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Journal articles on the topic 'Political aspects of Industrial relations'
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1
Fry, Simon, and Bernard Mees. "Two discursive frameworks concerning ideology in Australian industrial relations." Economic and Labour Relations Review 28, no. 4 (November 3, 2017): 483–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1035304617739505.
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There are two discursive frameworks concerning ideology in Australian industrial relations. In many disciplines concerned with aspects of industrial relations, including political science, law and history, it is the traditional political ideologies of the industrial era which take centre stage: liberalism (classical, social and neoliberalism), socialism (Marxism, social democracy and labourism) and conservatism. By contrast, ideological issues in the discipline of employment relations are chiefly addressed in terms of Fox’s three analytical perspectives: unitarism, pluralism and radicalism. The disjunction between these parallel discourses goes largely unnoted in the literature of the relevant disciplines, which all tend to proceed using their own preferred approach without making reference to the other. This article critically explores the relationship between these two discourses and investigates the broader implications that the existence of the two different discursive traditions has for the analysis of industrial relations phenomena in Australia.
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Marceau, Jane. "University—Industry—Government Relations." Industry and Higher Education 10, no. 4 (August 1996): 252–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095042229601000407.
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This paper addresses governments' efforts to link knowledge production and a knowledge-based production system. It suggests that the ‘Triple Helix’ image of university—industry—government relations neglects important aspects of players' activity, the systematic schizophrenia in much public policy and the critical variations over time and technologies in inter-relations between the knowledge-producing system and the structures and functioning of the surrounding political economy. The paper suggests that analysis of a nation's industrial ‘complexes' will provide valuable information and permit better adapted approaches.
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Bramble, Tom. "Political Economy and Management Strategy in the Metal and Engineering Industry." Journal of Industrial Relations 31, no. 1 (March 1989): 22–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218568903100102.
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The study of industrial relations management has been a long-neglected aspect of the Australian scene. Recent changes in the balance of power on the shop floor in the aftermath of prolonged recession in the metal and engineering industry, however, make such neglect an expensive luxury. This article looks at four aspects of management t strategy: the labour relations management function, relations with the unions at the workplace, attitudes to employee involvement, and attitudes to the employment relationship. The suggestion, in the light of secondary evidence and a series of fourteen case studies in the Victorian and New South Wales metal industry, is that three variables are important in helping to explain the direction that labour relations management has taken in recent years. These are the 'labour threat: the reorganization of production methods, and changes to the legal and institutional framework. It was found that management in those plants in which exposure to these three environmental pressures was similar responded with fairly similar labour relations management practices, suggesting that there may indeed be a link between the key variables.
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Rafferty, Felicity. "Pay Equity: An Industrial Relations Anomaly?" Journal of Industrial Relations 33, no. 1 (March 1991): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569103300101.
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The Professional Officers' Association, which operates in the Commonwealth employment sector, has been in the forefront of the contemporary movement to achieve pay equity for women employed in female intensive professions. The Association's experiences have led it to conclttde that pay equity is difficult for parties to the industrial relations system to negotiate in the context of the established industrial relations model, which places strong reliance on the process of negotiation and compromise. This is further complicated by the conflicting position of the Commonwealth government at the political level, with a policy that supports pay equity, and as an employer who historically has resisted and impeded implementation of pay equity, and continues to do sa This paper examines the positions adopted by the Commonwealth government as an employer, by the Indtrstriat Relations Commission as guardian of the public interest, including the national economy, and by unions, primarily in the context of the Association's experiences in pursuing claims for pay equity for female professions. The paper describes the means by which pay equity claims are succeeding with the assistance of the Commission, using the Association's dental therapist cases as a case sttrdy, and draws on the experience of other contemporary pay equity cases in addition to those run by the Professional Officers' Association in order to emphasize tfre dysfunctional aspects of the process imposed by the Indrsstrial Relations Commission as a means of dealing with claims for pay equity.
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Samuelson, Paul A. "Pure theory aspects of industrial organization and globalization." Japan and the World Economy 15, no. 1 (January 2003): 89–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0922-1425(02)00053-1.
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OVIECHKINA, Olena. "Operating relations in the post-industrial and transitive economy." Economics. Finances. Law, no. 12/3 (December 29, 2020): 26–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.37634/efp.2020.12(3).5.
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The paper is devoted to an in-depth study of the capitalist private property of adherents of various currents and schools. It is emphasized that the internal contradictions of private property, which are concentrated in the relations of exploitation, are actively studied by the authors of neoliberalism, neo-institutionalism, and analytical Marxism. The paper shows that most of the works of Western scholars deny the phenomenon of economic exploitation in the post-industrial model of capitalism. The conclusions of domestic scholars about the absence of economic and non-economic coercion to work of hired workers in debilitated, transitive economies are criticized. Based on the theoretical analysis of works devoted to the objective study of new aspects of the relationship between employers and employees, the existence of such non-economic forms of exploitation is proven: psychological, political, axiological, social. The paper considers the main tools of non-economic exploitation, which include euphemisation and speculation in the interests, motives, feelings, consciousness, preferences and even passions of people. The consequences of euphemisation and speculation as tools of non-economic coercion to work, excessive consumption, the introduction of consumerist psychology are revealed. The economic purpose of the most popular socio-political technologies for manipulating the conscious and subconscious behavior of society, groups, individuals in the interests of the ruling classes is clarified. It is shown that these instruments of influence are actively used in various national models of capitalism. The mechanism of total manipulation of behavior, consciousness, psychology of people who are involved in the processes of production, marketing and consumption is considered. It is shown that total manipulation includes a set of non-economic forms of influence on people's decision-making, beneficial to the state, direct employers, financial and commercial structures not only nationally but also globally.
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Bazić, Jovan. "The Social Aspects of Sport." Physical Education and Sport Through the Centuries 5, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/spes-2018-0005.
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SummaryIn this paper we evaluated the basic viewpoints on the mutual relations between contemporary sport and society. Sport is a global social phenomenon which is determined by a variety of different processes, including: the fast development of the industrial society and capital, an increase in leisure time, the development of a liberal democracy and the media. A special feature in these relations is the overall globalization process in today’s world. The basic structure of this paper is made up of two functional parts. In the first part we indicate the dominant theoretical-methodological paradigms in studying sport in social sciences, especially sociology: functionalism, conflict theory in society, interpretive and postmodern theory. In the second part of the paper we analyze the dialectics of contemporary relations between sport and society, where special attention is dedicated to the distribution of social power between sport, capital and the media at the local and global level. At the local level especially, there is a pronounced influence of politics on sport, which is realized through various mechanisms of government power, as well as other political subjects. The most solid bonds between sport and society on both levels are maintained by capital and the media, which know no boundaries. Through ownership and mechanisms of financing sports clubs and associations, athletes and athletic events, an entire network of capitalist relations in sport was created. Sport has become one of the most important factors of television programs, the internet and social networks, which has led to an enormous growth in profit and popularity of sport, but also to great changes in the social relations between people.
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Cao, Xun. "Domestic Economic Policies, Political Institutions, and Transnational Portfolio Investments." Business and Politics 11, no. 1 (April 2009): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1232.
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For many, transnational capital is one of the most important driving forces of economic globalization; yet, we know little about what determines cross-border portfolio investments. In addition to recent economic literature's focus on information asymmetries as one key determinant of cross-border investment, this study brings in a political aspect to the field of international trade in assets. The –race to the bottom’ thesis connects domestic economic policies to investment decisions and argues that capital is more likely to move towards economies characterized by economic liberalism; political institutions are also relevant for portfolio investments, because democratic institutions often provide more credible protection against predatory practices. In this study, I model bilateral portfolio investments as a function of economic policies, political institutions, and levels of transparency of sending and receiving countries as well as important international connections. Empirical findings indicate the importance of transparency to attract portfolio investments. Moreover, transnational portfolio investments are only sensitive to some fiscal policy indictors and only within the OECD countries. Therefore, for non-OECD countries, there is still ‘room to move’ in maneuvering different aspects of fiscal policies. Finally, I find that investors care about the nature of political institutions as democratic institutions tend to be associated with higher levels of portfolio investment inflows. This is good news for developing countries that have undergone or are in the process of democratization. In addition to democratizing for peace, increased foreign capital further incentivizes a progression towards democratization.
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Koroschupov, V. "Some Aspects of European Defence Industry Development." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 12 (2022): 98–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-12-98-107.
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As a result of the analysis of defence spending in European countries for the period 1990–2022, the author reveals a trend towards underfunding of their defence-industrial base. Due to the fall in defence spending, there is a reduction in European defence companies in Europe, some companies go into the commercial sector, the other part is trying to consolidate. The armed forces of European countries conduct exercises and fight on a multinational basis, and purchase weapons on a national basis. This situation does not allow industrial enterprises to consolidate demand, which makes it possible to increase production volumes. By researching the state of the defense-industrial base of European countries, it becomes evident that there are disagreements between the states of Europe about which is better to buy samples of weapons. Some are in favor of purchases in the United States, others – for joint European projects, and others – for national ones. For example, for fighters, we are talking about choosing between the F‑35, Eurofighter Typhoon, Dassault Rafale or SAAB. A study of data on arms exports from the United States to Europe shows that Europe has lost its status as the main export destination of the United States. The results of research illustrate that the procurement of weapons is a long and complex process, the programming of the construction of the armed forces and the costs are planned, taking into account the threats of tomorrow, in advance. The research findings indicate that the prevailing conditions of peace and stability of the last 30 years have shaped the image of the defense industrial base of European countries unable to produce military products in large quantities and in a short time. The author comes to the conclusion that the ambitions of Europe exceed the available resources.
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Klyuev, N. N. "New Industrial and Transport Construction in Russia: Economic and Geographical Aspects." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 89, no. 4 (July 2019): 333–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s101933161904004x.
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Gray, Hazel. "Industrial policy and the political settlement in Tanzania: aspects of continuity and change since independence." Review of African Political Economy 40, no. 136 (June 2013): 185–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2013.794725.
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Gardini, Gian Luca. "Government-Business Relations in the Construction of Mercosur." Business and Politics 8, no. 1 (April 2006): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1147.
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Democratic consolidation was the top priority of re-democratized Argentina and Brazil. Regional integration was also part of this goal from two perspectives: from the outside, through a treaty that diminished the scope for political manoeuvring by the military and increased international support for the incumbent administrations, and; from within, through encouragement of a proactive role for business in integration that would give it democratic legitimacy, while, at the same time, exercising democratic practices. Argentine and Brazilian political classes expected to combine these two aspects but soon had to face business reluctance. Government-business relations in the construction of Mercosur reflected government attempts to balance the trade-off between the approaches from without and from within. Although business was largely excluded from the strategic formulation of integration, in a democratic context, governments have to accommodate societal interests. This occurred through a significant overlap between powerful business interests and the executive's plans. The achievement of integration helped consolidate democracy and the choices made by political elites drove forward the democratic process.
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Lyddon, Dave. "The Industrial Relations of In Place of Strife (1969): The Search for Sanctions through the Prism of Key Industrial Disputes." Historical Studies in Industrial Relations 42, no. 1 (September 1, 2021): 145–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/hsir.2021.42.6.
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The 1969 White Paper In Place of Strife was the Labour government’s response to the 1968 Donovan Report. Its most contested proposals were three penal clauses, where fines could be imposed: against unions for refusing to ballot in certain official strikes or if they struck against a ruling in inter-union recognition disputes; and against workers for refusing to return to work when a ‘conciliation pause’ was ordered in certain unconstitutional strikes (in breach of a disputes procedure). Peter Dorey’s political account Comrades in Conflict (2019) provides an opportunity to explore the industrial relations aspects of the White Paper. First, the proposed sanctions are explored in an analysis of the Donovan Report and government discussions. Second, key industrial disputes, which shaped the White Paper and the decision to present an interim bill, are examined. Third, the impracticability of fines on unconstitutional strikers prompted the exploration of legislative alternatives. The opposition of the Trades Union Congress is assessed.
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AGGARWAL, VINOD K., and ANDREW W. REDDIE. "New Economic Statecraft: Industrial Policy in an Era of Strategic Competition." Issues & Studies 56, no. 02 (June 2020): 2040006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251120400068.
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The 2018 U.S. National Defense Strategy notes that the United States faces “an increasingly complex global security environment, characterized by overt challenges to the free and open international order and the re-emergence of long-term, strategic competition between nations.” In the ensuing months, much has been made of the security-related aspects of this return to great power competition — including Donald Trump’s role in the decline of the existing arms control architecture, responses to Russia’s annexation of Ukraine, and China’s use of subconventional — or “gray zone” — military operations in the South China Sea. What this analysis tends to miss, however, are the economic dimensions of strategic competition. To address the question of how insights from international political economy and security studies can be usefully combined to examine strategic competition, we examine how economic statecraft increasingly takes the form of economic policy beyond sanctions regimes. We argue that economic statecraft has become an increasingly central aspect of geostrategic consideration and consider how economic statecraft is being transformed in the current era.
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Gudmanian, Artur, Sergiy Yahodzinskyi, Uliana Koshetar, and Liudmyla Orochovska. "Social and economic aspects of environmental problems in the globalized world." E3S Web of Conferences 164 (2020): 11019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202016411019.
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Globalization is the phenomenon that has made quite a loud statement about itself during the last decades of the 20th century and found its representation in the formation of global economic, financial, cultural, legal, and political areas. Having been the conglomerate of various national states for thousands of years, the world’s social, economic, ecological, cultural space is now transforming into space without borders. The formation of global economic relations, ecological, demographic challenges can’t be solved individually, with local measures and means. In the second half of the 20th century, the world faced global problems and crises (ecological, demographic, reorganization of the economic and political world order), which have become the challenges that can’t be solved with the help of local actions. The global community is forced to raise issues about the ecologization of the entire industrial activity taking into account its consequences at all levels: local, national, and international. That’s what common threats and problems require. The sustainable development paradigm requires both reviewing and changing the “human-nature” system and realizing the necessity of preserving nature for ensuring the existence of the next generations. Sustainable development is to provide the transfer to a new economic type – the green economy, which requires significant investments, particularly in the renewable-energy industry, industrial waste treatment, restoration of soil fertility, preservation of forests.
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Chu, Yun-han. "State structure and economic adjustment of the East Asian newly industrializing countries." International Organization 43, no. 4 (1989): 647–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300034470.
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An analysis of the economic adjustment policies of Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea, and Taiwan during the 1970s and 1980s shows that these East Asian newly industrializing countries (NICs), which faced common problems in sustaining their recent industrial growth, responded to the challenge with industrial adjustment strategies that differed in their degree of intensity of state involvement and emphasis on national control. To explain this divergence in adjustment strategies, the article explores the variations in the national political structures of the four NICs and focuses particularly on three aspects of state structure: the organization of the economic bureaucracy, the institutional links between the state and private sector, and the larger state-society relations. The article demonstrates the usefulness of moving beyond the generalizations of the “developmental state” view by carefully disaggregating these aspects of state structure and by exploring the ordering logic that gives coherence to them.
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Queiroz-Stein, Guilherme de, and Alfredo Alejandro Gugliano. "Government political-relational capacities and industrial policy profile: Brazil’s experience at the beginning of the 21st Century." Economia e Sociedade 31, no. 3 (December 2022): 579–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1982-3533.2022v31n3art02.
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Abstract Formulating industrial policies is a complex process marked by advances and setbacks, reflecting the political and institutional aspects. In the present article, we aim to better understand the role of government relational capacities in delineating the industrial policy profile. Based on a qualitative research on Brazilian industrial policies between 2003 and 2014, this study highlights how the interlocution and coordination between public and private actors are crucial in shaping the industrial policy profile. Our analysis shows that between 2003 and 2007, relational capacities were built, reflected in a focused industrial policy, predominantly applying regulatory instruments oriented to promote innovation. From 2007 to 2014, there was a progressive loss in relational capacities, the industrial policy lost strategic focus, and increased the use of tax relief instruments in its management.
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Walker, Robin. "Aspects of Working-Class Life in Industrial Sydney in 1913." Labour History, no. 58 (1990): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27508981.
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Park, Jinyoung. "Corporatist Institutions and Militant Actions." European Journal of East Asian Studies 17, no. 2 (October 10, 2018): 324–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-01702007.
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Abstract Drawing on data from archives and fieldwork in Myanmar, a country in political change from a five-decade authoritarian regime to a quasi-civilian one, this study explores the reasons for a prevalence of corporatist aspects at the early stage of reforms. The early introduction of corporatism in Myanmar diverges from other Asian countries that experienced transitions accompanied by labour militancy, and only later embraced corporatism when political power shifted to elected pro-labour parties. This article argues, first, that corporatism prevails in the rhetoric of the labour movement and in Myanmar’s industrial relations institutions, while labour militancy has simultaneously increased; second, corporatism in Myanmar has few historical precedents but has recently been promoted primarily by the International Labour Organisation (ILO); and third, while corporatism has failed to bring about industrial peace, the rhetoric and institutions of corporatism may limit the political potential of Myanmar’s labour movement by restricting unions’ activities to economic concerns.
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Belousov, S. "Military-Industrial Complex of Israel: Role of Arms Exports." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2010): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-2-57-63.
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The article covers different aspects of the Israeli military-industrial complex and military-technical cooperation with foreign countries. At the present stage, the development of Israeli military-industrial complex depends significantly on its export operations. The innovative high-technology production focus, diversification of consumers, active positions uptake abroad allows Israel to achieve a great success in the military-technical sphere and join in the top five leading world actors at the international world arms market.
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Selmier, W. Travis, and W. Kindred Winecoff. "Re-conceptualizing the political economy of finance in the post-crisis era." Business and Politics 19, no. 2 (June 2017): 167–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bap.2017.12.
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AbstractThis article introduces a special issue ofBusiness and PoliticsonProperty Rights, Financial Risk, and the Politics of a Networked Global Financial System. We introduce aspects of the articles in the issue and situate them within existing literatures in financial economics, public policy, political economy, regulation and governance, and network science. We do this through examining four key contributions in the special issue. First, we show that common conceptualizations of property rights in financial markets ignore the multidimensional nature of financial goods; examples of all goods types can be found in modern finance, and this fact has important implications for the politics and regulation of these markets. Second, we argue that models of financial actors as independent, atomistic agents neglect the relational nature of financial markets, and argue that theory and methodology from network science, financial economics and political economy provide useful ways to analyze these interdependent systems. Third, we discuss how the relational nature of risk leads to hierarchical patterns of financial interdependence, which bequeaths substantial amounts of power—within both market and political systems—to those actors that occupy core positions within the structure of interdependence. Fourth, we integrate ideas from papers in this special issue and related literature with concepts from the Ostrom School of political economy to consider how monitoring, self-governance, and polycentric applications might improve financial market governance. This issue's papers thus constitute one of the first combined attempts to bring the Ostrom School into substantive conversation with financial market governance and risk analysis through comparative and international political economy disciplines.
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ZEMÁNEK, Ladislav. "The Czech Republic and the Ukrainian crisis: Economic and foreign policy aspects." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 2 (2022): 62–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2022-2-62-82.
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The article deals with two areas: first, the consequences of the 2022 Ukrainian crisis for the Russian business in the Czech Republic and the Czech business in Russia; second, the accelerating dynamics of the Czech-US relations, which are increasingly intensive, primarily in the field of the (geo)political and military cooperation. The analysis shows that the liberal elites are deepening the country's Euro-Atlantic orientation, which manifests itself both at the conceptual, ideological and practical levels. Not surprising in this context are the attempts to revive the plans to establish a US military base in the Czech Republic and Prague's active military support for Kiev to the detriment of the national interest. The study reveals a strong tendency among the Czech political elites towards militarism and revision of policy fundamentals in line with radical Euro-Atlanticism and liberal authoritarianism.
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Pattnaik, Binay Kumar. "Impact of Globalization on the Technological Regime in India: Aspects of Change." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 4, no. 1 (2005): 63–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569150053888263.
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AbstractChanges unleashed by liberalization and globalization acquire great significance in the context of India as a result of its economy formerly being inward-looking for decades. Here is a bird's eye view of certain trend developments in the technological regime in India that now characterize an outward-looking economy. Such changes are perceived as a threefold articulation: reorienting the industrial research laboratories, particularly the public-funded ones; reshaping technological research in academics; and adapting to competition through technological changes in industry, particularly in the manufacturing sector. The paper brings out the unfolding technological dynamism experienced by a developing economy, with its industrial capitalism only recently integrated through globalization. It shows how the technological regime is adapting to hard conditions via the emergence of globalization.
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McNally, Christopher A. "China's ChangingGuanxiCapitalism: Private Entrepreneurs between Leninist Control and Relentless Accumulation." Business and Politics 13, no. 2 (August 2011): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1339.
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Guanxiandguanxicapitalism are much-debated terms in the context of China's evolving political economy. This article explores the changing nature of China'sguanxicapitalism. It analyzes first various aspects ofguanxicapitalism, a unique conceptual blend infused with seemingly incongruous cultural and historical meanings drawn from both Chinese and Western roots. It then introduces three case studies of private firms, illustrating empirically how Chinese entrepreneurs' relationship with the political system is evolving. The article ends by assessing the ways in which political factors,guanxipractices and capitalist accumulation are interacting and changing. I hold thatguanxicapitalism is playing a crucial role in realigning the interests of state and capital in China. It yields idiosyncratic benefits to certain Chinese private firms, while also bridging the logics of freewheeling capital accumulation and authoritarian control in a state-dominated economy. In this view,guanxicapitalism encompasses both contradictory and complementary institutional logics. Since the persistence of Leninist control generates “deliberate ambiguity” in how China's private sector is governed, the penetration ofguanxinetworks into government-business relations creates institutional space that enables both Leninist control and relentless capital accumulation to proceed, in turn lending China's emergent capitalism a unique quality.
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Spiller, Pablo T., and Richard G. Vanden Bergh. "Toward A Positive Theory of State Supreme Court Decision Making." Business and Politics 5, no. 01 (April 2003): 7–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1061.
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State Supreme Courts have grown in importance during the last thirty years in the formation of public policy. Their judgements determine many aspects of constitutional law, tort reform, judicial selection, and campaign finance reform, among others. A vast body of literature has been developed that analyzes State Supreme Court decision making, which emphasizes the conditioning effects of the legal and institutional environment. This article expands on this previous work by incorporating the interaction of the judiciary with other government institutions, and applies the Positive Political Theory approach to law and legal institutions to the State Supreme Court. In addition, the neo-institutionalist literature of the selection process is incorporated to defend a systematic approach towards decision making. Towards that end, this article explores how judicial decisions are conditioned by institutional rules, resulting in a formal modeling of how the State Supreme Courts interact with political actors to form constitutional interpretation. This model includes the judicial selection process'retention or competitive reelection—and is extended to constitutional amendment rules, explaining how these two interact rather than acting independently. Finally, the hypothesis is tested that when State Supreme Court judges face retention elections and political preferences are homogeneous, the probability increases of observing constitutional amendment prosposals.
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Kerner, Andrew, Jane Sumner, and Brian Richter. "Offshore production's effect on Americans’ attitudes toward trade." Business and Politics 22, no. 3 (March 3, 2020): 539–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bap.2019.36.
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AbstractAmerican discontent with offshore production features heavily in trade policy debates. But Americans more typically encounter offshore production in apolitical contexts as consumers. We argue that these ostensibly apolitical encounters with offshore production are, in fact, freighted with political consequences. This paper asks: When and for whom does consumer-based exposure to offshore production reduce support for free trade? This is an important in its own right, but also sheds light on the contexts in which more overtly political references to offshore production are likely to find the most fertile ground. We answer these questions using a survey experiment that embeds an offshoring “prime” into an advertisement for pet furniture, varying the location of production across different treatment groups. We find that our experimental exposure to offshore production depressed enthusiasm for free trade, but only when production occurred in China, and mainly among white men living near trade-related job loss. That heterogeneity resonates with work on the economic and social aspects of the decline in American manufacturing employment.
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Julana, Ardhiansyah Noer, and Gatot Sasongko. "Public policy for the sustainable industries in Semarang Regency." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 32, no. 2 (June 29, 2019): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v32i22019.144-158.
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The spatial planning policies had become the mediators for political, social, economic, and environmental relations. This study aims to describe the implementation of public policy from the perspective of Dye theory about a spatial planning for industries in Semarang Regency. The primary data used in this study was from nine informants of nine companies which applied for a location permission license for industrial activities. The secondary data was from the Semarang Public Works Office. The study shows that there were nine investment activity plans for industries in Semarang Regency. Initially, the nine applications were not granted permission from the relevant agencies because they were not in accordance with the provisions of spatial planning. However, after being considered by the government in terms of public policy, the nine companies obtained location permission licenses to utilize the land under certain conditions. Thus, the public policy is essentially designed by the government to guarantee and fulfill the needs of the community to conduct investment activities such as industry. The spatial planning policies had become the mediators for political, social, economic, and environmental relations. Thus, harmonization of political, social, economic and environmental aspects would create sustainable development.
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Keohane, Robert O., and David G. Victor. "The Regime Complex for Climate Change." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 1 (March 2011): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710004068.
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There is no integrated regime governing efforts to limit the extent of climate change. Instead, there is a regime complex: a loosely-coupled set of specific regimes. We describe the regime complex for climate change and seek to explain it, using interest-based, functional, and organizational arguments. This institutional form is likely to persist; efforts to build a comprehensive regime are unlikely to succeed, but experiments abound with narrower institutions focused on particular aspects of the climate change problem. Building on this analysis, we argue that a climate change regime complex, if it meets specified criteria, has advantages over any politically feasible comprehensive regime. Adaptability and flexibility are particularly important in a setting—such as climate change policy—in which the most demanding international commitments are interdependent yet governments vary widely in their interest and ability to implement them. Yet in view of the serious political constraints, both domestic and international, there is little reason for optimism that the climate regime complex that is emerging will lead to reductions in emissions rapid enough to meet widely discussed goals, such as stopping global warming at two degrees above pre-industrial levels.
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Cherkasova, V. "Postmodernism in Political Theory: the Concept of Mass Media." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2015): 114–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-3-114-122.
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In the article the author examines the challenges related to the increasing role of the mass media in the modern world. Two contrary approaches to the role of mass media in the modern world are being reviewed: the liberal and the postmodernist one. Based on the critical analysis of the most accredited ideologists of postmodernism, who most critically and thoroughly observed all aspects of the emergence of information society and its effect on the political life and political consciousness, she unveils the role of the mass media, points out the new opportunities for media-manipulation that have become apparent in the post-industrial society. The author examines key features related to the increase in the role of the mass media, which encompass: modern world as hyper-reality and “spectacle”, appearance of new ways of delivering information to society, uncritical perception of information by the public, “depolitisation” of politics and upsurge of yellow press and “entertaining” media, new opportunities of government control via mass-media, fight for mass-media ownership. These features indicate that today mass media are not only the tool of reflecting the reality, but also of shaping it. They become one of the ways of shaping and influencing public consciousness and a true “fourth power”.
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Lakhtionova, E. S. "Activities of Public and Political Actors to Preserve Monuments of Industrial Heritage of Sverdlovsk Region in 1960—1980s." Nauchnyi dialog 11, no. 3 (April 28, 2022): 439–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2022-11-3-439-455.
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The activity of the inhabitants of the Sverdlovsk region in identifying, studying and preserving the monuments of the industrial past is considered. The author limits the chronology of the study to the 1960s—1980s, when objects of the industrial past of the country were also affected in the framework of security activities in relation to the historical and cultural heritage. The material for the study was both archival documents stored in the Center for Documentation of Public Organizations of the Sverdlovsk Region (Yekaterinburg) and published sources. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that the activity to preserve the industrial heritage in the Sverdlovsk region has not yet been sufficiently developed, so the study of previous experience may be useful for intensifying this type of activity now. The scientific novelty lies in the fact that for the first time on the material of the Sverdlovsk region an attempt is made to analyze all aspects of security activities in relation to industrial heritage monuments. The author distinguished and considered six directions of this activity on specific examples, the most successful of which turned out to be the direction of identifying monuments of the industrial past and putting them on state records. The reasons for the subsequent stop of activities to identify, study and preserve industrial monuments are indicated.
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Malochet, Guillaume. "À l’école de la détention : quelques aspects de la socialisation professionnelle des surveillants de prison." Sociologie du travail 46, no. 2 (April 1, 2004): 168–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/sdt.28857.
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Nikolaevna, Apenko Svetlana, Kiriliuk Olga Mikhailovna, Legchilina Elena Yurevna, and Tsalko Tatiana Valerevna. "Study of The Transformation of Social and Labor Relations in The Conditions of Pension Reform: Aspect of Digital Axiology." Cuestiones Políticas 39, no. 68 (March 7, 2021): 650–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.3968.41.
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He was intended to understand the process of transforming social and labor relations in the context of the implementation of pension reform in Russia, taking into account the axiological aspects, in particular "digital axiology". Its objective is to identify the impact of digitization on changes in industrial relations in the context of pension reform. The theoretical and methodological basis of research is based on an interdisciplinary system approach and generational value theory. An economic analysis is performed, along with the grouping of empirical data and digitization rates are presented. A survey of more than 6,000 people was also conducted, the theme of which was to assess the impact of the Russian Federation's pension reform on social and labor relations, economic growth and the quality of life of the population. The article examines cardinal changes in the social and employment relationships of people of pre-retirement age in the context of digitization. It is concluded that the main problems of the development and formation of digital axiology among the pre-retired demand a set of political transformations.
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Schüren, Verena. "What a difference a state makes: pharmaceutical innovation after the TRIPs agreement." Business and Politics 15, no. 2 (August 2013): 217–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bap-2012-0042.
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For more than a decade, political science scholars have stressed the harmonizing effect of the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs). Recent implementation practices in developing countries, however, have challenged this view. In this article, I argue that different manifestations of innovation systems can lead to varying patterns of innovation. I substantiate this claim through a comparison between the pharmaceutical sectors of India and Brazil. Drawing on the NSI approach, my analysis reveals that different forms of state engagement have played a decisive role for the varying directions of post-TRIPs pharmaceutical innovation in the two countries. The article illustrates that developing countries can opt for different approaches to innovation even after TRIPs and that the socioeconomic effects of global IP regimes can only be assessed properly when taking into account the country-specific configurations of national innovation systems.
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Bulfone, Fabio, and Alexandre Afonso. "Business Against Markets: Employer Resistance to Collective Bargaining Liberalization During the Eurozone Crisis." Comparative Political Studies 53, no. 5 (October 6, 2019): 809–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414019879963.
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Employer organizations have been presented as strong promoters of the liberalization of industrial relations in Europe. This article, in contrast, argues that the preferences of employers vis-à-vis liberalization are heterogeneous and documents how employer organizations in Spain, Italy, and Portugal have resisted state-led reforms to liberalize collective bargaining during the Euro crisis. It shows that the dominance of small firms in the economies of these countries make employer organizations supportive of selective aspects of sectoral bargaining and state regulation. Encompassing sectoral bargaining is important for small firms for three reasons: it limits industrial conflict, reduces transaction costs related to wage-bargaining, and ensures that member firms are not undercut by rivals offering lower wages and employment conditions. Furthermore, the maintenance of sectoral bargaining and its extension to whole sectors by the state is a matter of survival for employer organizations. The article presents rationales for employer opposition to liberalization that differ from the varieties of capitalism approach.
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Gromyko, Al A. "The Pandemic and the Crisis in the System of International Relations." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 13, no. 5 (November 27, 2020): 6–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2020-13-5-1.
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The research is focused on several key problems in the system of international relations influenced by the COVID-19 pandemic. It is shown that the events caused by it and broadly identified as a coronacrisis have a direct impact on the world economic contradictions (pandenomica) and political ones, including the sphere of security. These particular aspects are chosen as the main objects of the research. The author contends that the factor of the pandemic has sharpened the competition between regional and global players and has increased the role of a nation- state. In the conditions of transregional deglobalisation, regionalism and “protectionism 2.0” get stronger under the banners of “strategic vulnerability” and “economic sovereignty”. A further weakening of multilateral international institutions continues. The EU endeavours to secure competitive advantages on the basis of relocalisation, industrial and digital policies and the Green Deal. The article highlights the deterioration in the relations among Russia, the US, the EU and China, the unfolding decoupling between Washington and its European allies, which stimulates the idea of the EU strategic autonomy. An urgent need for the deconfliction in Russia – NATO interaction is stated.
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Bulavko, V. G. "TRANSFORMATION OF SOCIAL AND LABOR RELATIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF URBANIZATION." Social & labor researches 43, no. 2 (2021): 64–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.34022/2658-3712-2021-43-2-64-76.
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The article examines the problems associated with the long-term development of strategic directions for the formation of new forms and methods of managing social and labor processes in the context of ongoing urbanization and dynamically changing economic relations. Based on the analysis of the existing theoretical, theoretical and methodological aspects and the available experience, the author's approach to the problems associated with the need to build a system for managing social and labor relations is substantiated, the introduction of which into business practice will contribute to an increase in the level of managerial activity in this area and assume the use of elements of state approaches and market aspects depending on the specific conditions of economic and social life, including ongoing urbanization. It is proved that the increasing role of social and labor relations is associated with the introduction of intellectual labor into the system of economic and social processes, the value of knowledge, and an increase in the level of their use in the transformation of industrial society into an information society. The most effective ways of transforming social and labor relations in the context of ongoing urbanization are highlighted and determined. Using methodological tools-system analysis and a systematic approach, the author substantiates the architecture of future social and labor relations in interconnection and unity with the ongoing social and industrial processes with the clarification and detailing of goals in specific tasks, the solution of which is possible with the help economic and mathematical methods based on information technology. The main trends of transformation and the formation of a new level of social and labor relations in the future may be the direction that unites the processes of involvement and participation of the population in making key political decisions, as well as complex issues on health care, based on the principles of sustainable and effective development of the economy as a whole. At the same time, the main trends for the implementation of the direction will be the digitalization of economic and social processes; changes in the urban environment; population leaving cities (reverse urbanization process); features and problems of urban planning.
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Ungericht, Bernhard, and Christian Hirt. "CSR as a Political Arena: The Struggle for a European Framework." Business and Politics 12, no. 4 (December 2010): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1303.
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This contribution is a reaction to the striking fact that the political aspect of CSR has remained largely hidden in most of the scientific and practice-oriented management literature. This work intends to illuminate the political dimension of CSR in that the changing stance of the European Commission toward CSR between 2001 and 2006 is analyzed and interpreted as a result of political processes within an “issue arena”. For this case study written documents from the most important actors are used (EU Commission, EU Parliament, the Council, advocacy groups and lobbies for industry and civil society CSR platforms) as well as interviews with high ranking representatives of these institutions (conducted in the spring of 2008).
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Koshovyi, Serhii. "Ukraine-Malaysia Relations: Priorities and Machinery." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 539–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-33.
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The article analyses the trends and developments in Ukraine-Malaysia relations since their establishment in 1992. During the contemporary period, the economic, cultural, tourism links and other aspects of bilateral relations have expanded. There is plenty of scope for trade to continue growing. In fact, Ukrainian-Malaysian relations are complex, multifaceted, and have significant potential for further development. Ukraine sees Malaysia as an important and stable partner in Southeast Asia, a leading member of ASEAN and a moderate representative of the Islamic world. Both being UN members, Ukraine and Malaysia share a common perspective on a broad range of regional and global issues. This is followed by a whole complex of Malaysian issues, namely foreign, domestic, security policies, regional cooperation and others. The article also assesses the contemporary trends in and prospects for Malaysian multilateral ties by identifying the changing dynamics that have brought a qualitative shift in Malaysia’s relationships with the US, China, and Japan. Conclusions have been made on the enhancement of bilateral and multilateral cooperation. The author concludes that the relations with Malaysia should be focused on the further intensification of political dialogue, maintenance of economic cooperation with Malaysian partners, search for opportunities for industrial and investment cooperation, taking into account national interests, as well as securing main lines of sectoral cooperation and developing cultural and humanitarian cooperation. The issue of expanding the legal framework of bilateral relations with Malaysia remains relevant. Therefore, today there is a need to elaborate a new format of relations between Ukraine and Malaysia. Keywords: Ukraine, Malaysia, Southeast Asian countries, Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), foreign policy, diplomatic relations, security, regional cooperation, newly-industrialized countries, ‘second wave’, infrastructure.
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Charles, Alec. "The Electronic State: Estonia’s New Media Revolution." Journal of Contemporary European Research 5, no. 1 (April 24, 2009): 97–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v5i1.122.
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This article examines the case of Estonia as one of Europe’s fastest growing informational economies, and asks whether its furious development of new media technologies, as industrial products, commercial resources and political instruments, has necessarily proven as beneficial to society at large as some domestic and international commentators have anticipated. After mapping Estonia’s unique development in embracing new technologies since the mid-1990s, the article concludes with a study of Estonia’s recent experiments in electronic voting: in 2007, Estonia was lauded as the first country in the world to afford voters at national parliamentary elections the opportunity to vote online from their homes. The article is based on a series of interviews conducted by the author with a number of prominent figures in Estonia’s IT industry, private and voluntary sectors, government service and politics. It addresses issues arising out of academic literature relating to the ethical, social and political aspects of the proliferation of new media, within the context of related surveys and reports produced by governmental and transnational organisations.
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GONÇALVES, ROBSON R. "Perspectivas para a implementação de uma política industrial no Brasil." Brazilian Journal of Political Economy 18, no. 3 (September 1998): 456–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-31571998-1305.
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Resumo O principal objetivo deste texto é analisar alguns aspectos relacionados à implementação de uma política industrial no Brasil coerente com os ambientes internos e externos reais. Uma perspectiva de médio e longo prazo é adotada, e aspectos macro e microeconômicos da economia brasileira são enfatizados.
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Dellagnelo, Eloise Helena Livramento, Steffen Böhm, and Patrícia Maria Emerenciano de Mendonça. "Organizing resistance movements: contribution of the political discourse theory." Revista de Administração de Empresas 54, no. 2 (April 2014): 141–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-759020140203.
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The main purpose of this paper is to explore the possibility of articulating Political Discourse Theory (PDT) together with Organizational Studies (OS), while using the opportunity to introduce PDT to those OS scholars who have not yet come across it. The bulk of this paper introduces the main concepts of PDT, discussing how they have been applied to concrete, empirical studies of resistance movements. In recent years, PDT has been increasingly appropriated by OS scholars to problematize and analyze resistances and other forms of social antagonisms within organizational settings, taking the relational and contingent aspects of struggles into consideration. While the paper supports the idea of a joint articulation of PDT and OS, it raises a number of critical questions of how PDT concepts have been empirically used to explain the organization of resistance movements. The paper sets out a research agenda for how both PDT and OS can together contribute to our understanding of new, emerging organizational forms of resistance movements.
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Zlatanović, Sanja. "Everyday Practices of Gender in the Serbian Community of Post-War South-East Kosovo." Genealogy 6, no. 4 (September 23, 2022): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy6040078.
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This article aims to explore the everyday practices of gender in the Serbian community of south-east Kosovo, in a post-war context marked by sudden and radical political and social changes that deeply altered everyday life after 1999 and the establishment of the UN administration. As family and kinship ties are strongly expressed in the researched community, gender practices have been considered within that framework. This article is based on extensive multi-sited fieldwork conducted with members of the Serbian community in south-east Kosovo, and with displaced people from this region in several towns in Serbia. The field research focuses on everyday interactions and perspectives ‘from below’. The sudden and complex social and political changes that occurred after 1999 resulted in the transformation of the family structure and family roles, and thus to changes in gender practices. With the establishment of the international administration, influences linked to globalisation intensified. The migration of part of the community to Serbia, and the life of many of its members as ‘both here and there’, played an important role. Influences from Serbia, community guidance from the Serbian Orthodox Church, and changes in the ethnic and social landscape because of the war all combined to create opposing processes within the family. In family and gender relations, intensive, oppositional processes unfolded. These generated tensions within the community: the nuclearisation of the family and, for certain aspects, the liberalisation of relations in it and, at the same time, repatriarchalisation.
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Krasnikova, E. V. "The Ecological Crisis as a Consequence of the Potential Industrial-Capitalist Development Exhaustion: Political Economic Aspect." Scientific Research of Faculty of Economics. Electronic Journal 14, no. 3 (October 16, 2022): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.38050/2078-3809-2022-14-3-25-47.
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The novelty of the work consists in an attempt to substantiate the origin of the ecological crisis from the point of view of political economy. It is seen by the author in the exhaustion of the potential of industrial-capitalist development due to the completion of capitalism's historical mission - industrialization as a special stage in the development of productive forces, and thereby its own history. His goal of profit maximization was generated by the paradigm of economic growth, measured by its iconic indicator of GDP, the limitless increase of which was invariably accompanied by the predatory use of natural resources, which eventually turned into an environmental crisis, now brought to the state of ecological catastrophe. Overcoming it is a function of a different system of economic relations, focused not on profit maximization, not on economic growth, but on balanced socio-ecological and economic development, implemented now by the active introduction of ESG principles, presupposed by the formation of a new economic system in the depths of capitalism, starting from the second half of the twentieth century.
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Silva, Roseane Grossi, and Dante Pinheiro Martinelli. "Arranjos Produtivos Locais (APL) e Fatores Formadores das Dimensões do Desenvolvimento Local." Organizações & Sociedade 28, no. 96 (March 2021): 9–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1984-92302021v28n9601pt.
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Abstract From the 1980s onwards, a more significant development occurred in places where industrial agglomerates were installed. Focusing on factors that form the dimensions of local development may reveal actions that help to define improvement strategies for the regions. This study shows how factors — by the relations/interactions between the actors participating in clusters — interfere in the local development, considering the environmental, cultural, economic, spatial, institutional, political, and social dimensions. We chose a qualitative study, multi cases and content analysis. We identified aspects of the scope of each dimension and revealed a universe of factors that interfere in the local development in the clusters. The main "catalysts" and potential disseminators of actions promoting development were the Cooperation and Collectivity factor and the institutional dimension.
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Silva, Roseane Grossi, and Dante Pinheiro Martinelli. "Clusters and Factors that Form the Dimensions of Local Development." Organizações & Sociedade 28, no. 96 (March 2021): 9–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1984-92302021v28n9601en.
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Abstract From the 1980s onwards, a more significant development occurred in places where industrial agglomerates were installed. Focusing on factors that form the dimensions of local development may reveal actions that help to define improvement strategies for the regions. This study shows how factors — by the relations/interactions between the actors participating in clusters — interfere in the local development, considering the environmental, cultural, economic, spatial, institutional, political, and social dimensions. We chose a qualitative study, multi cases and content analysis. We identified aspects of the scope of each dimension and revealed a universe of factors that interfere in the local development in the clusters. The main "catalysts" and potential disseminators of actions promoting development were the Cooperation and Collectivity factor and the institutional dimension.
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Baranova, Marina, Sergey Belyasov, Arturas Valentonis, Nadezhda Biyushkina, and Olga Kuptsova. "Genesis and transformation of sources (forms) of law: dominants and legal and cultural foundations." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, no. 3A (August 31, 2021): 78–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-6220202173a1368p.78-84.
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The work aims to study the genesis and transformation of the sources (forms) of law in the aspect of identifying the main dominants of their development and socio-cultural foundations. The main research methods – dialectical, historical-political, formal-legal, comparative-legal. As a result of the conducted research, the following conclusions can be formulated. The sources (forms) of law are determined by the forms of the culture in which law exists, therefore, they reflect the features of the modified concept of the legal culture of society, which is based on the revival of several traditions, the active introduction of axiological innovations in the emerging post-industrial society in the context of the digitalization of public relations. The legal and cultural foundations of the sources (forms) of law determine the processes of their harmonization, the constant change of priorities in this area, and the search for a balance between traditional and modern forms of law. These processes are carried out based on several dominates, which should include two aspects: tradition and modernization.
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Keller, William W., and Louis W. Pauly. "Crisis and Adaptation in East Asian Innovation Systems: The Case of the Semiconductor Industry in Taiwan and South Korea." Business and Politics 2, no. 3 (November 2000): 327–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1014.
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In recent decades, both South Korea and Taiwan have made remarkable leaps in the development and production of semiconductors-the core element in burgeoning global telecommunications, computer, and computer equipment industries. Although many aspects of their sectoral industrial strategies have differed, both countries are now moving aggressively to adapt their semiconductor industries to turbulent global markets. In the wake of the severe regional financial crisis that began in 1997, this case study compares and contrasts continuing processes of adaptation among primary semiconductor manufacturers in the two countries. The crisis had observable effects, especially in Korea, but it was not deep enough to force fundamental adjustments in either country. In the early days of the industry in both places, a sense of vulnerability-the need to come from behind-gave rise to quite different corporate structures and attendant strategies. Remarkable differences persist in the ways in which the South Korean and Taiwanese semiconductor firms are seeking new advantages in rapidly changing regional and global markets. Strategic change and structural continuity mark the attempt of two relatively small countries to stay competitive in a key industry.
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Miller, Pavla, and David Hayward. "Social policy ‘generosity’ at a time of fiscal austerity: The strange case of Australia’s National Disability Insurance Scheme." Critical Social Policy 37, no. 1 (August 22, 2016): 128–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018316664463.
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In a climate of fiscal austerity, Australia’s neo-liberal government is continuing to fund and implement an expensive National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS). This article presents a demographic, funding and policy context for the introduction of the NDIS. Its success, we argue, must be situated in the context of development of a post-industrial workforce, and owes a lot to its embrace of social investment, marketisation of welfare services, and cash for care. We then look at two tensions unfolding during the scheme’s implementation: increasing demand for care work alongside a shortage of care workers, and the market-driven reform of the Australian vocational education and training system. The changes to vocational education, we conclude, have produced more problems than they solved. Since they anticipate key aspects of the NDIS, they raise questions about the intent and future of Australia’s National Disability Insurance Scheme.
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Hornborg, Alf. "Colonialism in the Anthropocene: the political ecology of the money-energy-technology complex." Journal of Human Rights and the Environment 10, no. 1 (March 2019): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/jhre.2019.01.01.
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This article sketches a transdisciplinary theoretical framework for understanding the so-called Anthropocene in terms of global inequalities. The concept of the Anthropocene has several profound implications that challenge central aspects of the modern worldview. Its relation to issues of global justice requires a cataclysmic reconceptualization of conventional notions of development, economic growth, and technological progress. The article refers to the asymmetric global flows of resources that were a prerequisite to the British Industrial Revolution to illustrate how technological systems and so-called energy transitions are not just politically innocent revelations of nature, but thoroughly societal strategies of appropriation. Contemporary observations regarding environmental justice, climate justice, and energy justice can be theorized in terms of the modern inclination to think of the economy as detached from nature, and of technology as detached from world society.
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Mozias, P. "Economic Interaction of Russia and China: from Bilateral Format to Regional One." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2011): 43–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-11-43-48.
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The article discusses economic aspects of the strategic partnership of Russia and China, in particular, the dynamics of bilateral trade, the changes in its structure, the need for our country to pursue a long-term industrial policy in order to depart from mainly commodity orientation of exports to China. It is concluded that the situation in the bilateral trade situation could not satisfy the Russian partners because it contradicts to the objectives of the development perspective and to the challenges of modernizing Russian economy.