Mainland China." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23959.
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Despite the hitherto unsettled political and legal status of Taiwan, air transportation between Taiwan and Mainland China has experienced tremendous growth since 1987. To date, this air transport has been effected through the use of an intermediate stop station in Hong Kong, in order that both States may avoid the recognition of the other as the legitimate "Chinese Government". However, Hong Kong will revert to the PRC in 1997. As a result, the issue of nonstop flights between Taiwan and the Mainland takes on an added urgency.This issue is not merely political. In terms of air carrier liability, Taiwan is party to the Warsaw Convention and the Warsaw Convention as Amended by the Hague Protocol, only through its tenuous link with Mainland China. Is the Convention applicable to Taiwan in this case? A number of arguments favoring applicability of the Convention are discussed and found to be wanting. In the alternative, the principle of conflict of laws is proposed as an applicable solution. Since Taiwan and the PRC have a civil law system while Hong Kong has a common law system, the respective legal regulations governing damage compensation in aviation cases differ. The case of liability following a hijacking is used to demonstrate how regulations of the three jurisdictions differ significantly. This leads to a serious problem, namely, "forum shopping". The fact that judicial assistance is not yet practiced between the three jurisdictions creates a further problem in that decisions coming from the different courts cannot be recognized and enforced in the other jurisdictions. In light of all of the foregoing, the existing legal systems cannot adequately address the legal problems of air carrier liability in this region.
As a result of these inadequacies, an alternative mechanism for resolving the issue of air carriers' liability is suggested. This suggested pragmatic approach may also be found applicable for updating existing air transport legal systems elsewhere in the world.
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Saillard, Sébastien. "Les institutions et aspects juridiques relatifs au contrôle aérien en Europe : Eurocontrol." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60706.
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The European Organization for the Safety of Air Navigation (Eurocontrol) was created in 1960 for the centralization and harmonization of air traffic control, to meet the new requirements of increasing air traffic. The primary functions of Eurocontrol were modified because of the reluctance of several European member States to transfer their control on ATC. But air traffic was still increasing and is deemed to increase until the next century. The problem remains unsolved. Today, a new political trend in favor of Eurocontrol is emerging. This trend is shared by most of the European States as well as other organizations as the European Community and the European Civil Aviation Conference.The main legal aspects of Eurocontrol are analysed in this thesis, as well as its cooperation with other organizations involved. Eventually, the future of Eurocontrol is analyzed with respect to future air navigation systems (FANS) based on satellite technology.
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Ghonaim, Mahmoud. "The legal aspects of aviation finance in developing countries /." Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59937.
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The assessment of benefits and costs in determining national and international aviation policy by the developing countries differs markedly from that used for advanced countries.The treatment of the subject matter begins in Chapter I with an overview of the aviation industry and its financing Historical Review. Chapter II deals with the problem of recognition of title and security rights in aircraft under international law. Chapter III contains a detailed consideration of the types of commonly used security instruments in aircraft financing. Chapter IV sets out an overview of financing in developing countries, Chapter V contains a study of the various problems facing the asset financing of aircraft in the Third World and possible solutions.
In the last three chapters, emphasis will be placed on regional aviation issues.
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Carment, David 1959. "The international politics of ethnic conflict : the interstate dimensions of secession and irredenta in the twentieth century, a crisis-based approach." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=41358.
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One of the most challenging issues for students of international relations is the interstate dimension of ethnic conflict in both its secessionist and irredentist forms. This thesis contributes to an understanding of the interstate dimension of ethnic conflict in three ways. First, the thesis provides a more precise delineation of the causal relationship between ethnic and interstate conflict. Second, the thesis develops a model to identify the conditions under which ethnic conflict is most likely to lead to interstate conflict. Third, and finally this thesis provides insight into a theory and policy for management and resolution of ethnic conflict. The results of this research are used to identify the international conditions and actions that affect the dynamics and resolution of ethnic conflict. From that perspective, the central goal of this inquiry is to lay the groundwork for preventive peacekeeping.The inquiry unfolds in five stages. First, a formal model, specifying the precise causal relationship of the selected variables and their interaction effects, is presented. Second, two cases (Somali irredentism and the Indo-Sri Lankan crisis) are used to test the assumed linkage. Third, aggregate data from the International Crisis Behavior Project data base, for the period 1918-1988, are used to test the explanatory power of variables derived from the combined framework. Fourth, two additional cases (Thai Malay separatism and the Balkans War) are used to test the most relevant propositions from the previous phase. Fifth and finally, based on the degree of support for propositions from both quantitative and qualitative analysis, the model is refined. Policy relevant and theoretical contributions are presented in the light of the findings. Directions for further research also are discussed.
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Maeda, Mitsuko, and 前田美子. "Power relations among actors in development cooperation: patterns, concepts and approaches in a Japanese-assistedteacher training project in Cambodia." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2007. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B38233575.
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Dean, Deborah. "Women performers as workers : gender in relation to aspects of industrial relations in theatre and television." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2003. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/76187/.
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Performing has been a formally unsegregated occupation for almost 350 years and the achievement of status by its women workers is accepted and expected. However, existing quantitative data indicate that systemic gendered disparities exist in relation to access to work, pay and career longevity. As this is an under-researched occupation the aims of the thesis are first, to map central aspects of the working realities of women performers working in subsidised theatre and terrestrial television in the UK and second, to explore perceptions of women performers’ gendered disadvantage in relation to these aspects. These aims are pursued principally through analysis of semi-structured interview data. As part of the primary aims, the purchase of strategies of legal, social and individual regulation is examined in relation to gendered disadvantage. Consideration of data is structured by work on ideas of gender and the labour process; this work is itself addressed through examination of the woman performer’s working experiences and the ways in which these are perceived by the main participants in these experiences. The study finds effective gender segregation, even more finely segregated by overt classifications of age, appearance, race/ethnicity and status. These classifications, allocated by individual perception, are found to frame the working realities of women performers and result in both systemic advantage and, more commonly, disadvantage. The effects of these perceptions are enhanced by the distinctive characteristics of this occupational sector, its labour markets and labour processes. Analysis of these issues leads to discussion of two key suppositions: that women performers inevitably collude in the perpetuation of their own constraints and that the central work experiences of women performers are manifestations of their position as formal and informal proxies for women’s experiences in wider society.
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Ancel, Marie-Eve Zoe. "Les aspects juridiques du transport des œuvres d'art /." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=34007.
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Not only usual goods are carried: some of a particular nature need particular regulations. The transportation of dangerous goods regulated by specific international rules is a good illustration while the example of artworks carried to be exposed in temporary exhibitions is less famous. Their material protection is insured by museum professionals and specialized carriers. Their legal protection is insured on two levels: on one side, detailed customs procedures are set up to regulate their movement; moreover, specific contractual rules have been created by professionals, but they do apply international conventions relative to international carriers liability. On the other side, one usually chooses specific insurance policy called "a nail to nail" contract. Confidentiality and mutual trust are the keystone to gain success in matter of transportation of artworks.
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Petersen, Emelda. "A theoretical framework for the labour relations between the farmer and farm workers during industrial strike actions." Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/2671.
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Thesis (MTech (Public Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2017.The purpose of this study was to analyse the labour relations of the workers in the agricultural sector, with reference to the De Doors area in the Western Cape. Despite the political, social and economic changes to better the lives of the farm workers that have been implemented to rectify the inequalities of the past, the labour conditions on farms stayed unchanged. It is evident that there is a gap in the labour relations in the agricultural sector, due to the 2012/13 strike actions that took place. Qualitative research methodology was employed in the study; it provided the researcher with the opportunity to personally interact with the farm workers. It further allowed the researcher to gain a holistic understanding of the daily lives of the farm workers which would foster a better understanding of their daily struggles. Interviews were used as method of data collection. This methodology also enables the researcher to interpret and describe the actions of participants. Good labour relations play a vital role in any industry or organisation. Farm workers are generally classified as vulnerable and the most exploited group of the South African society. They often work irregular hours throughout the year in various weather settings. Regardless of the physical strain that their jobs entail, farm workers earn a low wage and are often deprived of the basic benefits that an employee should be entitled to. This was the reason the farm workers embarked on a strike in 2012/13. The researcher proposed recommendations to the Agricultural department on how to improve the labour relations on the farms in the De Doorns area by suggesting that more labour inspectors are being employed to oversee that legislation are implemented. Skills Development needs to be become compulsory for all farm workers as farming is becoming more technological. Skills Development unlocks talents and creative energy for the farm workers which have a positive impact on production.
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Dorey, Peter. "Dissent and disagreement in the Conservative Party over the issue of trade union and industrial relations reform, 1960-1984." Thesis, University of Hull, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.262471.
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Kershaw, Matthew James. "The new politics of European trade unionism : the meaning of European industrial relations for British and German Trade Unions." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285361.
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Bond, Sophie, and n/a. "Participation, urbanism and power." University of Otago. Department of Geography, 2008. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20080404.152556.
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This thesis explores how an adherence to professional principles can be reconciled with a commitment to inclusive participatory planning processes in urban governance. Two themes are drawn together. First, the study concerns recent shifts in thinking about public participation that have resulted in innovative approaches to engaging citizens in urban governance processes through deliberative, interactive workshops and forums. Second, the study focuses on power relations that are inherent in such forums, particularly when a variety of different knowledges (expert and lay) interact. The two themes are brought together by focusing on the participatory practices of the urbanist movement - an urban form movement that draws specific principles from the urbanism of traditional towns and cities in order to create socially and environmentally sustainable places. Within urbanist participation, professional principles for the built environment and a commitment to a form of deliberative democracy are combined. In this study, the crucial question asked is: what is the nature and effect of the power relations on the democratic character of public involvement in participatory planning processes?
To explore this issue, two urbanist Enquiry by Design processes were selected as retrospective case studies. One case involved a regeneration project for an inner urban area of a north England industrial town, while the other case involved a greenfield urban extension in the south west of England. The empirical research, undertaken in mid 2005, comprised 52 semi-structured interviews, analysis of extensive background material, and site visits. Research participants were selected to capture a range of perspectives and experiences of each process.
To understand the power relations in the cases a two pronged approach was taken. The study was informed by literature from communicative planning theory and deliberative democracy. From this literature, an Ethic for Communicative Participation was developed as a heuristic device to evaluate urbanist participation. Concomitantly, to understand the nature of the power relations involved in the deliberative forum, the study employed a discourse theory perspective after Laclau and Mouffe (2001). Thus, power was understood as relational and imbricated within all social relations, while conflict was conceived of as an indicator of power.
The study found that the urbanist discourse, as a hegemonic project, had a significant effect on the nature of the participatory processes. In disseminating and instituting a particular vision for urban sustainability, the urbanist participatory process was found to be instrumental to realising the urbanist vision in each locality. As such, the cases studied displayed a thin commitment to democracy. Moreover, the discursive constructions of concepts of community, representation, consensus and participation evident in the cases, exposed a unified and homogeneous understanding of social groups. Consequently, the complexity of power relations and conflict inherent in the processes were bracketed, resulting in the exclusion of certain perspectives.
Nevertheless, the study illustrated the value in understanding the inherently antagonistic nature of the public sphere for both research and practice. The study supported emerging claims for a democratic politics in which antagonism is transformed into agonism - a space of reciprocity and mutual respect in which contestations over meanings can be articulated. In the cases, the participatory space allowed participants to challenge the hegemonic nature of the dominant discourses. Therefore, the thesis argues for two important ways to rethink power in both theory and in practice. First, there must be a willingness to engage with conflict and power. Second, there must be an interrogation of claims to unity or collectivity. Understanding the public sphere as inherently antagonistic, heterogeneous, and criss-crossed with complex power relations potentially provides conditions in which hegemonic forces can be contested. An agonistic politics has the potential to facilitate the open contestation of different knowledges and transform the dominant power relations such that an enhanced democracy can ensue.
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Swiecicki, Ewa. "Legal aspects of licensing of airline transport pilots : international standards versus Canadian aviation safety regulations." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61155.
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The laws and regulations governing certification of aviation personnel constitute one of the essential elements of aviation legislation. They have a significant effect upon the global safety of the civil air transportation system.This dissertation aims at describing the existing regulations in the field of pilot licensing. Its scope is narrowed down to the highest category of licence applicable to professional pilots and known as the airline transport pilot licence. The thesis depicts and analyses the process of creation and the contents of licensing standards and recommended practices as developed by various ICAO bodies and incorporated in Annex 1 to the Chicago Convention.
The survey of pilot licensing system currently in force in Canada provides the example of domestic legislation applicable in this respect. It is performed with the aim of exploring the compatibility of Canadian law with the global legal requirements as prescribed in Annex 1 and other supporting ICAO documentation.
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Meyer, Christa. "Can gender come to the rescue of foreign policy? : an exploration into the ways in which the (mis)understanding of gender influences the making of foreign policy." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52725.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This paper attempts to provide a broad theoretical background of the ways in which gender has informed the making of foreign policy. It examines the various types of feminism in the zo" century and how they complement each other, criticize each other and have contributed to critical political debate. Realism as the dominant political paradigm of the zo" century comes under scrutiny and it is shown how it abets and supports male domination by cloaking it in neutral language and institutions that appear neutral. Foreign policy objectives are often linked to the national interest, which in itself is a problematic and contested concept. Foreign policy makers face new challenges today as the political landscape changes, often driven by multinational corporations who dictate the rules of political engagement. Not only has the international political arena changed drastically in the zo" century, but so has the domestic arena. Studies in foreign policy attitudes show marked differences along gender lines. Most studies focus on the pacifist attitudes of women, but this paper goes on to show how gendered theories of security, globalization, the environment and human rights could inform foreign policy makers and others who shape foreign policy agendas.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis poog om 'n bree teoretiese agtergrond te skep van die wyses waarin gender (geslag as 'n konstruksie) die skep van buitelandse beleid beinvloed. Dit bestudeer die verskeie tipes feminisme in die 20ste eeu en hoe hulle mekaar komplimenteer, mekaar kritiseer en bygedra het tot kritiese politieke debat. Realisme as die dominante paradigma van die 20ste eeu word noukeurig bestudeer en daar word gewys hoe hierdie paradigma manlike dominasie ondersteun deur dit te vermom in neutrale taal en instellings wat neutraal voorkom. Buitelandse beleid word dikwels gekoppel aan die nasionale belang wat op sigself 'n problematiese konsep is. Weens die veranderende internasionale politieke arena staar makers van buitelandse beleid nuwe uitdagings in die gesig, veral omdat multinasionale maatskappye dikwels die die reels van die spel bepaal. Studies toon dat gevoelens en houdings oor spesifieke buitelandse beleidskwessies dikwels verskillend vir mans en vrouens manifesteer. Meeste studies fokus op die ondersteuning van vrouens van vrede in kontras met geweld en oorlog. Hierdie tesis gaan verder deur te wys hoe 'gendered' teoriee van sekuriteit, globalisering, die omgewing en menseregte moontlik die skeppers van buitelandse beleid kan beinvloed.
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McCallister, Gerald L. Jr. "Ethnic Similarity and Rivalry Relations." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc700063/.
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Research on ethnicity and conflict treats the concept of ethnicity as defining the actors in these conflicts, whereas research on the construction and maintenance of ethnic identity explores why ethnicity unifies individuals into a single social group. What happens when this unifying concept is divided between two enemy countries? How does this situation influence peace settlements over territorial issues, armed conflict, and economic relations between these countries? To answer these questions, I create a continuous measure of ethnic similarity between rivals. I find that ethnic similarity can facilitate cooperation and exacerbate conflictual interactions between rivals, but governments will seek to limit interactions with their rival when the cross border ethnic groups are minorities. In addition, I create categorical predictors of ethnic similarity, which reveal nuances in these relationships. Specifically, rivalries sharing a pan-ethnic identity are more likely to engage in conflict regardless of actual ethnic similarity, and dyads with a majority in one country sharing ethnicity with a minority in another country are less likely to fight once in a state of rivalry. This is because a quid pro quo exists between these rivals where one rival can reduce oppression of the minority in exchange for the other rival not supporting secessions by their co-ethnics. These pairs of rivals also are more likely to attempt peace settlements. Contested nations, which are rivalry-dyads with similar ethnic majorities, are both the most likely of the ethnically similar rival categories to engage in militarized interstate disputes, but also engage in larger amounts of interstate trade.
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Lebesgue, Sonia. "Principes de protection du patrimoine architectural mondial = Legal and theoretical aspects of architectural conservation." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0017/MQ55103.pdf.
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Thuilleaux, Sabine 1961. "Aspects compares des regimes juridiques de l'arbitrage au Quebec et en France : droit interne - droit international prive." Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59843.
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In 1986, Quebec adopted the Act to amend the Civil Code and the Code of Civil Procedure in respect of Arbitration and thereby established a new and modern regime for contractual arbitration. The new regime includes provisions to facilitate execution in Quebec of arbitral awards rendered outside the province.This thesis deals with certain aspects of the new regime, comparing it with the well-established French law of arbitration, which has abundant caselaw covering both domestic and international arbitration. Emphasis is placed on the manner in which Quebec courts have applied the new arbitration law in comparison with French judicial practice.
The first part of the thesis deals with domestic arbitration, focussing on contractual and jurisdictional issues. This is done through an examination of the arbitration agreement, the arbitration procedure, the award, as well as the execution of the award and remedies to set it aside.
International arbitration is treated in the second part. The definition of international arbitration, the validity and autonomy of the arbitration agreement, the choice of law relating to the procedure and the dispute itself are reviewed, as is the execution of foreign awards--that is, those rendered outside Quebec or rendered in Quebec but in the context of an international dispute.
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Finneron-Burns, Elizabeth Mary. "What we owe to future people : a contractualist account of intergenerational ethics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5f49ca7a-2498-4786-8cfa-c3ce2be2d960.
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This thesis applies T.M. Scanlon's version of contractualism to the problem of future generations. I begin by analyzing Rawls' contractarian account of just savings and find that there is no plausible composition of the original position that can deal with the inclusion of future people. I then examine Scanlon's contractualism and some objections to it before moving on to applying it to future people. I argue that the disanalogies between the intra- and inter-generational contexts do not preclude including future people in the contractualist framework, and that the theory avoids the non-identity problem. Part II of the thesis applies contractualism to three intergenerational topics and develops principles governing them: resource conservation, procreation, and population size. To conclude, I address how to deal with the fact that, in the case of future generations, we often have imperfect knowledge of what they will need, how our actions will affect them, and how many of them there will be.
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Watson, D. H. "Aspects of occupational career involvement in industrial relations : A study of full-time £Ttrade union officers£T and £Tindustrial relations specialists£T." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.377812.
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Schilcher, Daniela, and n/a. "Supranational governance of tourism : aid, trade and power relations between the European Union and the South Pacific island states." University of Otago. Department of Tourism, 2007. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20080508.150955.
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This thesis examined the role of supranational organisations (SOs) in the governance of tourism in a North-South context. Focusing on the issue area of development cooperation, this thesis investigated the question of how and why SOs got involved in tourism in developing countries, and more specifically, in small island developing states. Such involvement may occur either directly through aid funded projects or indirectly through international trade regimes that impact on tourism in the aid recipient countries. The thesis adopted a case study approach focussing on the European Union�s (EU�s) involvement in the governance of tourism in South Pacific island states. Grounded in a history of colonialism, the EU has been involved in the �development� of the South Pacific for more than three decades, which allowed to track changes in development philosophy over time. Focusing on the concept of power, the case was assessed in a multi-scalar manner, analysing the EU�s involvement from the global down to the local level. Never before has an entire multilevel polity been assessed in one coherent case study, incorporating actors situated at all levels and ranging from supranational organisations to national governments, businesses, communities, and individuals.
The methods employed in this thesis included interviews, participant observation, document analysis (policy documents and newspapers), and subsequently critical discourse analysis. The latter served to highlight the so-called �third face of power� (Lukes 1974), which is closely related to the concept of ideological hegemony. Interviews were conducted in Fiji and Samoa with officials of the South Pacific Delegations of the EU, officials of tourism authorities, NGOs, tourism operators and community members. Elite interviews in Brussels were conducted with officials of the European Commission and the European Parliament.
Under all scales and �faces� of power the EU was found to be the dominant actor, while the issue of self-interest appeared to play a key role. At a macro-level, the EU clearly dominated in most overt decision-making situations during negotiations on aid and trade agreements. As concerned the inclusion of tourism in the agreements, the relative importance of the sector was clearly dependent on the European Commission�s prevailing attitude on �tourism and development� at any point in time. At a meso- and micro-level, the EU�s influence was less obvious yet nonetheless existent, for example through funding rules and the use of European consultants. Indirect influence also occurred at the national level. In particular the substitution of a preferential trade regime with a free trade agreement (the Economic Partnership Agreements), which is currently being negotiated between the EU and the Pacific Islands, is likely to have a significant impact on the economic importance of tourism, as well as public policy in the South Pacific. In a mini case study of Samoa, it was found that the resulting changes in tourism policy would have a significant impact �on the ground�, in particular with regard to rates of local ownership and control.
Overall, power relations were found to be highly unequal and self-determination and empowerment have largely not been achieved. However, more research is needed to examine the ability to generalise the findings to other geographic regions or other types of SOs. The key contribution of this thesis in the theoretical realm constitutes its bridging of agency and structure within multi-level governance, which may be conceived as a �third way� to either dependency theory-influenced studies (global/structure) or community approaches (local/agency).
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Vandaele, Arne D. A. "International trade law as a means to enforce workers' rights in developing countries : the way forward?" Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ54229.pdf.
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Smith, Robin Harold. "Labour, management and political change : a study of employment codes in the context of South African industrial relations." Thesis, University of York, 1989. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/9805/.
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Yacobucci, Peter. "Antecedents of employee extra work effort: The importance of employee empowerment and organizational commitment." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280336.
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This study uses a survey of a large sample of public and private sector employees in Tucson, Arizona, to reveal the determinants of employee extra work effort. Extra work effort is defined as those actions benefitting their employer performed by employees for which employees are not explicitly compensated. The current literature suggests employee empowerment through the variation of personnel systems to allow for greater employee responsibility and decision-making as a powerful determinant of employee extra work effort. The finding of this research suggests that while the implementation of these personnel systems may increase other positive occupational traits, such as job satisfaction and employee interest, no direct connection can be made between employee empowerment managerial systems and employee extra work effort. Instead, organizational commitment is a more robust determinant of employee extra work effort. Implications of these findings are suggested for the current literature and practical application.
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Putnam, Elizabeth Mary 1955. "Deconstructing hegemony: The state/labor partial regime in Chile." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291503.
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Hegemony is viewed through the lens of the state-labor partial regime in post-authoritarian Chile. A review of the hegemonic "debate" reveals that agricultural labor was excluded from labor incorporation in 1932. Rural labor's subsequent superexploitation subsidized industrial workers with cheap production of wage goods. Agricultural workers' incorporation in the mid-1960s unified the workforce and initiated the organic crisis that intensified with the election of a Socialist executive. The dictatorship that overthrew Allende disarticulated all forms of collective action. Its coercive foundation and neo-liberal economic project forced a retreat from collective to individual strategies. The current regime is left with hierarchical state/labor relations wrapped around a core of atomizational pluralism. Inclusionary pluralist labor reforms simultaneously fulfill ideological bases of consent and obstruct the working class unity needed to achieve substantive gains. On this foundation of individualism, a bourgeois hegemonic project (safe from collective counter-hegemonic threat) is being constructed to protect the rule of capital.
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Stewart, Brandon. "Crossing Over: Essays on Ethnic Parties, Electoral Politics, and Ethnic Social Conflict." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1011838/.
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This dissertation analyzes several topics related to political life in ethnically divided societies. In chapter 2, I study the relationship between ethnic social conflict, such as protests, riots, and armed inter-ethnic violence, and bloc partisan identification. I find that protests have no effect on bloc support for political parties, riots increase bloc partisan identification, and that armed violence reduces this phenomenon. In chapter 3, I analyze the factors that influence the targeting of ethnic groups by ethnic parties in social conflict. I find some empirical evidence that conditions favorable to vote pooling across ethnic lines reduce group targeting by ethnic parties. In chapter 4, I analyze the effects of ethnic demography on ethnic party behavior. Through a qualitative analysis of party behavior in local elections in Macedonia, I find that ethnic parties change their strategies in response to changes in ethnic demography. I find that co-ethnic parties are less likely to challenge each other for power under conditions of split demography. In fact, under conditions of split demography, I find that co-ethnic parties have political incentives to unite behind a single party because intra-group competition jeopardizes the group's hold on power.
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Haigh, Stephen Paul, and n/a. "Globalization and the state : towards a neo-medieval political order?" University of Otago. Department of Political Studies, 2008. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20080514.111752.
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The system of states that now covers the planet did not arise out of thin air; rather it was the product of historical forces that gradually coalesced around the state form. But the dynamics of that process no longer obtain. In their place, a new, highly complex amalgam of material and ideational forces is now in the ascendant -- and its arrival has serious implications for traditionally configured, "Westphalian" states.
Understood as ("thick") globalization, this interlocking array of political, economic, social and cultural forces challenges the old order at two key points. First, traditional states had "hard shells," by means of which they were capable of consolidating differences between �inside� and �outside� to the point where the latter could more easily be quarantined. Second, for closely related reasons they were largely able to "absorb" domestic society, such that the individual was less a citizen than (s)he was a subject. But these (dubious) capabilities have been severely exposed and eroded, which leads us to ask, "Whither the state under globalization?" My thesis constitutes a sustained attempt to answer this question.
The theme is a large one - and I believe that to be adequately treated, large themes require a varied approach. First, in terms of theory this means that I borrow from a significant diversity of recognized �Schools� within the discipline of International Relations. Second, in terms of method I follow a similarly pluralist line. Broadly speaking, the work is interpretive as opposed to explanatory, which is to concede that one cannot be �purely� scientific while standing inside the phenomena one wishes to examine. On the other hand, this forecloses neither the scientific method nor its guiding spirit. With respect to states and the international system, we can still be "scientific realists:" states are real structures whose nature can legitimately be approximated through sciences. In sum, I cleave to a sort of methodological middle ground between science and interpretation, taking from each in the measure that they advance the discussion. Third, in terms of normative intent my chief concern is with the way things are; but as it turns out, the way things are increasingly includes the way they ought to be. In other words, the ontology of our globalizing world is increasingly deontological in texture.
This may sound contradictory. Nevertheless, the spread of universal norms - and of equally universal ordering principles, or patterns of global organization - has undeniable repercussions for the relationship between is and ought. In turn, the implications for states are profound. The answer to my central question, "Wither the state under globalization?" is this: we are now on the threshold of a neo-medieval era of segmented political authority. Centrally nested within this new order is the embedded cosmopolitan state, wherein universal and particular aspects of being can now be fully reconciled.
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Peng, Nian. "Myanmar's China policy since 1988 : a neoclassical realist approach." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2018. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/594.
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This thesis argues that Myanmar's China policy since 1988 has been jointly determined by systemic imperatives and domestic factors. To make this argument logically acceptable, I create a neoclassical realism model of 'strategic preference'. The strategic preference is the intervening variable which decides the state's reactions to external environments. It assumes that states will adopt active diplomacy if they have an 'integration' strategic preference, and that otherwise, they will to be neutral about foreign affairs or isolated from the world. The external environments are divided into inclusive and restrictive ones, where the former means economic and political competition between great powers, while the latter refers to military confrontation between them. The hypothesis is that states are more likely to hedge against the threatening state when they have an 'integration' strategic preference and are faced with an inclusive external environment. Alternatively, states will keep their distance from the threatening state. In the case of Myanmar, it formulated an 'integration' strategic preference in 1988 because the domestic politics remained stable and moderate leaders were in charge of foreign affairs. Meanwhile, it faced a high threat from the US and great opportunity of gaining benefits from China. Given this, Myanmar engaged closely with China and thus resisted the US. However, Myanmar switched to the 'isolation' strategic preference after 2004 and confronted moderate Sino-US competition, thereby keeping both China and the US at a distance. Myanmar then revived the 'integration' strategic preference in 2011 and was faced with high risks of over-depending on China and a good chance of re-approaching the US. Hence, Myanmar improved relations with the West and fostered relations with ASEAN, India, and Russia to balance the rising Chinese influence. It also attempted to reduce its over-dependence on China by decreasing Chinese investment and slowing down its strategic partnership with China. The successive NLD government inherited the 'integration' strategic preference and faced strong US criticism. Therefore, it enhanced engagement with China to relieve the US pressure while strengthening relations with neighbouring countries to balance China's influence. Myanmar has stabilised bilateral ties and won the support of China through the high-level exchanges between the two countries; it has benefited greatly from the close bilateral economic and defence cooperation. Nevertheless, Myanmar has expanded the country's trade and investment partners and aid resources, diversified its foreign relations, and promoted defence cooperation with other military powers, thereby selectively reducing its reliance on China. However, Myanmar's balancing act is a highly restrained one because of its vulnerability and limited access to external resources, especially the strong political support and economic assistance from other great powers, such as the US in particular. In the near future, Myanmar will continue to give top priority to engagement with China, while gradually expanding its balancing act.
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Mosia, Serame R. "Post apartheid politics and issues of race : the views and position of political parties in South Africa on the crisis in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53554.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Race has been used as an instrument of domination and separation of the South African population for a long time. The dawn of the democratic dispensation in 1994marked a shift from the policy of racial separation to the creation of the non-racial democratic South Africa. However, political parties in this country have constantly re-politicised race in the post apartheid era mainly for political gain. The purpose of this study will be to describe, explain and analyse how political parties in South Africa use the crisis in Zimbabwe to racialise politics in this country. The study will show that the dilemma facing political parties in South Africa is that they cannot avoid focusing on racial issues. The focus is on four main political parties, the ANC, the PAC, the NNP and the DA. The study specifically looked at the following issues in Zimbabwe: the Land crisis, the 2003 March presidential elections and the economic crisis to see how they have influenced political discourse in South Africa. As anticipated, predominantly black parties have shown some empathy with Robert Mugabe's government, while predominantly white parties have called for a more confrontational measure against Mugabe's government. Nonetheless, this study found no conclusive evidence to suggest that the crisis in Zimbabwe has fuelled race conflict in this country. But that race is politicised by parties in South Africa for political gain.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In Apartheld-Suid-Afrika was rasse verskille gebruik as 'n instrument van onderdrukking en skeiding van die bevolking. Met die totstandkoming van demokrasie in 1994 het 'n verskuiwing van 'n rasse-beleid na 'n nie-rassige, demokratiese Suid-Afrika gelei. Politieke partye politiseer egter steeds ras in post-Apartheid Suid-Afrika vir politieke gewin. Die doel van hierdie studie is om te beskryf, verduidelik en te analiseer hoe politieke partye die krisis in Zimbabwe gebruik om politiek in Suid-Afrika steeds gebonde ras te hou. Hierdie studis al aandui dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika nie die fokus van ras identiteite kan vermy nie. 'n Moontlike rede hiervoor is dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika 'nsolidariteit met hul kiesers wil behou. Die studie fokus op vier van die mees prominente politieke partye in Suid-Afrika naamlik: ANC, PAC, NNP en die DA. Om elke party se stand-punt op hierdie onderwerp te verstaan, gaan die studie fokus op die volgende punte in Zimbabwe: grondhervorming, die 2003Presidensiële verkiesing en die impak wat die ekonomiese krisis in Zimbabwe op die politieke gebied gehad het. Soos verwag, het partye met histories oorheersende swart oortuigings empatie met Robert Mugabe se regering betoon. Mugabe word gesien as 'n slagoffer van onsimpatieke wit settelaars wat vasklou aan hul eertydse voorregte. Terwyloorwegende wit partye vra vir strenger optrede teenoor die regering van Robert Mugabe. Nie te min, het hierdie studie geen uitsluitende bewyse gevind wat aandui dat die krisis in Zimbabwe konflik rasse in Suid- Afrika aangespoor het nie. Dit is egter belangrik om in ag te neem dat die politisering van ras grootliks deur partye gebruik word om ondersteuning te werf.
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Ifestos, Panayiotis J. "Some aspects of external relations and foreign policy of the European Community: European political cooperation and defense / security issues." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213536.
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Ndenguino-Mpira, Hermanno. "Interrogating China’s approach to relations with sub-Saharan Africa in official documents (2000-2010) through critical discourse analysis." Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85732.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: China‘s rise as an economic superpower has had important consequences for its relations with African countries over the past 10-15 years. Not only were these relations thoroughly reviewed and significantly increased, but China also adopted a new cooperation policy that its administration describes as being based on mutual benefits and win-win economic collaboration. However, there is a sceptical public opinion in Africa and also in some developed countries about China‘s current engagement with African countries, and in particular with countries from the sub-Saharan region. In fact, China is frequently accused of acting as a new colonizing power and of increasing its relations with African countries simply as a strategy to achieve higher power-politics status and to structure a new global economic order. The present study addresses the question of whether China‘s official discourse about its relations with sub-Saharan African countries from 2000 to 2010 contains any grounds for the sceptical public opinion mentioned above. In more concrete terms, the main objective of the study is to determine from a linguistic perspective, and more specifically from a critical discourse analysis point of view, whether there are any overt or covert messages of power and ideology in China‘s discourse to sub-Saharan African countries which could justify the sceptical public opinion about China‘s current engagement in this part of the continent . The texts representing China‘s discourse about its relations with sub-Saharan African countries that are examined for this study comprise official speeches, statements, and other related official documents delivered by Chinese officials in the period 2000-2010, and published in English on the websites of various institutions, including China‘s official websites. These texts are examined from within the framework of the Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA) as set out by, specifically, Wodak (2001a). The texts are analysed using the DHA three-dimensional procedure consisting of (i) identifying the Content(s) and Topic(s) of the specific discourse, (ii) investigating the discursive strategies used in the specific texts, and (iii) analysing the linguistic means and the specific context-dependent linguistic realizations. On the one hand, the analysis of the Discourse Topics indicates that the relations between China and sub-Saharan African countries are grounded in China‘s pluralist approach to international affairs. From this perspective, then, it could be argued that China‘s current engagement in sub-Saharan Africa does not warrant the sceptical public opinion mentioned earlier. On the other hand, however, the analysis of the discursive strategies used to represent China and sub-Saharan African countries, indicates that such sceptisism is likely warranted. The relations between China and African countries have predominantly been investigated from economic and political perspectives. However, the manner in which these relations are expressed, implied, negotiated, interpreted, distributed, etc. in discourse has not yet received any systematic attention. The present study was therefore undertaken to contribute, from a linguistic perspective, to the knowledge of and the debate about China‘s current engagement in Africa.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: China se opgang as ‘n ekonomiese supermoondheid het belangrike gevolge gehad vir sy betrekkinge met Afrikalande oor die afgelope 10-15 jaar. China het hierdie betrekkinge deeglik hersien en beduidend uitgebrei, en het daarby ook ‘n nuwe samewerkingsbeleid aanvaar wat volgens sy administrasie gegrond is op wedersydse voordele en wen-wen ekonomiese samewerking. Daar is nietemin ‘n skeptiese openbare mening in Afrika en ook in sommige ontwikkelde lande oor China se huidige verbintenis met Afrikalande, en in die besonder met lande van die sub-Sahara streek. Trouens, China word gereeld daarvan beskuldig dat hy optree soos ‘n nuwe koloniale moondheid, en dat sy verhoogde betrekkinge met Afrikalande bloot ‘n strategie is om groter magspolitieke status te bekom en om ‘n nuwe globale ekonomiese struktuur daar te stel. Die huidige studie fokus op die vraag of China se amptelike diskoers oor sy betrekkinge met sub-Sahara Afrikalande vanaf 2000 tot 2010 enige gronde bied vir die genoemde skeptiese openbare mening. In meer konkrete terme, is die hoofoogmerk van die studie om vanuit ‘n taalwetenskaplike perspektief, en meer spesifiek vanuit die oogpunt van kritiese diskoersanalise, vas te stel of China se diskoers met sub-Sahara Afrika enige overte of koverte boodskappe van mag en ideologie bevat wat kan dien as regverdiging vir die skeptiese openbare mening oor China se huidige betrokkenheid in hierdie deel van die kontinent. In die studie word ‘n verskeidenheid tekste ontleed wat verteenwoordigend is van China se diskoers oor sy betrekkinge met sub-Sahara Afrikalande. Dié tekste sluit amptelike toesprake, verklarings en verwante dokumente van Chinese amptenare in wat gelewer is in die tydperk 2000-2010, en wat in Engels gepubliseer is op die webwerwe van verskeie instellings, insluitend China se amptelike webwerwe. Die tekste word ondersoek binne die raamwerk van die Diskoers-Historiese Benadering (DHB) soos uiteengesit in, spesifiek, Wodak (2001a). Die analise van die tekste volg die DHB se drie-dimensionele prosedure, wat die volgende inhou: (i) identifisering van die Inhoud(e) en Onderwerp(e) van die spesifieke diskoers, (ii) analise van die diskursiewe strategieë wat gebruik word in die spesifieke tekste, en (iii) analise van die talige middele en die spesifieke konteks-afhanklike talige realiserings. Aan die een kant dui die analise van die Diskoers Onderwerpe daarop dat die betrekkinge tussen China en sub-Sahara Afrikalande gebaseer is op China se pluralistiese benadering tot internasionale sake. Vanuit hierdie perspektief kan daar dus geargumenteer word dat China se huidige betrokkenheid in sub-Sahara Afrika nie gronde bied vir die skeptiese openbare mening wat hierbo genoem is nie. Aan die ander kant, egter, dui die analise van die diskursiewe strategieë wat aangewend word in die voorstelling van China en sub-Sahara Afrikalande daarop dat daar waarskynlik wel gronde is vir sulke skeptisisme. Die betrekkinge tussen China en Afrikalande is tot dusver merendeels vanuit ekonomiese en politieke perspektiewe ondersoek. Die wyse waarop sulke betrekkinge uitgedruk, geïmpliseer, onderhandel, geïnterpreteer, versprei, ens. word in diskoers, is egter nog nie sistematies ondersoek nie. Die huidige studie is gevolglik onderneem om, vanuit ‘n taalwetenskaplike perspektief, ‘n bydrae te lewer tot die kennis van en die debat oor China se huidige betrokkenheid in Afrika.