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Chung, Wah-fan Raymond, and 鍾華勳. "Electronic road pricing: speaking truth to power." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42575849.
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Préaux, Céline. "Le déclin d'une élite: l'évolution du discours communautaire public des francophones d'Anvers et des anglophones de Montréal." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209907.
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La communauté nationale constitue le sujet d’analyse de départ de nombreuses études historiques contemporaines. Depuis la Révolution française, la nation, acteur légitimateur de l’État souverain, est considérée comme l’incarnation et l’expression d’une identité collective, elle-même composée de celle de la multiplicité des citoyens qui la constituent. Aussi, dès cette époque, les historiens se sont-ils attachés à édifier des histoires « nationales », coïncidant bien souvent avec une quête des éléments fondateurs essentiels de la nation. La doctrine élitiste et la tradition stato-nationaliste se sont longtemps conjuguées pour privilégier l’image de nations homogènes, faisant de ces histoires « nationales » en réalité l’histoire de la nation symboliquement majoritaire de l’État-nation censé représenter la diversité de ses citoyens. Or, la démocratisation et la diversification des sociétés occidentales ont progressivement invalidé ces postulats. Depuis la Deuxième Guerre mondiale la nécessité se fait ressentir de redéfinir la nation sur la base de la reconnaissance de son assise populaire et de la diversité de sa composition. Ce besoin se traduit par un intérêt croissant accordé aux minorités nationales, tant dans le monde politique que dans la communauté scientifique. Toutes les minorités ne bénéficient toutefois pas de cet élan, si bien que certaines restent encore largement ignorées à l’heure actuelle. Notre étude se penche sur deux d’entre elles :les francophones de Flandre et les anglophones du Québec, grands laissés pour compte des historiographies respectivement belge et canadienne. L’évolution de ces anciennes minorités dominantes, autrefois « définisseurs de situation » en Belgique et au Canada, est pourtant fondamentale pour comprendre les conflits linguistiques qui ont occupé (et occupent encore) ces pays. Elle est déterminante pour la forme que prennent les identités flamande et québécoise et, partant, les nations belge et canadienne. La comparaison de ces deux minorités permet, quant à elle, de cerner la complexité et la spécificité des nationalismes flamand et québécois. Partant du postulat que les nations sont des constructions sociales imaginées, cette étude a pour ambition de retracer les étapes de la formation nationale en Flandre et au Québec, en se concentrant sur le rôle de l’altérité dans celle-ci. Elle se focalise sur l’analyse des discours des minorités et des majorités dans ces régions, conçus comme des actes de définition identitaire interactifs et interdépendants. Elle se penche sur les villes d’Anvers et de Montréal, lieux de cristallisation des débats communautaires respectivement en Flandre et au Québec. Enfin, elle considère les périodes charnières au cours desquelles les majorités en ces régions se lancèrent à la « reconquête » de « leur » société, sanctionnant par là même la minorisation effective des francophones de Flandre et des anglophones du Québec. Ouvrant la porte d’un domaine laissé en friche, nous espérons ainsi donner une impulsion nouvelle à la recherche historique en Belgique et au Canada, en faisant (re)découvrir l’histoire de ces sociétés sous un angle inédit.Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Anderson, Larry D. "The Public Speaking of John Taylor: Champion of Liberty." Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 1986. http://patriot.lib.byu.edu/u?/MTAF,3905.
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Kemper, Matthew Thomas. "An assessment of curricular methods to reduce communication apprehension among public speaking students." Scholarly Commons, 2007. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/674.
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This study investigated curricular methods to reduce communication apprehension among public speaking students. Previous research has found many intervention strategies to be successful in reducing levels of communication apprehension, including both visualization and cognitive restructuring. However, prior research has failed to examine the efficacy of such techniques within the context of teaching a public speaking course that has limited time to devote to these techniques. Consequently, an experiment was conducted which examined whether a one hour instructional unit using cognitive restructuring and visualization can reduce levels of communication apprehension among public speaking students. The results of the study indicate that a one hour instructional unit does not reduce the anxiety of high communication apprehensive students in a public speaking course.
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Zhao, Xinyan. "Speaking out via internet? : linking spiral of silence theory to the public opinion expression." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2011. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1260.
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Mang, Fan Lun Franz. "Beyond public reason liberalism : moderate perfectionism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:154eaccf-40fe-439c-b0b7-158e2e79d675.
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Should the state undertake the task of promoting the good life? Perfectionism is the idea that the state should promote the good life. Many philosophers have answered in the negative to the above question, so they reject perfectionism. This thesis aims to develop a moderate version of perfectionism, and seeks to defend it against several influential anti-perfectionist arguments, in particular the argument from public reason liberalism. I begin by examining public reason liberalism. John Rawls, Gerald Gaus, Martha Nussbaum, and many other political philosophers endorse public reason liberalism. They believe that state coercion should be publicly justified, and that perfectionism cannot meet the requirements of public reason. I argue that public reason is the object of reasonable rejection, so it cannot be realised in actual politics through state intervention in a publicly justified way. In addition, I argue that respect for persons is not a reliable basis for public reason. Thus we have good reason to reject public reason liberalism. Then I develop a moderate version of perfectionism. I contend that the state should promote the good life through supporting a wide variety of perfectionist goods, and that it should do so by using moderate measures and by appealing to perfectionist judgements of a moderate kind. Some anti-perfectionists consider that perfectionism would be unnecessary when a fair distribution of resources is realised. Yet a fair distribution of resources is not foreseeable. I propose several kinds of moderate perfectionist policies that are of great importance for any neo-liberal society where the distribution of resources is far from fair, and these policies are ultimately important for the good life, not only for remedying unfairness. Contrary to the positions of many liberal philosophers including Ronald Dworkin and Jeremy Waldron, I argue that moderate perfectionism should not be rejected on grounds of paternalism and unfairness to different conceptions of the good.
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Swift, Crystal L. "Conflating rules, norms, and ethics in intercollegiate forensics." Virtual Press, 2005. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1313950.
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This paper explores the concepts of rules, norms, and ethics as they pertain to intercollegiate forensic competition. The perspective is taken that these concepts tend to be conflated. Definitions of rules and ethics are drawn primarily from the National Forensics Association (NFA). The pertinent literature is reviewed, methods are explained, and results are reported and discussed. The conclusions pertain to the idea that forensics coaches and students alike are hesitant to accept universal rules and ethics, and prefer more contextualized standards. Suggestions for future research are also offered.Department of Communication Studies
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Conroy, David P. (David Patrick) 1965. "Re-examining the public sphere : democracy and the role of the media." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=82847.
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Situated between the state and civil society, the role of the public sphere is seen to be one of mediating between the two through the circulation of information, ideas, and the subsequent formation and propagation of public opinion. However, there is an ambivalence within conceptions of the public sphere in terms of how it is to best effect this mediation. This sense of ambiguity in the understandings of the public sphere is a reflection of a deeply rooted and unresolved tension about whether democracy should mean some kind of popular power or an aid to decision-making. This dissertation argues that defining democracy as a political method provides a means by which to navigate the ambiguity imbued within current understandings of the function of the public sphere. Understanding democracy as a public, instrumental process underscores the extent to which the character of the public sphere should be seen as being derived from and shaped by the institutions and practices that make up the state. Of all the institutions within the public sphere, it is within perceptions of the media that the conceptual tensions underlying the public sphere and democratic theory are best reflected. While the media are a major forum for political communication, the nature of this forum remains theoretically underdeveloped and conceptually misconceived in the literature. It is the contention of this dissertation that the political role of the media should not be understood in relation to some abstract idea of democracy and public opinion, but rather in contrast with and connection to the concrete political institutions and practices of democracy.
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Alsaedi, Amany. "The teaching of EFL speaking in developed secondary public schools for females in Saudi Arabia : a case study." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2012. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/374753/.
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This study investigates the teaching methods for EFL speaking in developed secondary schools for females in Saudi Arabia. The research methodology employed in this study was a qualitative case study, in which the main data collection techniques are classroom observations and interviewing. The study aims to understand and evaluate the teaching methods of EFL speaking by determining the extent in which the teaching methods of EFL speaking address the different aspects of speaking, based on the theoretical conceptualisation presented in the thesis, namely accuracy versus fluency, speaking functions, speaking as a skill versus knowledge of the language, communication routines, negotiation skills, speaking strategies, and conversation features. The study also examines the use of mother tongue in the classroom by the teachers as well as the students and its purpose. The findings of classroom observation reveal that the teachers mostly implement a traditional method of teaching, where instruction is led by the teachers and the roles are rigidly defined. However, the communicative approach is employed to some extent by the teachers, where group work is sometimes used. The classroom interaction is led and dominated by the teachers, where students’ contribution to classroom talk is limited. In addition, the various aspects of EFL speaking were not taught explicitly to the students. Hence, there is not any guarantee that all students will acquire the desired skills of EFL speaking. It is found also that the English language is largely employed by the teachers in the classrooms, where their use of the mother tongue is limited. However, the students use Arabic most of the time. In addition, the study provides an understanding of the teachers’ and students’ opinions about EFL learning, their EFL speaking knowledge, the nature of EFL speaking and its value, and the current EFL speaking teaching methods. The interview data reveals that the teachers and students generally have a positive attitude towards English language learning and show a desire to develop their English language speaking. However, the teachers and students have an undeveloped understanding about the nature of EFL speaking and its related aspects. The teachers believe that the current teaching methods are a good way to teach EFL speaking. However, they believe the speaking skill does not receive enough emphasis in the textbook. The students, on the other hand, are not satisfied with the teaching strategies they experience, and most of them declare that these strategies need to be modified, as they believe that they don’t have enough opportunities to practice the language in the classroom. The thesis provided detailed description of how EFL speaking is taught inside the developed secondary schools for females in Saudi Arabia and proposed recommendations to improve it.
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Slaughter, Steven 1970. "Public power in a global age : a critical analysis of liberal governance." Monash University, School of Political and Social Inquiry, 2002. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8712.
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Von, Erlach Burkhart. "Public law aspects of lease, charter and interchange of aircraft in international operations." Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59586.
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Lease, charter and interchange have become more and more important throughout the last decades. The International Civil Aviation Organization could not ignore that reality. In 1980 after a long preparatory work Article 83bis, an amendment to the Chicago Convention on International Civil Aviation was adopted by the 23rd Assembly without any negative votes. Yet, in 1990, this amendment, which enables the State of Registry, which is responsible for the operation of the aircraft even if flying with an operator of another state, to transfer its functions and duties to the State of the Operator.This thesis takes a closer look on the history of that amendment. The reasons why Article 83bis is still not in force shall also be discussed. An attempt shall further be made to analyze the provisions of Article 83bis more thoroughly and to explain why states should no longer hesitate to ratify that amendment. Article 83bis has no controversial content and is very important for the safety of international air transportation, in establishing clearly who is responsible for a leased, chartered or interchanged aircraft.
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Bond, Sophie, and n/a. "Participation, urbanism and power." University of Otago. Department of Geography, 2008. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20080404.152556.
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This thesis explores how an adherence to professional principles can be reconciled with a commitment to inclusive participatory planning processes in urban governance. Two themes are drawn together. First, the study concerns recent shifts in thinking about public participation that have resulted in innovative approaches to engaging citizens in urban governance processes through deliberative, interactive workshops and forums. Second, the study focuses on power relations that are inherent in such forums, particularly when a variety of different knowledges (expert and lay) interact. The two themes are brought together by focusing on the participatory practices of the urbanist movement - an urban form movement that draws specific principles from the urbanism of traditional towns and cities in order to create socially and environmentally sustainable places. Within urbanist participation, professional principles for the built environment and a commitment to a form of deliberative democracy are combined. In this study, the crucial question asked is: what is the nature and effect of the power relations on the democratic character of public involvement in participatory planning processes?
To explore this issue, two urbanist Enquiry by Design processes were selected as retrospective case studies. One case involved a regeneration project for an inner urban area of a north England industrial town, while the other case involved a greenfield urban extension in the south west of England. The empirical research, undertaken in mid 2005, comprised 52 semi-structured interviews, analysis of extensive background material, and site visits. Research participants were selected to capture a range of perspectives and experiences of each process.
To understand the power relations in the cases a two pronged approach was taken. The study was informed by literature from communicative planning theory and deliberative democracy. From this literature, an Ethic for Communicative Participation was developed as a heuristic device to evaluate urbanist participation. Concomitantly, to understand the nature of the power relations involved in the deliberative forum, the study employed a discourse theory perspective after Laclau and Mouffe (2001). Thus, power was understood as relational and imbricated within all social relations, while conflict was conceived of as an indicator of power.
The study found that the urbanist discourse, as a hegemonic project, had a significant effect on the nature of the participatory processes. In disseminating and instituting a particular vision for urban sustainability, the urbanist participatory process was found to be instrumental to realising the urbanist vision in each locality. As such, the cases studied displayed a thin commitment to democracy. Moreover, the discursive constructions of concepts of community, representation, consensus and participation evident in the cases, exposed a unified and homogeneous understanding of social groups. Consequently, the complexity of power relations and conflict inherent in the processes were bracketed, resulting in the exclusion of certain perspectives.
Nevertheless, the study illustrated the value in understanding the inherently antagonistic nature of the public sphere for both research and practice. The study supported emerging claims for a democratic politics in which antagonism is transformed into agonism - a space of reciprocity and mutual respect in which contestations over meanings can be articulated. In the cases, the participatory space allowed participants to challenge the hegemonic nature of the dominant discourses. Therefore, the thesis argues for two important ways to rethink power in both theory and in practice. First, there must be a willingness to engage with conflict and power. Second, there must be an interrogation of claims to unity or collectivity. Understanding the public sphere as inherently antagonistic, heterogeneous, and criss-crossed with complex power relations potentially provides conditions in which hegemonic forces can be contested. An agonistic politics has the potential to facilitate the open contestation of different knowledges and transform the dominant power relations such that an enhanced democracy can ensue.
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Wallace, Richard R. "Conceptualizing sustainability in public policy debate: economic, ecological, and political issues." Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/31062.
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Jones, Esyllt Wynne. "Ethnic nationalism in Quebec and Wales : the case of public broadcasting conflict." Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61858.
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Podschwadek, Frodo. "Rawlsian liberalism and public education." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2018. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/30612/.
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This thesis aims at giving a plausible account of education from the perspective of John Rawls’ theory of political liberalism. Despite the fact that an immense amount of literature has been written on both Rawls’ work in general and political liberal theory in particular, this still seems to be a worthwhile task, for two reasons. The first reason is that the current discussion of liberal neutrality in the philosophy of education frequently engages with Rawlsian liberalism, despite the actual lack of an adequately refined Rawlsian account of liberal education. The second reason is that political liberal theory itself leans more toward the side of ideal political theory, provoking the question whether it has any application value for real politics. A sufficiently developed account of political liberal education would demonstrate that practical guidelines can indeed be generated from political liberal principles. After providing a comprehensive overview over the few explicit claims about education Rawls made himself, and over the parts of his theory indicating further educational requirements for citizens of a liberal society, the thesis splits into two parts. The first part analyses the relation between core concepts of political liberalism (political virtues, autonomy, and rights) and education. Next to engaging with objections against neutrality-based restrictions in the context of education, this part also highlights the shortcomings of political liberalism when faced with the concrete requirements of education and proposes suitable revisions. The second part of the thesis picks out a number of concrete topics of education that are discussed in contemporary liberal theory. It analyses the questions to what extent religious beliefs entitle parents to determine the education of their children, to what degree same-sex relations should be part of a liberal sex-education curriculum, and what challenges migration might pose for political liberal education. For each case, the account of political liberal education presented here can provide guidelines based on the insights gained in the first part of this thesis. Together, the mainly theoretical first and the more practical second part shape the outlines for a political liberal account of education which, albeit sketchy, provides a useful contribution to the current debates about liberalism and education in a way which has not been done in the literature on political liberalism so far.
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Haigh, Stephen Paul, and n/a. "Globalization and the state : towards a neo-medieval political order?" University of Otago. Department of Political Studies, 2008. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20080514.111752.
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The system of states that now covers the planet did not arise out of thin air; rather it was the product of historical forces that gradually coalesced around the state form. But the dynamics of that process no longer obtain. In their place, a new, highly complex amalgam of material and ideational forces is now in the ascendant -- and its arrival has serious implications for traditionally configured, "Westphalian" states.
Understood as ("thick") globalization, this interlocking array of political, economic, social and cultural forces challenges the old order at two key points. First, traditional states had "hard shells," by means of which they were capable of consolidating differences between �inside� and �outside� to the point where the latter could more easily be quarantined. Second, for closely related reasons they were largely able to "absorb" domestic society, such that the individual was less a citizen than (s)he was a subject. But these (dubious) capabilities have been severely exposed and eroded, which leads us to ask, "Whither the state under globalization?" My thesis constitutes a sustained attempt to answer this question.
The theme is a large one - and I believe that to be adequately treated, large themes require a varied approach. First, in terms of theory this means that I borrow from a significant diversity of recognized �Schools� within the discipline of International Relations. Second, in terms of method I follow a similarly pluralist line. Broadly speaking, the work is interpretive as opposed to explanatory, which is to concede that one cannot be �purely� scientific while standing inside the phenomena one wishes to examine. On the other hand, this forecloses neither the scientific method nor its guiding spirit. With respect to states and the international system, we can still be "scientific realists:" states are real structures whose nature can legitimately be approximated through sciences. In sum, I cleave to a sort of methodological middle ground between science and interpretation, taking from each in the measure that they advance the discussion. Third, in terms of normative intent my chief concern is with the way things are; but as it turns out, the way things are increasingly includes the way they ought to be. In other words, the ontology of our globalizing world is increasingly deontological in texture.
This may sound contradictory. Nevertheless, the spread of universal norms - and of equally universal ordering principles, or patterns of global organization - has undeniable repercussions for the relationship between is and ought. In turn, the implications for states are profound. The answer to my central question, "Wither the state under globalization?" is this: we are now on the threshold of a neo-medieval era of segmented political authority. Centrally nested within this new order is the embedded cosmopolitan state, wherein universal and particular aspects of being can now be fully reconciled.
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徐寶玲 and Po-ling Chui. "Organising for the provision of public housing in Hong Kong: an institutional analysis of publicorganisations and policy design." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31220708.
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Spittal, Angela M. Sears. "An examination of ethical values : a Q-study of political consultants and public relations organizational consultants." Virtual Press, 1999. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1154776.
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This research compares the ethical values of public relations and political public relations practitioners. The study hypothesizes that a difference exists in the two groups' approach to ethical decision-making.A Q-study was completed by twenty-three midwest members of the Public Relations Society of America and the American Association of Political Consultants. The results identified two groups: one, a group of "communitarians" who relied on personal standards for ethical decision-making but believed the community-the public and the mediainfluenced those standards; and two, a group of "individualists" who relied on personal standards for ethical decision-making and were not influenced by the public, media, religion or law.This research determined that a significant difference did not exist in approach to ethical decision-making between political public relations and traditional public relations practitioners. All of the participants relied primarily on personal standards when making ethical decisions and no participants put personal advancement or pragmatism ahead of ethical decision-making.Department of Journalism
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Mughal, Muhammad Shahid. "Good governance for the sustainable public housing development : case study : Karachi, Pakistan /." Thesis, View the Table of Contents & Abstract, 2005. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B35081156.
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Ho, Kwok-leung Denny, and 何國良. "The political economy of public housing in Hong Kong: a sociological analysis." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1989. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B3120918X.
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Schilcher, Daniela, and n/a. "Supranational governance of tourism : aid, trade and power relations between the European Union and the South Pacific island states." University of Otago. Department of Tourism, 2007. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20080508.150955.
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This thesis examined the role of supranational organisations (SOs) in the governance of tourism in a North-South context. Focusing on the issue area of development cooperation, this thesis investigated the question of how and why SOs got involved in tourism in developing countries, and more specifically, in small island developing states. Such involvement may occur either directly through aid funded projects or indirectly through international trade regimes that impact on tourism in the aid recipient countries. The thesis adopted a case study approach focussing on the European Union�s (EU�s) involvement in the governance of tourism in South Pacific island states. Grounded in a history of colonialism, the EU has been involved in the �development� of the South Pacific for more than three decades, which allowed to track changes in development philosophy over time. Focusing on the concept of power, the case was assessed in a multi-scalar manner, analysing the EU�s involvement from the global down to the local level. Never before has an entire multilevel polity been assessed in one coherent case study, incorporating actors situated at all levels and ranging from supranational organisations to national governments, businesses, communities, and individuals.
The methods employed in this thesis included interviews, participant observation, document analysis (policy documents and newspapers), and subsequently critical discourse analysis. The latter served to highlight the so-called �third face of power� (Lukes 1974), which is closely related to the concept of ideological hegemony. Interviews were conducted in Fiji and Samoa with officials of the South Pacific Delegations of the EU, officials of tourism authorities, NGOs, tourism operators and community members. Elite interviews in Brussels were conducted with officials of the European Commission and the European Parliament.
Under all scales and �faces� of power the EU was found to be the dominant actor, while the issue of self-interest appeared to play a key role. At a macro-level, the EU clearly dominated in most overt decision-making situations during negotiations on aid and trade agreements. As concerned the inclusion of tourism in the agreements, the relative importance of the sector was clearly dependent on the European Commission�s prevailing attitude on �tourism and development� at any point in time. At a meso- and micro-level, the EU�s influence was less obvious yet nonetheless existent, for example through funding rules and the use of European consultants. Indirect influence also occurred at the national level. In particular the substitution of a preferential trade regime with a free trade agreement (the Economic Partnership Agreements), which is currently being negotiated between the EU and the Pacific Islands, is likely to have a significant impact on the economic importance of tourism, as well as public policy in the South Pacific. In a mini case study of Samoa, it was found that the resulting changes in tourism policy would have a significant impact �on the ground�, in particular with regard to rates of local ownership and control.
Overall, power relations were found to be highly unequal and self-determination and empowerment have largely not been achieved. However, more research is needed to examine the ability to generalise the findings to other geographic regions or other types of SOs. The key contribution of this thesis in the theoretical realm constitutes its bridging of agency and structure within multi-level governance, which may be conceived as a �third way� to either dependency theory-influenced studies (global/structure) or community approaches (local/agency).
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Webb, Rebecca. "Diminished Democracy? Portland Radio News/Public Affairs After the Telecom Act of 1996." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/157.
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News and public affairs on commercial radio dramatically changed following the 1996 Telecom Act, with rapid consolidation and economic efficiencies radically shrinking commercial radio's role in the provision of political information. By examining jobs data, public files, and the views of broadcast journalists, this project assesses the Act's impact through the lens of civic-minded Portland, Oregon. Because political information enables democracy, and because of radio's uniquely accessible qualities, this paper argues that market emphasis in media policy--especially in the Act's absolute manifestation--has diminished a significant channel of public discourse. Noticing radio's democratic potential, still relevant in the digital age, this work offers support for a revival of discursive opportunities on local commercial radio.
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Wilson, John Kyle. "Essays in public policy : rent seeking, compliance and indirect lobbying /." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phw7463.pdf.
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Wong, Kwong-tat, and 黃廣達. "Tenant participation and depoliticisation of public housing in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31968338.
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Penninga, Mark, and University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. "A Judeo-Christian account of human dignity in Canadian law and public policy." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Faculty of Arts and Science, 2008, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/671.
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Understanding human dignity is integral to protecting human rights. An examination
of Canada‘s Supreme Court decisions and Canadian public policy debates reveals that human
dignity is being defined synonymously with individual autonomy and equality. This narrow
understanding has serious implications for people who are not able to assert their autonomy.
To understand the philosophical ideas behind these decisions, this thesis examines classical,
modern, and postmodern accounts of human dignity and concludes that they fall short in
providing an objective grounding for dignity that is truly human. It then looks to the Judeo-
Christian account of human dignity to provide a transcendent foundation for human dignity.
With this account, persons are rational and physical, relational, inviolable, and teleological –
a hopeful contrast to the prevailing contemporary accounts. This thesis then defends the place
of this religious perspective in our secular country.vi, 182 leaves : ill. ; 29 cm.
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Smuts, Lize-Marie. "Social Networking Sites as a New Public Sphere: Facebook and its Potential to Facilitate Public Opinion as the Function of Public Discourse – A Case Study of the 2008 Obama Campaign." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4209.
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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.In the 17th and 18th centuries the bourgeois public sphere emerged as the conceptual space between the public, with its enclosed institutions and organisations, and the circle of the private life. It is within this more or less autonomous space that public discourse took place and public opinion, as a function of public discourse, was produced. The public sphere was realised as a necessary precondition of deliberative democracy where it needed to manifest commitments to freedom and equality in the communicative interaction between those partaking in the deliberative process. Since the 17th and 18th centuries, the public sphere has undergone various transformations and, even though it is largely argued that the utopian public sphere as conceptualised by Habermas does not yet exists, it is regarded as a necessary precondition that all democracies should strive towards. Since the 19th century, media has been one of the main intermediary institutions of the public sphere. Initially, the earlier mass media of press and broadcasting were regarded as adequate and beneficial for the conduct of democratic politics and the facilitation of public opinion in the public sphere. Information flow was, however, vertical and the heightened commercialisation experienced within the media market lead to the neglect of democratic communication roles between the public itself and the leaders, institutions and organisations. These forms of mass communication thus limited access and discouraged active political participation and deliberative dialogue within the public sphere. In the 20th and 21st centuries, new media, especially the internet, have been hailed as a potential way to break away from the vertical information flow and to create new arenas for public discourse. One emerging contending form of new media is social networking sites (SNSs). Even though SNSs were not initially developed for political reasons, they have been utilised by political figures in an attempt to broaden voter reach and to enhance their campaigns. Amongst the SNSs available on the internet, Facebook has emerged as the largest, fastest growing and most popular SNS amongst internet users between the ages of 18 and 24 in the world. In the past, this age demographic has shown a disinterest in politics and has thus been recognised as the previously politically disengaged age demographic. American president Barack Obama realised the potential of Facebook and incorporated it in his new ii media campaign during the presidential election of 2008. Facebook enabled Obama to expand his voter reach and communicate with the previously politically unengaged age demographic. It also enabled him to create an arena where political information regarding the candidate, campaign and relevant political issues can be provided. This opened a communication flow between Facebook members and the president. Arenas for public discourse were also established and the potential of Facebook to facilitate public opinion was realised. In this study, the question is asked whether Facebook, as a SNS, can be seen as an adequate forum where public discourse takes place and public opinion, as the function of public discourse, is facilitated. This study will therefore aim to explore whether a Facebook, as SNS, can be seen as a public sphere. With the help of a case study of the 2008 Obama campaign, Facebook has shown the potential to allow for public discourse to take place. Thus the notion of Facebook as facilitator of public opinion is supported by this study.
Die burgerlike openbare sfeer, as die konseptuele area tussen die publiek, met sy ingeslote instellings en organisasies, en die private lewe, het sy ontstaan vanuit die 17de en 18de eeu. Dit is binne hierdie min of meer outonome area waar openbare diskoers plaasvind en waar openbare mening, as ʼn funksie van die openbare diskoers, geproduseer word. Die openbare sfeer is ʼn noodwendige voorvereiste van ʼn beraadslagende demokrasie waar dit nodig is om verbintenisse tot vryheid en gelykheid in die kommunikasie interaksie tussen die wat aan die beraadslagingsproses deelneem, te manifesteer. Die openbare sfeer het verkeie omvormings ondergaan en, al word daar geargumenteer dat die utopiese openbare sfeer soos deur Habermas gekonseptualiseer nog nie bereik is nie, word dit as ʼn noodsaaklike vereiste waarna enige demokrasie moet streef, gesien. Sedert die 19de eeu word media as een van die hoof intermediêre instellings van die openbare sfeer beskou. Die drukpers en uitsaaipers was aanvanklik voldoende en voordelig vir die bedryf van demokratiese politiek en die fasilitering van openbare mening in die openbare sfeer. Die vloei van inligting was egter vertikaal en die verhoogde kommersialisering van die mediamarkte het tot die afskeep van demokratiese kommunikasierolle tussen die publiek self en die leiers, instellings en organisasies gelei. Hierdie vorms van massakommunikasie het dus toegang tot, en die aktiewe deelname in die politieke en beraadslagende dialoog binne die openbare sfeer beperk en ontmoedig. Gedurende die 20ste en 21ste eeue is nuwe media, veral die internet, as ʼn potensiële manier om van die eenrigting kommunikasievloei weg te breek en nuwe arenas vir openbare diskoers te skep, erken. Sosiale Netwerkingswebtuistes (SNWs) is een van die opkomende kompeterende vorms van nuwe media. Selfs al was SNWs aanvanklik nie vir politieke doeleindes ontwikkel nie, was dit wel deur die politieke figure, in ʼn poging om kiesersomvang te verbreed en om hul veldtogte uit te brei, gebruik. Onder die SNWs wat op die internet beskikbaar is, het Facebook as die grootste, vinnigste groeiende en gewildste onder die internetgebruikers tussen die ouderdom van 18 en 24 jaar in die wêreld ontstaan. In die verelede het hierdie jaargroep belangeloos teenoor politiek opgetree en was hulle sodoende as die voorheen polities onbetrokke jaargroep erken. Die Amerikaanse president, Barack Obama, het die iv potensiaal van Facebook besef en dit in sy nuwe-media veldtog gedurende die 2008 verkiesing ingesluit. Facebook het Obama in staat gestel om se kiesersomvang te verbreed en om veral met die voorheen polities onbetrokke jaargroep te kommunikeer. Dit het hom ook in staat gestel om ʼn arena te skep waar politieke inligting oor die kandidaat, veldtog en ter saaklike inligting aan Facebook-lede beskikbaar gestel is. Dit het ʼn vloei van kommunikasie tussen Facebook-lede en die president geskep. Arenas waar openbare diskoers kon plaasvind, is ook skep en die potensiaal van Facebook om openbare mening te fasiliteer, is besef. In hierdie studie word die vraag gestel of Facebook, as ‘n SNW, as ‘n genoegsame forum waar openbare diskoers plaasvind en openbare mening as ‘n funksie van openbare diskoers gefasiliteer word, dien. Hierdie studie poog derhalwe om ondersoek in te stel of Facebook, as SNW, as ‘n openbare sfeer erken kan word. Met behulp van die gevallestudie aangaande die 2008 Obama veldtog, blyk dit dat Facebook die potensiaal het om openbare diskoers te fasiliteer. Die idee dat Facebook ʼn fasiliteerder van openbare mening is, word derhalwe deur hierdie studie ondersteun.
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Paparouni, Evgenia. "La rhétorique des institutions européennes: le débat sur les perspectives financières 2007-2013." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209385.
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Abstract (version française suit)Although the EU is a privileged point of focus for political science studies, its discursive activity has not received all the attention it deserves. This corpus analysis adopts a descriptive approach, based on the Neo-Aristotelian trend in argumentation theory, by using both analytical categories of classical rhetoric and (emic or etic) categories that belong to the conceptualization of the debate entertained by its own participants. The corpus consists of public interventions by representatives of the three main EU Institutions (Commission, European Council and Parliament). The speeches were pronounced between June and December 2005. Since it is discussed every seven years, the topic of the Financial Perspectives offers the possibility of making diachronic comparisons; it also allows identifying values, projects and means of the European construction at a rhetorical level. The last six months of 2005 followed two significant events: the conflicting attitudes of European Governments regarding the Iraq war and the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty by referendums.
In the absence of any other metaphysical or natural foundation, the technocratic enterprise provides the European project with a rational and secular justification that is not always assumed as such, though, by the presidents of the Commission. The conceptual metaphors stemming from the preambles to the treaties convey the idea that European integration will be achieved by triggering a gradual process that should lead to the realization of an ultimate aim.
From a rhetorical point of view, the Financial Perspectives are in need of legitimacy. In 2005, the rhetorical invocation of dates/milestones, abundantly used by former presidents of the Commission, does not seem to work anymore. Both the requirement of unanimity in the legislative procedure and the habitus of European deliberation make it necessary to find an agreement; this consequently promotes “consensus” as a meta-communicational argument. The notion of a “consensus” runs against such theoretical (epistemological) and pragmatic objections that it proves imperious to wonder about its origin and roots. One should take into account not only scholarly conceptions of “consensus” (Habermas, the Deliberative Democracy movement), but also naïve and popular visions of it.
The EU Institutions are aware of the difficulty they meet in awakening citizens’ interest, and they have developed their Communication Policy in order to give themselves the means to overcome this obstacle. A systematic reflection on their strategy should take into account the divergent opinions of Moravscik and Hix, as well as the possibility of grounding the EU project anew on a revival of ancient homonoïa.
DISCLAIMER. The content of this thesis represents solely the views of its author and cannot in any circumstances be regarded as the official position of the European Commission.
Résumé
Quoique l’Union Européenne (UE) soit un objet de prédilection pour les politologues, son activité discursive n’a pas reçu toute l’attention méritée.
La thèse offre une analyse de corpus effectuée sur base d’une grille de lecture incluant des catégories rhétoriques étiques et émiques. Elle adopte une approche descriptive puisée dans le versant néo-aristotélicien de l’étude de l’argumentation. Le corpus a été constitué d’interventions publiques tenues par les représentants des trois principales Institutions Européennes (Commission, Conseil Européen, Parlement Européen) entre juin et décembre 2005. Le sujet des Perspectives Financières, débattu à intervalles réguliers, permet des comparaisons diachroniques ;il permet aussi de contraster les valeurs, les projets et les moyens de la construction européenne. La conjoncture des six derniers mois de 2005 présente la particularité supplémentaire que le projet de Traité Constitutionnel venait d’être rejeté et que les gouvernements européens s’étaient auparavant divisés sur l’intervention en Irak.
En l’absence d’un fondement métaphysique ou naturel, l’entreprise technocratique fournit au projet politique européen une justification rationnelle et laïcisée, même si elle n’est pas assumée explicitement en tant que telle par tous les présidents de la Commission. Les métaphores conceptuelles mobilisées dans les préambules des traités traduisent le fait que l’unification européenne devrait s’accomplir à la fois par l’entremise de réalisations progressives et à travers la poursuite d’un objectif lointain.
Sur le plan rhétorique, les Perspectives Financières sont en manque d’une légitimité emblématique. La clause des rendez-vous, des étapes cruciales, abondamment utilisée dans le passé par les présidents de la Commission, cesse de fonctionner en 2005. La nécessité d’un accord, issue tant de la lettre de la procédure législative par unanimité que de la coutume des délibérations, est devenue matière à un argument méta-communicationnel qui en est arrivé à englober toute circonstance susceptible de faciliter le « consensus ». Cette dernière notion soulève des réticences théoriques (épistémologiques) et pragmatiques qui imposent de s’interroger sur son origine. La problématisation que nous avons opérée tient compte non seulement des conceptions savantes du « consensus » (Habermas, courant de la Démocratie Délibérative), mais aussi de ses variantes populaires ou vulgarisées.
Les Institutions Européennes sont conscientes de la difficulté qu’il y a à motiver l’intérêt citoyen, et elles ont voulu, à travers leur Politique de Communication, se donner les moyens de dépasser cet obstacle. La thèse mène, à ce propos, une réflexion plus générale qui tient compte des avis opposés de Moravcsik et Hix, et d’une éventuelle refondation dans l’homonoïa de la rhétorique classique.
DISCLAIMER. Le contenu de cette thèse représente le point de vue de son seul auteur et ne peut en aucune circonstance être considéré comme la position officielle de la Commission Européenne.
Doctorat en Langues et lettres
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Glavanis, Pandelis Michalis. "Aspects of the economic and social history of the Greek community in Alexandria during the nineteenth century." Thesis, University of Hull, 1989. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:3580.
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This study is intended to be a contribution to nineteenth century Egyptian historiography with particular reference to a discussion of aspects of the economic and social role and activities of the Greek community in Alexandria. Given, however, the almost total absence of studies on the role and activities of the modern history of the Greeks in Egypt, this study constitutes both a pioneering and preliminary contribution.
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Mosia, Serame R. "Post apartheid politics and issues of race : the views and position of political parties in South Africa on the crisis in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53554.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Race has been used as an instrument of domination and separation of the South African population for a long time. The dawn of the democratic dispensation in 1994marked a shift from the policy of racial separation to the creation of the non-racial democratic South Africa. However, political parties in this country have constantly re-politicised race in the post apartheid era mainly for political gain. The purpose of this study will be to describe, explain and analyse how political parties in South Africa use the crisis in Zimbabwe to racialise politics in this country. The study will show that the dilemma facing political parties in South Africa is that they cannot avoid focusing on racial issues. The focus is on four main political parties, the ANC, the PAC, the NNP and the DA. The study specifically looked at the following issues in Zimbabwe: the Land crisis, the 2003 March presidential elections and the economic crisis to see how they have influenced political discourse in South Africa. As anticipated, predominantly black parties have shown some empathy with Robert Mugabe's government, while predominantly white parties have called for a more confrontational measure against Mugabe's government. Nonetheless, this study found no conclusive evidence to suggest that the crisis in Zimbabwe has fuelled race conflict in this country. But that race is politicised by parties in South Africa for political gain.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In Apartheld-Suid-Afrika was rasse verskille gebruik as 'n instrument van onderdrukking en skeiding van die bevolking. Met die totstandkoming van demokrasie in 1994 het 'n verskuiwing van 'n rasse-beleid na 'n nie-rassige, demokratiese Suid-Afrika gelei. Politieke partye politiseer egter steeds ras in post-Apartheid Suid-Afrika vir politieke gewin. Die doel van hierdie studie is om te beskryf, verduidelik en te analiseer hoe politieke partye die krisis in Zimbabwe gebruik om politiek in Suid-Afrika steeds gebonde ras te hou. Hierdie studis al aandui dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika nie die fokus van ras identiteite kan vermy nie. 'n Moontlike rede hiervoor is dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika 'nsolidariteit met hul kiesers wil behou. Die studie fokus op vier van die mees prominente politieke partye in Suid-Afrika naamlik: ANC, PAC, NNP en die DA. Om elke party se stand-punt op hierdie onderwerp te verstaan, gaan die studie fokus op die volgende punte in Zimbabwe: grondhervorming, die 2003Presidensiële verkiesing en die impak wat die ekonomiese krisis in Zimbabwe op die politieke gebied gehad het. Soos verwag, het partye met histories oorheersende swart oortuigings empatie met Robert Mugabe se regering betoon. Mugabe word gesien as 'n slagoffer van onsimpatieke wit settelaars wat vasklou aan hul eertydse voorregte. Terwyloorwegende wit partye vra vir strenger optrede teenoor die regering van Robert Mugabe. Nie te min, het hierdie studie geen uitsluitende bewyse gevind wat aandui dat die krisis in Zimbabwe konflik rasse in Suid- Afrika aangespoor het nie. Dit is egter belangrik om in ag te neem dat die politisering van ras grootliks deur partye gebruik word om ondersteuning te werf.
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Jones, Robert T. (Robert Thomas) 1910. "PERCEPTIONS OF PUBLIC POLICYMAKERS RELATIVE TO THE ROLE AND EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL EDUCATION IN ARIZONA." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/275422.
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Heidelberg, Brea M. "SPEAKING PUBLIC FUNDING INTO EXISTENCE: Tracking the National Endowment for the Arts' Use of Cultural Economic Rationales to Advocate for Public Support." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1253501768.
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Smith, Sally Lynn. "Religion in the United Nations (UN) political declarations on HIV & AIDS : an interdisciplinary, critical discourse analysis." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2018. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/30615/.
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This interdisciplinary cultural studies research uses critical discourse analysis to review the four political declarations on HIV & AIDS adopted by the United Nations in 2001, 2006, 2011 and 2016. Religion is implicated in the tensions and conflicts around issues of HIV and sexual and reproductive health and rights in the negotiations that hinders consensus, resulting in compromises and omissions in the texts. The research identifies four dominant discourses in the declarations and an additional two in the wider HIV response of relevance to these tensions; a public health, biomedical discourse; a human rights, gender equality and community engagement discourse; political discourses of leadership and national sovereignty; and a traditional religio-cultural discourse. In the wider HIV response a broader religious discourse and secularist discourse are evident but missing from the text of the declarations. This critical discourse analysis of the declarations investigates how the discourses interact in the text; how the traditional religio-cultural discourse influences the text; what is missing from the final text; and reasons for the gaps. Close textual analysis of the declarations identifies tension between the public health, human rights/gender equality discourses and the traditional religio-cultural and national sovereignty discourses. The traditional religio-cultural discourse operates to limit public health and rights-based approaches to HIV prevention and frames women and girls as passive victims, without agency to exercise their rights. When compared against UNAIDS strategies as a standard, the declarations are missing commitments to address the risks of key populations to HIV. Missing also is reference to any contributions the faith community brings to the epidemic. The broad religious discourse includes supportive approaches to public health, human rights and gender equality, with the potential to bridge gaps in the negotiations. The traditional religious discourse is implicated in gaps in the text on key populations and rights. The dominance of secularism at the UN is implicated in exclusion of the broad religious discourse. While obstacles around rights-based approaches to HIV prevention and key populations persist, common ground and synergies between the discourses exist. Recommendations include: to ask new questions at the UN about the role secularism plays that may increase space for conservative voices to operate; seeking new ways of working to bridge some of the gaps; and including different perspectives that have the potential to bridge the gaps and open up new ways to achieve consensus.
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Ng, Siu-ling Giselle, and 吳小玲. "Accountability in public administration: the case of Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31214514.
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Huang, Yingjie. "Explicating political sophistication and its relationship with selective exposure: effects and mechanisms." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2018. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/535.
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This thesis seeks to add to the existing knowledge about the effects of the political sophistication of citizens on selective exposure in terms of the preference for like-minded media over attitudinal incongruent media. The traditional selective exposure majorly account for this phenomenon from a motivational perspective. Differing from previous studies, this thesis employs a cognitive approach to examine the level of political sophistication and selective exposure based on dual-process framework which grows out of heuristic and cognitive bias literature. This thesis first explicates the concept of political sophistication by proposing three dimensions, namely factual political knowledge, conceptual political knowledge, and the conceptual complexity of political thinking to indicate the construct of political sophistication. The cognitive nature of the three dimensions as well as their relationships with the extent of selective exposure, which is perceived as a form of confirmation bias, are discussed based on a tripartite model of dual-process theory. Two mediators, namely attitude extremity and perspective taking ability, are proposed and examined to see whether either or both of them play a role to mediate the influence of each dimension of political sophistication on the extent of selective exposure. The underlying mechanisms for the hypothesized model are expounded. The results suggest that the effect of the three dimensions on the extent of selective exposure are fully mediated by the two mediators, respectively. Different dimensions of political sophistication have different effects on attitude extremity and perspective taking ability, and these effects play a key role in the selection of like-minded media outlets. Both the conceptual complexity of political thinking and conceptual knowledge are positively correlated with the perspective taking ability; the same is not true for factual political knowledge. Moreover, both factual political knowledge and conceptual political knowledge are positively correlated with attitude extremity, while no significant correlation is observed between conceptual complexity and attitude extremity in the study sample. The effects of factual political knowledge and conceptual political knowledge on the extent of selective exposure are mediated by attitude extremity. The mediation effect of perspective taking ability on the relationship between conceptual complexity of political thinking and selective exposure, which can lessen the extent of selective exposure, is observed to be significant but weak when attitude extremity is included in the model. The implications of the different roles played by the three dimensions in the cognitive process, as well as contributions, practical significance and limitations are discussed on the basis of the abovementioned findings in conclusion part.
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張榮顯. "公眾的想像 : 媒介使用與中國人的國家主義建構 = Public imagination : media use and the construction of the Chinese nationalism." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2005. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/652.
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Nyaungwa, Mathew. "Newspapers' institutional voices in Zimbabwe : speaking to power through editorials between 1 June and 31 December 2013." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017786.
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This study investigates the complex role editorials – a newspaper's institutional voice – play in highly-polarised political contexts. Employing Van Dijk's insight that editorials "are usually not only, and even not primarily, directed at the common reader: rather they tend to directly or indirectly address influential news actors" (1992: 244), the study focuses on how the editorials of two Zimbabwean daily newspapers – The Herald, a perceived pro-government newspaper, and NewsDay, a perceived pro-opposition newspaper – speak to those in power. The study looks at these two newspapers' editorials from 1 June to 31 December 2013, which covers the period prior to, during and after the 2013 national elections. The 31 July, 2013 elections took place after four years of an uneasy government of national unity (GNU), which comprised ZANU-PF and the two MDC formations (Raftopoulos, 2013:978). Given the polarisation that is pervasive in the Zimbabwean politics and media, the study draws on Hallin and Mancini (2004)'s "Polarised Pluralist Model". In this model the media are used as instruments of struggle in conflicts, sometimes by dictatorships and by movements struggling against them, but also by contending parties in periods of democratic politics (Hallin and Mancini, 2004:61). Further, the methodological approach that informs this study is primarily qualitative. A qualitative content analysis of 30 editorials seeks to identify themes covered in the editorials. The study also employs a rhetorical analysis of 12 editorials and in-depth interviews and these form the adopted three-stage research design. The findings of this research somewhat contradict the common view in Zimbabwe that the privately-owned media blindly support the opposition while the stateowned media do the same to ZANU-PF (Chari, 2009:10; Mabweazara, 2011:110). Although The Herald openly supported ZANU-PF prior to the election, it shifted after the election as it pushed the ruling party to fulfill pledges made on the campaign trail. Some ZANU-PF officials were also censured by The Herald, although this selective criticism can be linked to factionalism in the party. NewsDay editorials reminded the newly formed government to mend the economy and provide basic services. While, the daily constantly censured Mugabe and ZANU-PF prior to the election, it also occasionally berated the MDC, which can be attributed to its participation in the GNU as that took away the privilege it previously had of not being hold accountable by the press.
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Banning, Brenda. "Faculty attitudes toward the ideas and practices of public journalism." Virtual Press, 2001. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1221306.
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Colechin, jane. "Expansion despite permanent austerity? : innovative aspects of social policy in Liberal welfare regimes." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/944/.
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This thesis seeks to challenge the entrenched academic consensus that there are no opportunities for welfare state expansion in liberal welfare regimes in the face of neo-liberal economic ideology and new public management reforms to decision-making. It does so though an examination of social policy expansion in early years education and care (EYEC) in England and Canada/Ontario; two liberal welfare states. This thesis contends that EYEC policy, often neglected in comparative welfare literature, is an important social dimension of the welfare state which can potentially alter the relationship between the state, parents and children. Utilising a multi-level discursive institutionalist framework the thesis examines the processes underlying EYEC policy innovations in the two cases. Its first major contribution is an innovative framework of six competing and contrasting discursive EYEC frames and the evidence and expertise pivotal to them. Though this lens, the thesis identifies common institutional reforms that have altered practices of policy making; presenting openings in the bureaucratic structure to new forms of expertise and particular EYEC frames. It also extends the analysis above the national context to examine the influence of the OECD as a form of ideational pressure and the extent of ideational circulation between the two cases. In so doing this thesis captures complex rather than linear trajectories of development and moments of convergence and divergence between the two cases. This thesis finds that in both cases a multiplicity of competing frames and ‘evidence-based’ forms of policy innovation have led to strategic incoherence and an unstable basis for the concrete implementation EYEC policy.
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Lutz, Barend Frederik. "Public digital media and democracy : constructing instruments for measuring expressions of support for democracy on Twitter." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/79986.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The constant growth in information and communications technology (ICT) broadens the capabilities of researchers to understand and interpret the social world. New multidisciplinary methods of measuring social realities are constantly being developed and improved. This methodological study aims to incorporate novel methods of automated, computerised content- and sentiment analysis software in order to produce a usable instrument for measuring public expressions on democracy from the social network site, Twitter. Adapting methods developed by O‟Connor et al. (2010) and using an online platform called Chatterbox Analytics Ltd., this study attempts to complement traditional survey research data on democracy. The creation of this method allows researchers to automatically and without deep programming knowledge, extract and analyse opinionated data from a substantial segment of the population, namely Twitter users. This is the first study, as far as this researcher is aware, that develops automated instruments for the measurement of expressions on democracy from online social networks. The rationale for the development of this instrument lies in the apparent recent rise in negative sentiment on democracy in academic spheres and political realities alike. Throughout history support for democracy has swayed, which in turn placed democracy on a rocky path of development. As negative opinions on democracy became overwhelming this system of governance was forced to adapt by changing its core structure. This could be the case again today. Authors such as Crozier, Huntington and Watunaki (1975) have already warned of a crisis of democracy in the 1970s. More recently authors such as Dalton (2004) and van Beek (2012) expressed opinions indicating that globally citizens are steadily becoming more critical of political parties, politicians, political policies and the whole democratic process. These negative sentiments might be indicative of what van Beek (2012:12) calls “an erosion in support for democracy”. Traditional survey projects examining opinions on democracy, such as the World Values Survey, offer insights into global expressions on democracy, but are time consuming, costly and complicated to conduct. The method developed in this study allows researchers to complement traditional survey data with insights that are automatically gathered and analysed from the influential social media network, Twitter. This introductory study finds that automated analysis of expressions on democracy from Twitter is indeed feasible. In order to express the extent to which the developed method is feasible, this study offers an example case, examining expressions on democracy from Twitter for the period of 1 May to 31 July 2012. Furthermore the study offers a quantitative manual evaluation of the accuracy of the developed measurement instrument. With the present level of content- and sentiment analysis technology this study finds that the accuracy of the results from this method, though informative, is still limited. The study therefore concludes with an advisory section highlighting methods for future studies to improve on the accuracy of this measurement instrument.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Deur die konstante groei in inligting- en kommunikasietegnologie (IKT) word die veld waaruit navorsers kan put om die sosiale wêreld te verstaan en te interpreteer al groter. Nuwe multidissiplinêre metingsmetodes om die sosiale werklikheid te verstaan, word konstant ontwikkel en verbeter. Hierdie metodologiese studie beoog om nuwe metodes van geoutomatiseerde, gerekenaariseerde, inhouds- en sentimentanalisesagteware saam te voeg om 'n bruikbare instrument vir die meting van publieke uitsprake oor demokrasie, op die sosiale netwerk Twitter te skep. Metodes wat deur O'Connor et al. (2010) en die aanlyn platform, Chatterbox Analytics Ltd ontwikkel is, is aangepas om 'n instrument te skep wat gebruik kan word om by te dra tot tradisionele opname-navorsingsdata oor demokrasie. Hierdie nuwe metode sal navorsers toelaat om outomaties en sonder veel programmeringsvaardighede opiniegelaaide data van 'n beduidende segment van die samelewing, naamlik Twitter gebruikers, te verkry en te analiseer. Hierdie is die eerste studie, sover hierdie navorser bewus is, wat geoutomatiseerde instrumente ontwikkel vir die meting van uitsprake oor demokrasie op sosiale netwerke. Die beweegrede vir die ontwikkeling van hierdie instrument vloei uit die oënskynlike onlangse styging in negatiewe sentiment oor demokrasie in sowel akademiese- as politieke sirkels. Die ondersteuning vir demokrasie het dwarsdeur die geskiedenis sy hoogte en laagtepunte gehad en hierdie onsekerheid het die ontwikkelingspad van demokrasie taamlik met dorings besaai. Die hele kernstruktuur van híérdie regeringsisteem was geforseer om hewig aan te pas elke keer wanneer die negatiewe opinies oor demokrasie oorweldigend geraak het. Dit wil voorkom asof demokrasie weer op die rand van verandering is. Skrywers soos Crozier, Huntington en Watunaki (1975) het alreeds in die 1970's gewaarsku teen 'n krisis rondom demokrasie. Meer onlangs het skrywers soos Dalton (2004) en van Beek (2012) opinies gelug dat burgers reg oor die wêreld stadig maar seker besig is om meer krities op politieke partye, politici en oor politieke beleide en die demokratiese proses in geheel raak. Hierdie negatiewe sentimente mag dalk 'n aanduiding wees van “'n erosie in die ondersteuning van demokrasie,”, soos Van Beek (2012:12) dit noem. Tradisionele opname-navorsingsprojekte wat na opinies oor demokrasie kyk, soos die „World Values Survey‟, bied wel 'n blik op globale uitsprake oor demokrasie, maar is duur, tydsaam en moeilik om deur te voer. Die metode wat in hierdie studie ontwikkel is, kan bykomende insigte tot tradisionele opname-navorsingsprojekte bring. Díé insigte word outomaties ingesamel en geanaliseer vanuit die invloedryke sosiale netwerk, Twitter. Hierdie inleidende studie bevind dat geoutomatiseerde analise van uitsprake oor demokrasie op Twittter inderdaad moontlik is. Ten einde die mate van sukses van hierdie metode wat ontwikkel is te illustreer, analiseer hierdie studie 'n datagreep van uitsprake oor demokrasie uit Twitter oor die tydperk 1 Mei tot 31 Julie 2012. Hierbenewens bied die studie ook 'n kwantitatiewe waardasie per hand wat die akkuraatheid van die ontwikkelde meetingsinstrument toets. Met die huidige ontwikkelingsvlak van inhouds- en sentiment-analisetegnologie vind hierdie studie dat die akkuraatheid van hierdie metode, alhoewel informatief is, tog beperk is. Die studie sluit af met 'n afdeling wat advies oor hoe verdere studies die akkuraatheid van hierdie meetinstrument kan verbeter, toelig.
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Longshore, Renee Michelle. "The rhetoric of state assessment: Educational politics in the public school system." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2004. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2721.
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In this thesis I explore the rhetoric behind the assessment push nation-wide and, particularly, in California. I take a close look at what politicians, educators, and citizens say about public education and their views of the current educational reform: whether they are speaking in support of or opposition to the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001. I look specifically at the finances of public education in California, the impact and current outcome of NCLB, and propose new reforms as suggested by those intimately involved in education.
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Apperley, Alan Robert. "Personal autonomy and health policy : some considerations in political theory." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1991. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/37880/.
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This thesis examines some of the implications for social policy of an account of human nature frequently associated with liberal political theory. Taking as its starting point the claim that the objectives of social policy are contested, it seeks to develop an account of autonomy that will serve as a neutral 'organizational principle' around which to construct social policy. A particular version of personal autonomy is developed and defended against both abstract Kantian moral autonomy, and the individualism often associated with liberal theories. This project is pursued first through a discussion of the relationship of autonomous persons to 'social forms', and then through a critique of libertarian and 'intellectualist' accounts of autonomy. It is argued that, since autonomy is not only employed in the making of choices, but also in the implementing of those choices, it follows that the autonomous person must, of necessity, be viewed 'holistically' for the body is the primary means of implementing the choices autonomous persons make. The health of the body, as well as that of the mind, therefore assumes importance for any social policy that takes autonomy to be a fundamental objective. The implications for such an account of social policy are then explored in two ways. First, through a discussion of the phenomenon of 'medicalization'. Second, through a discussion of the Prevention and Health campaign. In the first instance, it is argued that the assumption that medicalization systematically undermines autonomy is ill-founded because theories of medicalization misunderstand what it is to be autonomous. In the second instance, the discussion of preventive health-care policy serves to illustrate the fundamentally erroneous assumptions of individually-focussed health-care programmes. In conclusion, it is argued that a unified account of autonomous persons must inevitably lead to a more integrated social policy.
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Dlamini, Tula. "Whither state, private or public service broadcasting? : an analysis of the construction of news on ZBC TV during the 2002 presidential election campaign in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008257.
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The study sets out to examine the television coverage of the 2002 presidential campaign in Zimbabwe by examining the extent to which the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation fulfilled the mandate of public service broadcasting. The primary objective of this study is to assess how ZBC television newscasts mediated pluralistic politics in the coverage of the country's presidential election campaign, in line with the normative public sphere principles. The thesis comprises seven chapters organized, first, with an introductory chapter, which provides the general background of the study. The chapter offers the rationale for the focus on TV rather than other media fomls . There are two theoretical and contextual chapters in which the use of both qualitative and quantitative methods is explained and findings are presented. Finally, the conclusion offers recommendations about the form broadcasting might take to fulfil a public service mandate and these include the strengthening of the public service broadcasting model along normative public sphere principles. The findings of the analysed election newscasts confirm that ZBC television election news was constructed in favour of ZANU PF at the expense of voices from other social and political constituencies.KMBT_363
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Soroka, Stuart Neil. "Agenda-setting dynamics in Canada." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/11201.
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Agenda-setting hypotheses inform political communications studies of media influence
(public agenda-setting), as well as examinations of the policymaking process (policy agenda-setting).
In both cases, studies concentrate on the salience of issues on actors' agendas, and
the dynamic process through which these agendas change and effect each other. The results,
narrowly conceived, offer a means of observing media effects or the policy process. Broadly
conceived, agenda-setting analyses speak to the nature of relationships between major actors
in a political system.
This study differs from most past agenda-setting research in several ways. First, this project
draws together public and policy agenda-setting work to build a more comprehensive model
of the expanded agenda-setting process. Secondly, the modeling makes no assumptions
about the directions of causal influence - econometric methods are used to establish
causality, allowing for a more nuanced and accurate model of issue dynamics.
Quantitative evidence is derived from a longitudinal dataset (1985-1995) including the
following: a content analysis of Canadian newspapers (media agenda), 'most important
problem' results from all available commercial polls (public agenda), and measures of
attention to issues in Question Period, committees, Throne Speeches, government spending,
and legislative initiatives (policy agenda). Data is collected for eight issues: AIDS, crime,
debt/deficit, environment, inflation, national unity, taxation, and unemployment. The present
study, then, is well situated to add unique information to several ongoing debates in agenda-setting
studies, and provide a bird's eye view of the media-public-policy dynamics in
Canadian politics.
Many hypotheses are introduced and tested. Major findings include: (1) there is a Canadian
national media agenda; (2) the salience of issues tends to rise and fall simultaneously across
Canada, although regional variation exists based on audience attributes and issue
obtrusiveness; (3) there is no adequate single measure of the policy agenda - government
attention to issues must be measured at several points, and these tend to be only loosely
related; (4) the agenda-setting dynamics of individual issues are directly and systematically
related to attributes such as prominence and duration; (5) Canadian media and public agendas
can be affected by the US media agenda.
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Ogoso, Erich Opolot. "Talk radio and public debate : a case study of three Ugandan radio stations." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007723.
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This study is a comparative examination of approaches to talk radio as a genre on three Ugandan radio stations. The aim is to draw conclusions, from observations made about these stations, about the potential of talk radio to encourage public debate around social issues and improve democratic participation despite pertinent challenges in Uganda. The study first outlines a theoretical framework, which is informed by Habermas's theory of the media as a 'public sphere'. This framework is applied to an exploration of traditions of talk radio that have emerged globally in order to assess the potential of these traditions to play a role in contributing to the establishment of such a 'public sphere'. The study then goes on to discuss the historical development of radio in Uganda and the establishment of the current broadcast landscape. The focus is on the way in which this history has been defined by a struggle around public expression, in which government has repeatedly sought ways to control media as a vehicle for public expression. It is proposed that Ugandan talk radio has the potential to play an important role in ensuring broad participation in public expression. It is against this background that the study then describes and analyses the development of the talk genre at three Ugandan radio stations (each one an example of, respectively, a commercial, community and public service station). It is explained that staff on all three stations emphasise the importance of talk radio in encouraging participation, by their audiences, in the public debate of social and political issues. It is argued that, because of limitations that exist within these stations, none of the talk show teams fully realize the potential of the genre for participation in such debate. The picture that emerges is one of unequal access, with those sections of radio audiences in positions of privilege being further empowered, while those on the margins remain excluded from public discussion. The study finally recommends ways to improve public participation on Ugandan talk radio, noting the need to review government support, the problems of organizational culture within the stations, the need for more guidelines on practical arrangements around talk show production and the question of contradictions that exist at policy level.
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Menuet, Laetitia. "Le discours sur l'espace judiciaire européen : analyse du discours et sémantique argumentative." Phd thesis, Université de Nantes, 2006. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00133442.
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La recherche menée dans cette thèse traite du discours de l'Union européenne sur l'espace judiciaire européen entre 1996 et 1999. En convoquant l'analyse du discours et la lexicométrie dans un cadre théorique de la sémantique argumentative, elle analyse le sens des mots autour de l'expression « espace de liberté, de sécurité et de justice ». L'objectif est de définir comment s'élabore la réappropriation de valeurs universelles au profit du discours et de l'identité européenne véhiculée par les procédés argumentatifs utilisés pour représenter l'espace judiciaire européen. Le contexte politique et les théories linguistiques de la méthode d'analyse exposés, cette thèse porte sur les conditions de communication du discours et de sa particularité sémantique, en montrant qu'il construit une identité en triade renvoyant aux trois valeurs de son emblème triptyque (« liberté, sécurité et justice ») : les institutions, la criminalité organisée et les citoyens. Elle révèle les indices linguistiques de cette construction identitaire avec ses enjeux politiques et de légitimation en introduisant la notion de « normalisation discursive ». Celle-ci adopte un schéma linguistique très marqué conduisant à la mise en œuvre d'un processus de « manipulation argumentative » défini et démontré dans ce travail. Les résultats illustrent que la normalisation et la manipulation engendrent une circularité du discours reposant sur le conflit de deux orientations discursives : celle d'un discours sécuritaire et celle d'un discours sur l'État de droit et la démocratie.
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Saari, Trent Adam. "Democratizing the City Through the Colonization of Public Space: A Case Study of Portland Food Not Bombs." PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2393.
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The implementation of neoliberal economic and political policies is often touted as a way to increase overall individual well-being and freedom. While these policies may benefit those already wielding economic security and political power, marginalized populations often bear the negative cost associated with such policies. As deregulation and privatization increases, social safety nets and social spending are dramatically reduced. At the local level, liberalization has resulted in increased surveillance and regulation of public space. Organized resistance to global corporatization and increased economic and political marginalization has occurred across the globe. Resisting neoliberalism is complex as the adaptability of the state and capital requires an adaptive form of resistance. Portland Food Not Bombs provides an empirical example of an oppositional social movement organization that resists neoliberal logic and reclaims public space for collective use by serving free meals. This case study includes participant observation of both Portland FNB chapters conducted at chapter specific meal preparation and serving sites. It also includes ten interviews with individuals who are heavily involved with the SMO. Publicly available documents such as Facebook pages, chapter specific websites, and the FNB website provided important contextual information as well. This study finds that the organizational structure of Portland FNB lends itself to more democratic practices and ideals, coinciding with the values of the respondents. Through transparent, consensus decision-making and a resistance to formal leadership, Portland FNB facilitates a different form of political engagement. By using public space, Portland FNB temporarily alters the physical urban environment by socially constructing a more inclusive space, emphasizing that collectively using public space, is indeed a human right. Portland FNB seeks to create a more just society within the existing institutional framework, while rejecting practices associated with 501(c)(3) organizations and other mainstream SMOs.
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Seed, Barbara. "Food security in Public Health and other government programs in British Columbia, Canada : a policy analysis." Thesis, City University London, 2011. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/1173/.
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Public Health has re-emerged as a driver of food security in British Columbia. Food security policy, programs and infrastructure have been integrated into the Public Health sector and other areas of government, including the adoption of food security as a Core Public Health program. This policy analysis of the integration merges findings from forty-eight key informant interviews conducted with government, Civil Society, and food supply representatives involved in the initiatives, along with relevant documents and participant/direct observations. Findings were analyzed according to “contextual”, “diagnostic”, “evaluative” and “strategic” categories from the Ritchie and Spencer framework for Applied Policy Research. While Civil Society was the driver for food security in British Columbia, Public Health was the driver for the integration of food security into the government. Public Health held most of the power, and often determined the agenda and the players involved. While many interviewees heralded the accomplishments of the incorporation of food security into Public Health, stakeholders also acknowledged the relative insignificance of the food security agenda in relation to other “weightier”, competing agendas. Conflict between stakeholders over approaches to food insecurity/hunger existed, and it was only weakly included in the agenda. Looking to consequences of the integration, food security increased in legitimacy within the Public Health sector over the research period. Interviewees described a clash of cultures between Public Health and Civil Society occurring partly as a result of Public Health’s limited food security mandate and inherent top down approach. Marginalization of the Civil Society voice at the provincial level was one of the negative consequences resulting from this integration. A social policy movement toward a new political paradigm - “regulatory pluralism” - calls for greater engagement of Civil Society, and for all sectors to work together toward common goals. This integration of food security into the government exemplifies an undertaking on the cutting edge in progress toward this shift. Recommendations for stakeholders in furthering food security within the government were identified. These include the development of food security policy alternatives for current government agendas in British Columbia, with a focus on health care funding, Aboriginal health and climate change.
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Poole, Helen Louise. "An examination of the function of education in prisons : social, political and penal perspectives." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6740/.
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This study aims to examine the function of education in prisons through the application of a unique analytical model. Prisoner education has become a primary focus for the rehabilitation of offenders, evidenced more recently by the announcement and abandonment of a network of privately run ‘Secure Colleges’ to replace the existing estate for young offenders. This research aims to form a better understanding of what such education provision is designed to achieve through an examination the social, political and penal context in which it has developed. Building on the work of Foucault (1979), Markus (1993) and King (1980) amongst others, the present study triangulates data from political discourse, prison architecture, and still images of prison learning spaces using an analytical model based on research findings from philosophical, sociological, penal and educational theories. The main findings of the study are that the enduring function of prison education is the control of the prisoner-class, which is highly related to the macro-management of the penal system (reducing reoffending) and economic production. The author argues such an approach ignores individual agency, and negatively impacts on approaches to prison education through the marginalisation of educational theory and pedagogic best practice.
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Xie, Zhibin, and 謝志斌. "Religious liberty, religious diversity, and religion in politics: in search of an appropriate role ofreligion in public political culture for a democratic China." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2004. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42577767.
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Long, Robert Arni. "Mayors and Chief Administrative Officers Relationships: Aspects of Functional Relationships." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1569323833668306.
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