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1
Becker, Marcel, and Evert van der Zweerde. "Aspects of Christian Social Thought." Religion, State and Society 41, no. 2 (June 2013): 82–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2013.814282.
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Adminqaumiyyah, Adminqaumiyyah. "MANHAJ IJTIHAD PADA ASPEK POLITIK." Qaumiyyah: Jurnal Hukum Tata Negara 1, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 17–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.24239/qaumiyyah.v1i1.2.
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This article discusses the application of the manhaj or the ijtihad method to the political aspects of the state. The focus of the problem is, can ijtihad be applied to the political aspects of the state, not only to the aspects of fiqh or religious law? Some Muslims still understand that the position of ijtihad is limited to the aspect of fiqh alone. for example, matters of the law of religious observances, marriage and other social institutions). During the period of the Prophet Muhammad, when he moved to Medina, the Prophet made a political commitment as a nation and state involving various ethnic, ethnic and religious layers in Medina. This political commitment is called Shahifah Madinah or Watsiqah Madinah (Medina charter), which consists of 47 articles as the basis for living together with the nation and state. Until now, in a very modern world, the Medina Charter is still considered the most modern political monumental ijtihad ever practiced by the Prophet Muhammad. Based on the above thought background, ijtihad can be used as a method of approach in formulating the concepts of state politics.
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Hellinger, Moshe. "A Clearly Democratic Religious-Zionist Philosophy: The Early Thought of Yeshayahu Leibowitz." Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy 16, no. 2 (2008): 253–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/105369908786611514.
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AbstractIn his early teaching, from the 1920s through the 1950s, Yeshayahu Leibowitz (1903–1994) stands out as one of the most fascinating religious Zionist thinkers. He strives to establish a Jewish democratic state whose democratic aspects will be channeled toward the establishment of an exemplary society, one that can express its religious roots within a modern democratic context.Leibowitz thus attaches enormous importance to democracy in terms of both its political components and its modern Orthodox aspirations. In this respect, he is the most radical spokesman of the Neo-Orthodox notion of Torah with Derekh Eretz, as translated into religious-Zionist terms.
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ZAMAN, MUHAMMAD QASIM. "Political Power, Religious Authority, and the Caliphate in Eighteenth-Century Indian Islamic Thought." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 30, no. 2 (April 2020): 313–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135618632000022x.
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AbstractThis article examines how Shah Wali Allah of Delhi (d. 1762), one of the most prominent scholars of eighteenth-century India whose thought has continued to be influential in many Muslim circles to the present day, conceptualized the interplay of political power and religious authority. Though several of Wali Allah's numerous writings have received considerable scholarly attention, this aspect of his political and religious thought has, oddly, been much neglected. A close reading of Wali Allah's writings reveals him to be keenly interested not just in the immediately relevant issues of the chronic political instability afflicting his age but also in the broader, theoretical, questions of how political power undergirds the moral force of religious norms and institutions. It is his unusually blunt but robust recognition that power is part of what enables a religious tradition to evolve and change that this article explores. That recognition—buried in writings that purport to be about the merits of Islam's first caliphs—has other important implications, too, notably for an understanding of the broad political context in which the sacred law itself undergoes change.
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Sahfutra, Surya Adi. "GAGASAN PLURALISME AGAMA GUS DUR UNTUK KESETARAAN DAN KERUKUNAN." RELIGI JURNAL STUDI AGAMA-AGAMA 10, no. 1 (January 31, 2014): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/rejusta.2014.1001-06.
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This article focuses on framing the thought of Abdurrahman Wahid on reli- gious pluralism. Gus Dur-his familiar name, is a figure of the Muslim scholars, clerics, and also a politician who has a considerable influence in the national life in Indonesia. The idea of religious pluralism was offered by Gus Dur calls for recognition of the equal right to claim the truth of any religion by its followers, respectively. For Gus Dur difference faith/theology should not affect the enforce- ment of justice. Ever y religion should receive equal treatment before the law; hence neither group feels superior to the other.The author argues that the research on the views of Gus Dur is ver y important to see what is meant by religious pluralism. From this study we can also see the mapping of what Gus Dur strug gled in upholding religious pluralism. By using critical-thinking approach, Gus Dur’s tought will be dissected to obtain a com- prehensive understanding of the globalizing thought of Gus Dur which covering various aspects of life, not only limited in political issues, the relationship be- tween religion and the state as well as inter-religious relations. The result can be described that there are three focuses of Wahid fought in the religious pluralism, namely equality of religions, tolerance and interfaith and inter-religious dialog.
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Reda, Latife. "The Socio-economic Aspects of hijra." Sociology of Islam 5, no. 2-3 (June 21, 2017): 161–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00503002.
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The paper highlights the socio-economic aspects of the concept of hijra or migration in the Islamic tradition. The paper argues that the conception of migration in the Islamic tradition has been shaped by not only religious and ethical values, but also social and economic motivations and consequences ever since the first migrations to Abyssinia and Medina. The paper addresses the notion and practice of hijra in Islamic history by highlighting its ethical and religious value as well as its nature and evolution into a socio-economic activity motivated by different forms of oppression, including social and political oppression as well as economic deprivation. The study draws on the history of Islam and the Islamic society, the sources of Islamic law and doctrines, and the thought of scholars in relation to the changes in approaches to migration, and the conceptualization of hijra as an activity motivated by oppression and economic hardship.
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Taghread Yousf Keadan, Taghread Yousf Keadan. "Pluralism and diversity from the Islamic perspective Pluralism and diversity from the Islamic perspective: التعدد والتنوع من المنظور الإسلامي." Journal of Islamic Sciences 4, no. 3 (June 30, 2021): 108–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.26389/ajsrp.r220221.
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The aim of this research is to clarify the phenomenon of pluralism and diversity in its various aspects, with a focus on Islam’s position on pluralism and diversity in its various types and divisions. The research also sought to address religious and political pluralism, cultural pluralism, economic pluralism and Islam’s position and outlook on it. The study is based on the descriptive and analytical approach that sheds light on pluralism and diversity from an Islamic perspective, and through the descriptive and analytical approach, the study will provide a description and analysis of the plurality and diversity in thought and culture from the application of Islamic thought. The research reached the following results: - Religious pluralism, or Islam’s view of pluralism in general, is the ideal solution to the problem of religious conflict in the world and to the peaceful coexistence of different religions. Diversity in Islamic society is the best evidence of Islam's tolerance and its recognition that difference is a universal nature. Islam adopts political pluralism on condition that it be disciplined within the framework of commitment to the supremacy of Sharia and not deviating from its established principles. - Islamic economics is based on matters that other systems lack. It combines private and public ownership at the same time, considering that both of them are assets and each of them has its objectives and sources, provided that they are legitimate. Economic pluralism expresses the existence of more than one economic system in a single country, and Islamic law is concerned with the economic aspect.
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Choi, Young-Chan. "Philip Jaisohn, the Political Evangelist, 1896–98." Journal of Korean Studies 25, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 89–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07311613-7932259.
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Abstract The objective of this article is twofold: first to argue that Philip Jaisohn, upon his return from the United States to Korea in 1896, sought to subvert, if not overthrow, the monarchical government, and second, to argue that Jaisohn drew on specifically Christian intellectual and ideological resources to articulate his arguments. The rhetoric of loyalty, love, lawful resistance, private property, and slavery are, as such, in need of analysis through the Protestant conceptual prism. Previous studies analyzing modern political thought have focused on the nature of translation from the West; this study focuses on the conceptual aspect of the political language Jaisohn introduced in order to effect revolutionary changes in the popular vernacular. His goal was not just to present resistance against the incumbent governing authority as morally defensible, but to frame it in terms of the right of individual property. Finally the article suggests avenues through which religious thinking affected the reception and dissemination of Western political thought in Korea, and concludes by reflecting on the relevance of religious thought in the analysis of modern Korean political thought.
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AM, Mirhan. "AGAMA DAN POLITIK DI KALIMANTAN SELATAN." Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Ushuluddin 15, no. 2 (July 2, 2017): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.18592/jiiu.v15i2.1294.
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Politics cannot be separated from religion. The combination between them have uttered the political religious thoughts in order to create a harmonious and peaceful life in the nation. Religious beliefs can impact laws in common, such as the thought of sodomy and incest is a sin, so it become illegal in national laws. While religion gives legitimacy to the government to act. Religion is deeply embedded in the lives of people in industrial societies and non-industrial, so its presence may not be felt in the political sphere. But it is considered or not, religion has a role to form a political power. In Islam, Medina Charter contained aspects of life either it comes to diversity as well as a matter of policy set to pluralistic society, cannot be regarded as a statement of the establishment of the Islamic State. Yet, in this contemporary era, the teachings of Islam were able implied in issues of national state and life of the community.
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Tojidinov, F. Q. o. "The Formation of the Political Thought of Nizam Al-Mulk." Islam in the modern world 16, no. 2 (July 25, 2020): 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.22311/2074-1529-2020-16-2-123-136.
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The article examines the political views of the famous Persian thinker and political figure Nizam al- Mulk, expressed in his main work, the treatise “Siyasatnama”. The paper deals with the brief description of the historical situation in which the thinker’s life took place; after that the author characterizes the structure and logic of the treatise. It is argued that politics for Nizam al- Mulk is inextricably linked to practice, not reduced to a set of certain theoretical provisions. Based on personal experience and proofing his ideas by concrete examples, the thinker sketched main traits of the ideal ruler and gave recommendations that the latter should follow in order to strengthen the power of state and to maintain it. At the same time Nizam al- Mulk sought to recreate the traditional Iranian political structure throughout the Empire. In particular, a competent approach to government issues implies a good awareness of the ruler, attention to economic problems and issues of religious education and upbringing. The thinker paid great attention to all three aspects in his work. This paper also concentrates on the question, how these ideas were implemented by Nizam al- Mulk, in his attempts to create an information service (diwan-i barid) to reorganize the financial system of the Seljuk Empire. Moreover, the article discusses why some of ideas of Nizam al- Mulk (mainly related to economic development) were not implemented or led to negative consequences while have been implemented.
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Hudaeri, Mohamad. "DARI PURITAN KE REKONSTRUKSIONIS." ALQALAM 30, no. 2 (August 30, 2013): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.32678/alqalam.v30i2.1071.
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This article tries to understand Islamic reformation movements in the modern era based on two points of views: internal and external aspects. On the one hand, based on the internal aspect, Muslims need to reform their social structure and mental attitudes in arranging their socio-political lift by reforming their religious understanding which is accordance with their developing logics and imagination. In the other hand, based on the external aspect, it is because of the development of 'the economic-political authorities' in this modern era, i.e. a system of nation state, democartion, human ghts and modem capitalism. The changes force Muslims to reform their ways of thinking toward their religious orthodoxy, traditions, and intellectual treasury. To understand reformation movements could not be separated from their historical contexts because the reformation movements are not monolitic. They have various forms and different purposes. However, the religious understanding could not also be separated from the intellectual development and the challenges of life faced by Muslim societies.
KeyWords: Islamic Thought Reformation, Islamic Orthodoxy, Islamic Movements
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Özervarli, M. Sait. "ALTERNATIVE APPROACHES TO MODERNIZATION IN THE LATE OTTOMAN PERIOD: İZMİRLİ İSMAİ L HAKKI'S RELIGIOUS THOUGHT AGAINST MATERIALIST SCIENTISM." International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, no. 1 (February 2007): 77–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743807002541.
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The aim of this article is to explore the distinctiveness of İzmirli İsmail Hakki (1869–1946) in the context of late Ottoman intellectual history and to suggest several implications of his thought on our understanding of debates on religion and modernization among Ottomans in the modern period. Studies on modern Islamic thought in the 19th and 20th centuries are mostly limited, especially in Western literature, to works dealing with a few well-known figures in the Arab world, such as Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and Muhammad Abduh. However, a close investigation into several mostly neglected or yet uncovered thinkers of the Ottoman capital, Istanbul, can provide us with more interesting aspects of this period. The earlier interest of Istanbul ulama in modernization, their closer and more direct contact with Europeans, and the long historical experience of central Ottoman intelligentsia in similar reviving attempts are some of these aspects. This article aims to demonstrate that central Ottoman studies can make significant contributions to the current knowledge of the period, not only in political history, as has been the main focus so far, but also in religious and intellectual thought. It will show how a contact was established between modern European and Ottoman religious thought, in which ways the issue of modernization became an important topic in religious circles, and what kind of perceptions took place among them about its content and limits.
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Cortes, Alyssa. "Zeal without Fanaticism: Jean-Jacques Rousseau on the Religion of the Citizen." Review of Politics 82, no. 2 (2020): 199–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670520000170.
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AbstractJean-Jacques Rousseau is well known for his love of the ancients. His use of examples from Sparta and republican Rome emphasized what he found lacking in modern times. This article attempts to establish how Rousseau's views on the ancients are related to his religious-political thought, particularly as it relates to his description of citizen religion in the last chapter of the Social Contract. While Rousseau admired many aspects of citizen religion, he rejects it for two reasons: reasons of humanity in the Geneva Manuscript and reasons of self-interest in the Social Contract. This article attempts to understand how the two can be reconciled through the view of citizen religion's contribution to patriotism and fanaticism.
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Babou, Cheikh Anta. "EDUCATING THE MURID: THEORY AND PRACTICES OF EDUCATION IN AMADU BAMBA'S THOUGHT." Journal of Religion in Africa 33, no. 3 (2003): 310–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006603322663523.
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AbstractThe scholarship on the Muridiyya focuses mainly on the examination of the political and economic aspects of the brotherhood. Dominant scholarly interpretations see the organisation as an effective instrument of adaptation to a turbulent period in history. Disgruntled Wolof farmers joined the Muridiyya as a way of adjusting to the new order brought about by the demise of the pre-colonial kingdoms and the establishment of French domination in Senegal, in the second half of the nineteenth century. Since the role of religious innovations and beliefs was considered peripheral in this process of adjustment, not much attention has been devoted to doctrinal and spiritual issues within the brotherhood. Emphasis had been put on the analysis of the socio-political context of the founding of the Murid brotherhood, and the economic and psychological incentives that might have motivated people to join the organisation. In contrast to this interpretation, I conceive of the Muridiyya as the result of a conscious decision by a Sufi shaikh who saw it primarily as a vehicle for religious change, but also for social and political transformation. Education was the principal tool for the realisation of this social change. This article describes and analyses Amadu Bamba's views on educational theory and practices and explores how his Sufi orientation shaped Murid pedagogy. It reveals the centrality of the theme of education in his writings, sermons and correspondence and documents the continuing influence of this education on the Murid ethos.
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Grujic, Petar. "Religious in Kant's cosmology." Theoria, Beograd 47, no. 1-2 (2004): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/theo0402079g.
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Cosmology, as expounded in his treatise Theory of Heavens, was an important Kant's occupation in his precritical period. In contriving his picture of Cosmos and its genesis, young Kant employed arguments from many spheres, from political and theological to speculative and philosophical ones. Here we offer some elements for possible understanding of Kant's cosmology, analyzing these aspects of his Treatise, as well as the influence he had on the posterior cosmological thoughts, up to the modern cosmology.
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Röbel, Marc. "Mut und Partizipation." International Yearbook for Tillich Research 13, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 69–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/iytr-2018-071.
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Abstract With his analysis of courage as a foundational theme of modern existential philosophy, Tillich answers, in “The Courage to Be“: dread, which is a key motif in the thought of Kierkegaard, Heidegger, and Sartre, and which also gains importance in ‘existential America’ at the same time. This essay documents the innovative existential philosophical character of the work under the guidance of the concept of ‘participation.’ The book is much more than a theological bestseller. It is also evidence of the wealth of perspectives of existential thought that reveals insightful ethical and political perspectives beyond the religious and philosophical aspects typical of Tillich.
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Latifah, Ulfiyana, and Agus Mulyana. "Pemikiran Mahbub Djunaidi Tentang Agama dan Politik Pada Tahun 1970-1995." FACTUM: Jurnal Sejarah dan Pendidikan Sejarah 8, no. 1 (September 23, 2019): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/factum.v8i1.20119.
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Mahbub Djunaidi is a thinker figure from Nahdlatul Ulama. When he became a columnist in 1970-1995, many of his thoughts poured in the newspapers. In the article, Mahbub Djunaidi talked about things related to religious and political aspects. This study outlined the question “How was Mahbub Djunaidi’s thought about religion and politics in 1970-1995?” To answer the question, this study used historical methods which consist of the heuristic stage, source criticism, interpretation and historiography as well as the research technique of literature study and interviews with some relevant sources from the problems researched. Based on the results, it could be found that Mahbub Djunaidi was a columnist from the Nahdlatul Ulama circle which in his writing poured many thoughts on religion and politics. His thought towards religion in 1970-1995 discussed many things social life that can not be separated from Ahlussunnah Wal Jama’ah.Whilst his thought about politics discussed many things about the relationship betweenIslam and the state, as well as the relationship between Nahdlatul Ulama and thestate that can not be separated from the democracy school of thought. This research isexpected to be a reference for the next research, so it can present new facts that have notbeen revealed from this research.
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Monshipouri, Mahmood. "Political Science." American Journal of Islam and Society 14, no. 4 (January 1, 1997): 99–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i4.2222.
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Adopting an issue-oriented approach toward understanding Islamic andWestern political thought, Professor Abdul Rashid Moten places these two tradition'swithin historical and contemporary contexts. Moten's book thereby providesa comparative analysis of key issues, including Islamic research methodology,Islamic law, Islamic political and social order, strategies and tactics ofvarious Islamic movements, and the link between Islam and politics.In chapter 1, Moten examines the secular domination of Muslim thought andculture, arguing that secularism was imported into the Muslim world throughthe efforts of a Westernized elite. He adds that no such secular state had everexisted in the Muslim world. This owes much to the fact that there was (is) nocommon ground between Islam and secularism (p. 7). With secularism camenationalism, liberal political institutions, and the pursuit of a capitalist economicsystem. Nationalism, Moten notes, wedged its way into the Muslim world,dividing it into new nation-states and client states (p. 12). Since independence,secularism has failed to meet the socioeconomic and political needs of Muslimsocieties. The rising tide of Islamic revivalism against secular regimes inAlgeria and Turkey demonstrates disenchantment with the shattered secularistdreams in the Muslim world (p. 16).Chapter 2 attempts to scrutinize the inherent link between Islam and politics.The pillars of Islam, Moten writes, go beyond moral and spiritual upliftment;they entail both practical and symbolic significance in all aspects of life. InIslam, ethics sets the tone for politics, and the rules of political behavior originatefrom ethical norms. Political life cannot be separated from the broaderframework of the religious and spiritual life (p. 21 ). Islamic rulers have hardly,if ever, emphasized the separation of religion and politics. Since the nineteenthcentury, Islamic modernists and revivalists have debated the nature of this separation.The reemergence of Islam in Muslim politics and societies in the lastquarter of the twentieth century has pointed to a distinct Islamic order and thereawakening of Muslim identity. Moten cites, among others, Iran and Pakistanas examples of such a renaissance (p. 30). However, he fails to examine the divisiveeffects of lslamization programs in Pakistan (under Zia al-Haqq) and othercountries such as Sudan.The comparison between Western and Islamic methods of political inquiry isthe subject of close scrutiny in chapter 3. Moten maintains that the Islamic conceptionof polity is based on profound religious-cultural grounds and that religionand polity form an organic unity (p. 37). Likewise, ethics and politics are ...
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Rustom, Mohammed. "ʿAyn al-Quḍāt between Divine Jealousy and Political Intrigue." Journal of Sufi Studies 7, no. 1-2 (December 5, 2018): 47–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105956-12341307.
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Abstract Modern scholars have been interested in the great Persian Sufi martyr ʿAyn al-Quḍāt Hamadānī (d. 525/1131) for over six decades. Despite this fact, many aspects of his life and thought still remain terra incognita. Our knowledge of the circumstances surrounding his death is a case-in-point. Although we have a fairly good understanding of the factors which led to ʿAyn al-Quḍāt’s demise, there are other “causes” which simultaneously complement and problematize this understanding. Chief amongst these are the underlying reasons for ʿAyn al-Quḍāt’s critique of the Seljuk government, as well as something which ʿAyn al-Quḍāt saw as a more subtle cause for his death several years before his anticipated state execution.
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Özervarli, M. Sait. "The Reconstruction of Islamic Social Thought in the Modern Period: Nursi’s Approach to Religious Discourse in a Changing Society." Asian Journal of Social Science 38, no. 4 (2010): 532–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853110x517773.
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AbstractIn this article I will analyse the social aspects of Said Nursi’s thought in the context of late Ottoman and modern Turkish intellectual history within the boundaries of social philosophy and theology. I aim to discuss the outcome of Nursi’s work in formulating a live discourse that corresponds to the needs of modern Muslim society in Turkey and around the world. Nursi’s life and thought comprises interesting evidences to comprehend the transition of Muslims in the traumatic period of the two World Wars in the twentieth century and their resistance to the challenges of a new ‘weltanschauung’ and various philosophical ideas, as well as a new political design that tried to reshape society by pursuing a hard-line modernisation process.
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Hamzawy, Hamed Hassan. "Abdalla Al-Nadeem, Pioneer of Patriotism and Civilization in the Modern Egyptian Thought." RUDN Journal of Philosophy 25, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 213–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2302-2021-25-2-213-223.
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Abdullah Al-Nadim (1842-1896) is one of the most important intellectual and political figures in modern Egyptian history. He played a major role in all significant stages of the Egypt nineteenth century. He was called "the orator of the revolution." He left his mark on various aspects of Arab social, political, and cultural life and awareness. So now it is very important to study and analyze his intellectual legacy, especially in contemporary circumstances, in which we see the rise of the new barbarism of various primitive religious Salafism. Abdullah Al-Nadim was one of the fine examples of the free intellectual. He committed to issues of society, national Idea, freedom, and progress. This study aims to trace the emergence and development of political, social, and literary ideas of Abdullah Al-Nadim. In their outcome, these ideas were the outcome of the Egyptian social, political, and national struggle against Ottoman despotism and its ruined remnants in the historical existence at that time. In his research and positions, critical and satirical ideas, precise clarity, depth, and loyalty to the truth and the nation's supreme interests are united. His creativity was a model for critical vision and mockery of the remnants of a collapsing world. He sought in all his works for alternatives to development and social progress, calling for modern civilization and freedom. His defense of women, their rights, and freedom was among the most dramatic at that time. Abdullah Al-Nadim sacrificed himself for these endeavors and goals. But at the same time, he revealed the possibility of synthesizing the poetic spirit and truth in theoretical and practical creativity. They are the issues and aspects that form the focus of this research.
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Boucher, David. "The Enemy with a Thousand Faces: The Tradition of the Other in Western Political Thought and History. By Vilho Harle. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2000. 232p. $59.95." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (March 2002): 182–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305540231431x.
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This book is part of a much larger collaborative project devoted to “Otherness, Identity, and Politics.” It explores an aspect of identity theory, about which the author makes two uncontentious claims: first, that identity is socially and politically constituted and, second, that identity politics predate 1989. By delimiting a theme in Western political thought and history that constructs the “I” and the “thou” in terms of good and evil, the book identifies and delimits a tendency to portray the Other as an enemy, evil incarnate, and dehumanized by a combination of religious and political ideas. The tradition of understanding the Self and the Other as the vehicles of good and evil is reproduced in thought, speech, and action and constitutes a continuous tradition from ancient Iranian Zoroastrianism, through Judaism, Christianity, and Islam.
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Hamid, Ahmad Fauzi Abdul. "The Challenge of Religious Pluralism in Malaysia with Special Reference to the Sufi Thought of Ustaz Ashaari Muhammad." Comparative Islamic Studies 9, no. 1 (September 30, 2015): 9–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v9i1.26766.
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Ustaz Ashaari Muhammad (1937-2010) was a sufi leader best remembered for the controversies surrounding his eschatological teachings which led to the Malaysian government’s banning of his organization, Darul Arqam, in 1994. Loved by admirers but reviled by the state, Ashaari’s influence cut across ethnicity, nationality and religion. While the transnational dimensions of Ashaari’s activities were well-known, aspects of ethno-religious pluralism in his thought, as conveyed in a multitude of written works published independently, have mostly escaped the attention of analysts and casual observers alike. With contemporary Malaysian Islam being invariably understood via ethnically slanted lenses, it would not have occurred to most people that a Malay-Muslim religious personality would actually subscribe to pluralistic conceptions of society which are liable to be interpreted as undermining conceptions of Malay-Muslim hegemony dearly held by the ruling establishment of the day. This chapter seeks to bring to the fore features of Ashaari’s thought which exemplifies integration between Sufism and political realities as conditioned by nation state-defined categories.
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Mannucci, Erica Joy. "The Democratization of Anti-Religious Thought in Revolutionary Times: a Transnational Perspective." Comparative Critical Studies 15, no. 2 (June 2018): 227–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ccs.2018.0290.
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This article focuses on an important cultural aspect of secularization in the French revolutionary period: the circulation of sceptical free-thinking outside the circles of the cultivated few; that is, the democratization of critical knowledge through translations and migrations of texts toward historically new audiences. Examples are given to show what an important political stake this was, even after Bonaparte's Concordat, for many French revolutionary intellectuals, including women writers like Marie-Armande Gacon-Dufour. The article's perspective is transnational: I argue that cultural tradition had always been typically cosmopolitan. And, though the most visible political outcomes of the Revolution were nationalisms, what is more interesting to us today is its cosmopolitan legacy, in its broadest, inter-cultural sense: the way revolutionary culture and authors crossed not only national boundaries, but social and gender barriers as well. The main example here is a case study on the multiple versions of a radical text which appeared in English, French and Italian over at least three generations, from the 1740s to the 1820s. In Italy, a local anti-religious, materialist current emerged publicly for the first time at the end of the eighteenth century, thanks to the partial freedom of expression of the Cisalpine Republic, which gave rise to a series of publishing projects, including both original works and translations. Tracing the story of the translations of Peter Annet's History and Character of Saint Paul Examined, before and after the 1790s, allows us to contextualize the Italian version, based on d'Holbach's French adaptation of the text. The annotated work of a translator calling himself ‘citizen of the world’, it was published in 1798 in Milan, the capital of the Cisalpine Republic, with the eloquent heading ‘Democracy or Death’.
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Lewisohn, Leonard. "An introduction to the history of modern Persian Sufism, Part I: The Ni'matullāhī order: persecution, revival and schism." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 61, no. 3 (October 1998): 437–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00019285.
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Following the political upheavals of 1978, the history and development of Shiite religious thought in modern-day Persia has been the subject of detailed scholarly studies, but the modern development of Sufism—the mystical tradition that lies at the heart of traditional Persian culture, literature and philosophy, which is, from the cultural and literary point of view at least, the most fascinating aspect of the Perso-Islamic religious tradition—remains almost completely uncharted. In contrast to the classical and medieval periods of Persian Sufism which have undergone much scholarly investigation in recent years, the study of the modern period of Iranian tasawwuf, though far better known and documented, has been seriously neglected by scholars.
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Campbell, J. L. "Liberation Theology and the Thought of William Temple: A Discussion of Possibilities." Scottish Journal of Theology 42, no. 4 (November 1989): 513–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600039971.
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Liberation Theology provides a framework of principles through which we can understand God's action in the world. To say that God liberates humanity from enslavement is a way of highlighting one aspect of what it means to say that he loves and cares for us. We, for our part, have to bridge the gap between the theological framework and action. We do this through ethical and political reflection. We recognize God at work liberating humanity, and we respond to that recognition by wanting to share in the work. But, we still have to decide what this particular liberation means, and what are the best, or least evil, ways of attaining it within a particular historical set of circumstances.
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Krukowska, Monika. "Tunezja i Maroko. Oblicza Arabskiej Wiosny." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 2 (November 28, 2014): 25–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2014.2.2.
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Political changes in Northern Africa, known as the Arab Spring, allowed reli‑ gious parties to take over the power. In the paper I analyzed political developments in Tunisia and Morocco in the past two years. Both countries have accepted reform agendas though their implementation brought about different results. In Tunisia the changes were very volatile, deeply interfering with all aspects of public and private spheres. In Morocco, on the opposite, the process was much more gentle, overseen in all aspects by king Mohamed VI. The fact that ruling political par‑ ties have religious roots has influenced the process of reforms and caused serious anxiety. The complexity of the economic, social, and political challenges in both countries hinders the reform process. The tensions between two ways of devel‑ opment (religious and secular) cause controversy and uncertainty which are the subject of this paper.
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Cherenkov, Mychailo. "European and Ukrainian Reformation as History and Project: Dragoman Studies." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 43 (June 19, 2007): 148–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2007.43.1880.
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The European vector of development of modern Ukraine requires a new reconstruction of national history, which in turn makes it possible to make sure: this choice is not a conjuncture, but a completely natural, historically justified, nationally conscious one. Of course, in such a thematization, the question of the European fate of Ukraine coincides not only with political, but also with social, cultural, historical, religious and other aspects of research. It was in such a broad context that Mikhail Drahomanov, the first “Ukrainian European”, thought. However, unlike modern reform theorists of the Soviet school, he considered spiritual and moral-ethical factors to be the most significant.
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Shchipkov, A. V. "Revolution as a Cultural Institute." Orthodoxia, no. 1 (September 4, 2021): 191–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.53822/2712-9276-2021-1-1-191-213.
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The author of this article analyzes the concept of “revolution” and “revolutionism” in the contemporary culture. He defines the latter as one of the most important cultural institutions of modernity and regards it as a continuous and constitutive process in the New Age society, though acting most of the time in a latent form. Although the boundaries of the concept of revolution are extremely broad today, any study inevitably raises the question of the typology of revolutionary processes, to which the orthodox thought could provide an independent answer. Revolutions can be divided into two types. The first type is political revolutions, a change of political regimes. The second includes systemic revolutions, which lead to a change in the global cultural model. The revolution as a historical phenomenon, along with the subject of colonization, emerges from the Enlightenment and Reformation discourses, which replaced the Christian idea of the catechization of peoples. This led to the revolution becoming a reference point for a society that gravitated toward a radical reconstruction of institutions and identities and which was willing to pay a high moral price for it. Attention is paid to the quasi-religious foundations of revolutionary thought and revolutionary action. The results show that a modern society is a society with horizontal dynamics of development, and its social upheavals, often taking a radical revolutionary format, can only use Christian symbolism to disguise non-Christian content. The Soviet culture reproduced elements of religious practice because the new government clearly wanted to create its own rituals, as the deep religiousness of the people called for it. The main objective of this article is to structure and briefly describe the semantics of revolutionism, in which the eschatological, mystery and psychological aspects are highlighted, and the revolutionary ritual of sacrifice is examined. The author concludes that the authentic and truly spiritual alternative to the revolutionary constructivism of modern society includes the religious transformation of a man, as well as theosis and cosmotheosis, which can also change the existing social model.
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Fabretti, Valeria, and Nadia Di Paola. "The Relations Between Religion and Politics in European Education Systems." Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 5, no. 2 (May 27, 2017): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.26811/peuradeun.v5i2.148.
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This paper aims to discuss the role of religion in contemporary European education systems, especially in the realm of social rights. Classical social thinkers of the late 19th and early 20th century all thought that religion would either disappear or become progressively attenuated with the expansion of modern institutions. They understand modernization not to involve the actual disappearance of religion, but perhaps as attenuation and certainly as changing religious forms in relation to other institutions. Studies of the relationship between religion and education in Europe seem to adopt the view that the study of religion is a precondition for tolerance and social awareness of religious diversity, as well as a prerequisite for personal development and social responsibility. Religious education is perceived as part of ‘bildung’ and a presupposition of citizenship education in its broader sense. This position challenges the foundation stones of enlightenment thought as an attempt to distinguish between knowledge and faith or citizenship and congregation. Educational systems, the par excellence institutions of Modernity, represent an interesting example of the peculiar co-existence between tradition and Modernity in European societies. The implications of the persistence of religion within the institutions of Modernity are both epistemological and political. While the foundations of modern knowledge on reason are challenged in several aspects of school knowledge, fundamentalism, nationalism and social exclusion.
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Thompson, T. Jack. "Religion and Mythology in the Chilembwe Rising of 1915 in Nyasaland and the Easter Rising of 1916 in Ireland: Preparing for the End Times?" Studies in World Christianity 23, no. 1 (April 2017): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2017.0169.
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Superficially there are many parallels between the Chilembwe Rising of 1915 in Nyasaland and the Easter Rising of 1916 in Ireland – both were anti-colonial rebellions against British rule. One interesting difference, however, occurs in the way academics have treated John Chilembwe, leader of the Nyasaland Rising, and Patrick Pearse, one of the leaders of the Irish Rising and the man who was proclaimed head of state of the Provisional government of Ireland. For while much research on Pearse has dealt with his religious ideas, comparatively little on Chilembwe has looked in detail at his religious motivation – even though he was the leader of an independent church. This paper begins by looking at some of the major strands in the religious thinking of Pearse, before going on to concentrate on the people and ideas which influenced Chilembwe both in Nyasaland and the United States. It argues that while many of these ideas were initially influenced by radical evangelical thought in the area of racial injustice, Chilembwe's thinking in the months immediately preceding his rebellion became increasingly obsessed by the possibility that the End Time prophecies of the Book of Daniel might apply to the current political position in Nyasaland. The conclusion is that much more academic attention needs to be given to the millennial aspects of Chilembwe's thinking as a contributory motivation for rebellion.
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شكر محمود, خولة. "A Stylistic Analysis of Adjectives in Selected Political and Religious Speeches." Al-Adab Journal 1, no. 122 (December 9, 2018): 17–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31973/aj.v1i122.232.
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Politicians and religious figures usually rely heavily on their linguistic abilities to persuade their audience with their allegations because only through language can they shape their audience thoughts. Since adjectives play an important role in enriching the text, the current study is an attempt to explore their usage in selected political and religious speeches. It tackles three main aspects: first, whether the adjectives occupy attributive or predicative position. Second, whether they describe concrete or abstract nouns. Third, whether comparative or superlative degrees are used or not.
The first speech was delivered by the American president John F. Kennedy in Rice stadium on September 12, 1962. The second speech was delivered by an eminent religious American figure, Dr. Carl F. H. Henry, at the closing banquet of the world Journalism Institute in Asheville on August 20,1999.
Data analysis shows that attributive adjectives are used more than predicatives in the speeches under study. As far as the concrete and abstract adjectives are concerned, the abstract adjectives are more common than concrete adjectives in both speeches but Kennedy prefers concrete adjectives more than Dr. Carl. Concerning the comparative and the superlatives degrees, Kennedy uses more the comparatives and superlatives than Dr. Carl.
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Smith, Charles D. "Intellectual Origins of Islamic Resurgence in the Modern Arab World." American Journal of Islam and Society 13, no. 2 (July 1, 1996): 261–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v13i2.2319.
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Most studies of Islamist resurgence have focused on specific aspects ofthe Islamist political agenda and have sought to identify their intellectualroots in the writings of thinkers from the medieval period of Islamic history.Influenced by Iran’s Islamic revolution, these authors have been concernedprimarily with political Islam. It is rare to find a book that seeks to establishmodem Islamist thought within the context of western critical theoryand indigenous political conditions, or that explains its ideas in light of aconflict between revolutionary discourse and state hegemony. Abu-Rabi”sbook is thus all the more welcome, as it establishes a basis for considerationof Islamist thinkers that will be an essential reference in the fbtwx.The subject of this book is the thought of Sayyid Qqtb, consideredwithin the parameters of Islamic modernism, westernization, orientalism,and the contemporary Islamist response to these factors. Abu-Rabi‘ says heis undertaking an intellectual history of his subject, that of “a popular religiousmovement . . . founded by lay Muslim intellectuals” often at oddswith the traditional political and religious elites. But he considers this questionin light of the “question of continuity and discontinuity in modem Arabthought.” Influenced by Foucault, he argues that the question of epistemologicalacts and thresholds, of conceptual ruptures in the development ofideas, must be countered by the reality of continuities in Islamic thought,by the fact of an ongoing Islamic discourse whose exposition may changeaccording to historical circumstances but whose essence and focus of concernremain constant (pp. 5-6).The idea of continuity and discontinuity is a valuable method for consideringvarious themes in Arab thought, ranging from the liberal thinkersof the nuhdah (renaissance) to both secular and religious Arab responses tothe challenge of colonization and the question of how best could Arab-Islamic societies survive foreign occupation. Essential here is the questionof Arab Muslim “decline,” how and why it occurred, and how this declinemay be reversed. Abu-Rabi‘ surveys a variety of Muslim thinkers to positthree approaches to the relevance of Islamic tradition to the resolution ofthe problem of decline: the rejection of tradition in favor of intellectualstimulus from the West; a conservative approach calling for the “revival of ...
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Asim, Muhammad, Muhammad Akram Zaheer, and Yasmin Roofi. "Constitutional Economics under an Official Thought to be Divinely Guided: Implication on Islamic Republic of Iran." Journal of Islamic Thought and Civilization 10, no. 101 (June 2020): 273–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.32350/jitc.101.15.
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Constitutional economics is an interdisciplinary subject of constitutionalism and economics where political government tries to constitutionalize the economic activities within the state. Although, every political government tries to deal with all the economic aspects during constitutional engineering but, in theocratic states, the supreme religious institution performs the respective task because of having an official thought to be divinely guided. This study comprehensively describes the concept of Vilayat-e-Faqih (introduced by the Imam Khomeni) in Iran, by which, the entire political system including the economic and financial affairs of Iran has become the subjects of Supreme Leader and his Guardian Council. Similarly, articles 20, 21, 26, 27, 28, 29 and 31 of the Iranian constitution emphasize upon economic rights of the nation in general. On the other hand, articles 43, 44, 45, 46, 47 and 48 of the constitution define Iranian economic infrastructure, which is comprised of state, corporate and private sectors.At the same time, articles from 100 to 106 of the constitution focus on the power and authorities of“the councils” at the town, city, district and provincial levels. Moreover,this study also provides constitutional economic analysis of article 05, articles 107 to 112, article 150,and article 176 that exhibits hegemony of Supreme Leader (in consultation with Guardian Council and Revolutionary Guards)regarding looking after, controlling and directing all the economic activities within the state. Furthermore, the study also investigates how and why each constitutional provision is the subject of the post of Supreme Leader (also called Vilayat-e-Faqīh; considered to be divinely guided).
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Mihaely, Zohar. "The place of religiosity after modernity in Buber and Rosenzweig’s approach to Christianity." Theology Today 73, no. 4 (January 2017): 338–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040573616669561.
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When Buber and Rosenzweig conceived their insights about the nature of the relations between Judaism and Christianity, some 80 years ago, the term “interfaith theology” did not exist, yet they can be considered as precursors to this new field in theology that made its first steps in the past two decades in Jewish and Christian scholarship. In the present account I suggest reconsidering this aspect, among others, in Buber and Rosenzweig’s thought, as a potential contribution to a possible solution to the tension between culture and religion in modernity, which radicalized in the last decades in the form of religious and secular extremism. It is not only their unique perception of revelation that creates a new religious language but also their pioneering analysis of religious zealotry as a theological defect (rather than a political problem). That is my main observation: that the similarities between their dialogical approach to Christianity to that of a certain Christian scholarly trend that appeared shortly after them, signifies, in my view, the beginning of a new age in relations between the two religions, which can serve as a model for dealing with ideological conflicts in our age.
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Frenkel, Yehoshuՙa. "Political and Social Aspects of Islamic Religious Endowments (awqāf): Saladin in Cairo (1169–73) and Jerusalem (1187–93)." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 62, no. 1 (January 1999): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00017535.
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The Ayyubid Sultan Salāḥ al-Dīn (Saladin) used the pious endowment (waqf, pl.awqāf; alternativelyḥubs, hubūs, pi.aḥbās) as a major instrument in his efforts to gain political and military control over Egypt and Syria. In pursuit of this aim, he systematically converted properties belonging to his enemies intoawqāf. The present study investigates some of the legal and social aspects of Saladin'swaqfpolicy in the territories conquered by his armies. Here, I examine Saladin's endowment policy and his political aims from the viewpoint of the Sultan and his court. I will not reflect on the motives of the beneficiaries, those people of religion (al-mu῾ammamūn; literally ‘ the turbaned’) who co-operated with him, even though ‘ mingling with the monarch’ (malikorsultān) apparently clashed with some of the principles stipulated in guides for Suḟi novices.
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Sirajuddin, M. "Pelembagaan norma hukum Islam dalamperaturan daerah di Indonesia." Ijtihad : Jurnal Wacana Hukum Islam dan Kemanusiaan 11, no. 1 (June 1, 2011): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijtihad.v11i1.97-109.
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The main problem of this paper is how political policy direction of local government and communityresponse to the institutionalization of norms of Islamic law in Indonesia’s local regulations. This paperuses the theoretical framework of thought which devides three Islamic groups, namely ideologicalIslamic group, moral-ethical Islamic group, and the middle way of Islam. In this paper, the direction ofgovernment policy was oriented towards the third Islamic group’s concept which institutionalizes theShari’a as a rule of formal government, but most of the only aspects of private law only, while theresponse of the majority of the community is oriented in a second Islamic group which requires theinstitutionalization of religious ethical values which the terms of Shari’ah institutionalized in thenational legal system. Therefore, the results of surveys and responses among Indonesian thinkers moreinquire the existence of the institutionalization of norms of Islamic law than accept it. However, if anyshould be institutionalized, they would prefer the public aspects of Shari’a which should be institution-alized and implemented.
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Kasdi, Abdurrohman. "Wasathiyyah Islam as the Road to Moderatism in Indonesia." Al-Albab 8, no. 2 (December 30, 2019): 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v8i2.1356.
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The article aims to explore the implementation of al-wasathiyyah concept as a way towards achieving moderatism, as well as to see the discourse of Islam and moderation in Indonesia. The method is qualitative with religious sociological approach. Religious sociological approach is used because the wasathiyyah concept is tightly tied to the religion and society. The results of the research show that wasathiyyah Islam has the correlation to ethics and moderate traditions which are considered as a form of virtue. Moderate tradition in Islam in Indonesia includes several aspects of life, including: first, moderate in its thought and movement, which is reflected by the belief that is in line with the nature and ibadah that promotes world prosperity. Second, moderate in aqidah that is in line with the fitrah or nature of mankind, including in tolerance, consistence, and balance. Third, moderate in practicing Islamic teachings that is in accordance with human ability and not burdensome. Fourth, moderate in its method (manhaj). Fifth, moderate in reform and ijtihad. Through wasathiyyah Islam, Indonesian muslims are accustomed to a set of thoughts, behaviors, and actions that promote the spirit of moderation. Moreover, Indonesian Muslims are willing to consciously let go of their primordial religious bonds in favor of moderation. Therefore, waasathiyyah Islam is a concrete realization of a socio-political structure that is deeply rooted since the beginning, not a new diction that is used to describe the mindset of a certain group
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Raitt, Jill. "Beza, Guide for the Faithful Life." Scottish Journal of Theology 39, no. 1 (February 1986): 83–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600044677.
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To date, work on Theodore Beza has dealt with his life, his theology, his biblical works, some aspects of his political activity and treatises, and his contribution to literature. Beza as a pastor, as a shepherd of souls concerned for their growth in Christ, has not yet received attention. But it is through such a study that Beza's character becomes known to us. Beza was not merely a skilled diplomatist, an excellent poet, and a devoted professor of the Genevan Academy. As a theologian he defended Calvin's doctrine, developing it as he thought necessary in response to attack or because of a profound insight into the nature of word and sacrament. But at the root of these activities was Beza's own life of faith nourished by Scripture and the Lord's Supper and shared with his flock and his students through a drama, commentaries and sermons, two manuals of prayer, and letters of spiritual advice or consolation.
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Humphreys, Sally C. "Filosofia e religião Grécia: dinâmica de ruptura e diálogo." Classica - Revista Brasileira de Estudos Clássicos 3, no. 3 (January 26, 2018): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24277/classica.v3i3.595.
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One aspect of the problem we have been asked to examine can be formulated in the question: how does it come about, in the 'axial age', that men start to ask whether human social organization and political decisions should be dominated by religious imperatives, and start to compare the claims of differing religious and/or secular accounts of the cosmos. What I propose to do in this paper is to look at the dynamics of this process by analysing the impact on Greek (and especially Athenian) religious thought and practice, and on poetry, of the pressures towards secularization and rationalization wich we can discern in Greek culture in the period between c. 550 and 300 B. C.
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Abramyan, A. S. "Faith, liberty, destiny, and the shaping of early American identity." Moscow State University Bulletin. Series 18. Sociology and Political Science 27, no. 2 (May 31, 2021): 64–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24290/1029-3736-2021-27-2-64-78.
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The discovery of America, which was in itself a fateful event in European history, coincided with the crucial transformations taking place in the religious sphere. The development of printing technology, the creation of national translations of the Bible, the rethinking of the established forms of religiosity — all these innovations contributed to the creation of a special religious and religio-political climate of the era. England, which became one of the most successful colonial powers, was at the same time a country experiencing these religious transformations in an especially profound manner. Having proclaimed its ecclesiastical independence from Rome earlier than many other countries, England became a space for an intensive search for a new religious identity and a melting pot of various proto-messianic concepts. In addition, the competition of these new religious doctrines, existing in the shadow of potential and actual state-sanctioned oppression of dissidents, has created a specific environment that makes the issue of political freedom especially relevant and pertinent to the context of Christianity. Having received additional development in America and combined with an increased spread of the anti-colonial nationalist message, all these ideological streams could give a start to one of the most remarkable aspects of early American socio-political thought and identity, within which liberalism, republicanism, providentialism, messianism, and Christian religiosity are woven into a single composition. The debate about the influence of this ideological complex on the development of American identity and statehood continues to this day, sometimes leading to conflicting assessments. However, it seems that this phenomenon is, in one way or another, a remarkable factor in American history, which, to some extent, remains a relevant topic of discussion for modern America.
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Albo, Moshe. "Al-Azhar Sufism in Post-Revolutionary Egypt." Journal of Sufi Studies 1, no. 2 (2012): 224–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105956-12341237.
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Abstract This article examines the intellectual Sufi voice of the late Shaykh al-Azhar, ʿAbd al-Ḥalīm Maḥmūd (1910–78). Maḥmūd was a devout Sufi and a major propagator of Salafi views in the Egyptian political and social spheres of the 1960s and 1970s. His ideas represented a reassertion of the importance of Islamic law as the basis for the quest for inner spiritual knowing, social activism in the cause of moral reform, and the search for mystical awareness with jurisprudential erudition. His aim was to integrate the exoteric and esoteric aspects of Islam in a way that would strengthen Islamic solidarity in post-revolutionary Egypt. His importance as the head of the religious, theological, and educational center of al-Azhar University and his employment of this post to advance Sufi ideas and beliefs in the public arena through his writings, speeches and fatwas, reveals a multifaceted religious leader who contradicted prevalent dichotomies of much popular writing on Islam and Sufism in the modern era. Maḥmūd’s spiritual belief and his understanding of Islamic jurisprudence complemented each other in a coherent intellectual theory. The combination of jurisprudential thought with a profound spiritual belief was in his eyes natural and necessary in order to promote and revive Islam in post-revolutionary Egypt. This article illuminates another important aspect of Islamic Sufism that challenges the dichotomous patterns that we use in order to interpret the convergence of alleged conflicting religious ideas. It also reveals an important aspect of Islamic Sufism that contributes to a more complex understanding of the institutionalized Islamic voice in post-revolutionary Egypt.
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Hettiarachchi, Shanthikumar. "Sufficiency and Material Development: A Post-secular Reflection in the Light of Buddhist Thought." European Review 20, no. 1 (January 4, 2012): 114–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798711000354.
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The notion of ‘sufficiency consciousness’ is a way of life to be adopted towards attitude change in a world that craves for absolutist secularity and religious dogmatism. The paper explores aspects of sufficiency that could promote material development, and as such require a total attitude change and behaviour remodification of public life. It is obvious that performance-driven targets, accelerated growth, investment and prosperity-driven agenda by market forces alone would lead to a skewed understanding of both the notion of sufficiency and material development. Hence, a proposition for value-based sense of material development, ethical buying and consumption have all become survival strategies for civil society groups and organisations to effect change from within. In the Buddhist scheme of thought, two significant core concepts of wisdom and compassion impact on social change and behaviour. Developing non-material values generated by wisdom and compassion are proposed as a lifelong pursuit in understanding human tendencies such as greed, clinging, and craving to amass wealth and excessive indulgence. Such an approach and an analysis evoke a sense of sufficiency alongside appropriate and sustainable material development. The use of certain economic indexes and other technical data in the paper indicate and symbolise the extent to which material progress is emphasised over and above the non-material. A possible development of an index such as Gross National Happiness (GNH) as proposed by the Thai specialists is included as an alternative to the sole-material-progress-based data discourses. Cultivating oneself with compassion juxtaposed by wisdom challenges all to uphold goodness as part of being human. Opposition to such a view of life and a way of life is problematic in the light of the current phenomena of theatrical performance of violence to redress grievances as well as limitless confidence in economic growth and greedy investment plans. It is a value-laden counterpoint to the zero tolerance that can address the larger socio-political issue of the alterity1 that both help to understand what actually sufficiency means in the array material development. Wisdom becomes a guide to action with compassion, while compassion expands the capacity of wisdom to understand the part and the whole. It is in this interplay of value-tracking that one is able to realise the importance of human activity that can evolve checks and balances, which are imperative to measure material development and social progress. ‘Sufficiency consciousness’ and material development are healthy, vibrant and adaptive aspects for civil society groups as well as other institutions to participate critically in ‘religious affairs’ in a ‘secular realm’ with what life offers. The non-material basis of wisdom and compassion offers a wholesome view of ‘sufficiency consciousness’, which is fundamental to material development, economic activity, political governance, institutional arrangements and campaign strategies, for civil society groups to achieve their potential. Wisdom steers compassion while compassion transforms wisdom in those engaged in human activity, which is both about ‘here’ and the ‘not yet’.
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Roniger, Scott J. "Is there a Punishment for Violating the Natural Law?" American Catholic Philosophical Quarterly 94, no. 2 (2020): 273–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acpq2020312202.
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Is there a punishment for violating the natural law? This important question has been neglected in the scholarship on Thomistic natural law theory. I show that there is a three-fold punishment proper to the natural law; the remorse of conscience, the inability to be a friend to oneself, and the inability to be a friend to another work in concert to provide a natural penalty for moral wrongdoing. In order to establish these points, I first analyze sources of St. Thomas Aquinas’s natural law theory by discussing St. Augustine’s notion of law and fundamental ideas in Aristotle’s political philosophy. Next, I show how Aquinas unites aspects of Augustinian and Aristotelian thought in his treatment of natural law and thereby provides a framework for answering our question. Finally, I turn to Plato’s Gorgias and to Aristotle’s discussion of self-love in order to integrate these ideas with Aquinas’s natural law theory.
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Kapadia, Karin. "Dancing the Goddess: Possession and Class in Tamil South India." Modern Asian Studies 30, no. 2 (May 1996): 423–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00016528.
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Religion in India has always been profoundly politicized, which is why it has remained of enduring importance, instead of ‘withering away’ as in the West. Though its presence is somewhat hidden in parties that profess a secular view, it is of vital importance, at the local village level, as a focus for the organization of political factions. More precisely, even if local political parties in Tamilnadu do not organize around religion, they use religion and ritual events for their political purposes, in their struggles to dominate local politics. The fact that this politicization of religious ritual is implicit, not explicit, only testifies to the fact that power-relationships—and struggles—exist in all aspects of life (as Foucault often noted), including apparently ‘innocent’ rites such as religious possession.
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Supandi, Supandi. "REFORMASI: POLITIK ISLAM DI ERA REFORMASI DI INDONESIA." Al-Ulum Jurnal Pemikiran dan Penelitian ke Islaman 6, no. 2 (July 11, 2019): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31102/alulum.6.2.2019.61-70.
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Pangangan reform has brought many impacts and changes from the education system that are centralized to decentralized, each of which will have far-reaching consequences in the administration of national education. In general, there are several aspects of the political impact of reform on Islamic education, including 1) Law No. 20/2003 also states that Islamic Boarding Schools, Ma'had Ali, Roudlotul Atfal and majlis taklim are also included in the National education system. 2) The birth of a policy of increasing the budget by 20% from the state budget and regional budget, 3) There is a government policy that requires madrasa as a public school characterized by religion, 4) The existence of Islamic education in Indonesia from the Reformation era until now faces various kinds of problems including : 1) The use of classical Islamic thought, 2) The existence of a conceptual crisis or the limitations of knowledge within the Islamic education system itself, 3) The institutional crisis is caused by a dichotomy between educational institutions that emphasizes one aspect of the existing sciences, whether religious sciences or general sciences.
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Ezzat, Azza. "Animals in Human Situations in Ancient Egyptian Ostraca and Papyri." Arts 10, no. 3 (June 22, 2021): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts10030040.
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It has been said that the ancient Egyptians were raised to tolerate all kinds of toil and hardship; they nevertheless also liked to amuse themselves with comic relief in their everyday life. For example, ancient Egyptian drawing can be quite accurate and at times even spirited. What scholars have described as caricatures are as informative and artistic as supposed serious works of art. Ancient Egyptians have left countless images representing religious, political, economic, and/or social aspects of their life. Scenes in Egyptian tombs could be imitated on ostraca (potsherds) that portray animals as characters performing what would normally be human roles, behaviors, or occupations. These scenes reveal the artists’ sense of comedy and humor and demonstrate their freedom of thought and expression to reproduce such lighthearted imitations of religious or funeral scenes. This paper will focus on a selection of drawings on ostraca as well as three papyri that show animals—often dressed in human garb and posing with human gestures—performing parodies of human pursuits (such as scribes, servants, musicians, dancers, leaders, and herdsmen).
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Speidell, Todd Saliba. "The Incarnation as the Hermeneutical Criterion for Liberation and Reconciliation." Scottish Journal of Theology 40, no. 2 (May 1987): 249–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600017555.
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The theology of liberation poses social, hermeneutical, and theological issues when it asks, ‘Who is Jesus Christ for us today?’ The social question of human and political liberation is a matter in which theology cannot remain indifferent, though theology qua theology is not simply social analysis. The hermeneutical question of the influence of social context and ideology on biblical interpretation casts suspicion on methodological naïvety, though theology qua theology is not simply epistemology. Without ceasing to confront the social and hermeneutical aspects of theologizing, liberation theology unavoidably poses the Christological question, ‘Who is Jesus Christ?’
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Berman, Nathaniel. "“IN A PLACE PARALLEL TO GOD”: THE DRAFT, THE DEMONIC, AND THE CONSCIENTIOUS CUBIST." Journal of Law and Religion 32, no. 2 (July 2017): 311–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jlr.2017.30.
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AbstractThe question “What is religion?” has again been roiling the academy, the courts, and public debate. In 1965, the Supreme Court of the United States opined on this question, deciding the fate of would-be conscientious objectors who would not affirm the existence of God. Relying largely on Paul Tillich, the Court ruled in their favor, expanding the notion of “religious belief” beyond its conventional Western confines. This article reexamines the issues raised in this case by exploring the theology of Paul Tillich, particularly its critique of religion as a separate sphere and its challenge to basic tenets of liberal political theory inherited from John Locke. The article, however, also juxtaposes the religion-expanding aspects of Tillich's thought with his strictures about “demonic” distortions of religion, requiring an excursus into Tillich's notions of the divine/demonic relationship. Tillich's rejection of the compartmentalization of “religion” led him to declare that more religious meaning may be found in putatively “secular” artifacts, such as Cubist art, than in conventionally “religious” symbols and institutions, including the Church. This approach both demands a radically interdisciplinary approach to “religion” and casts a skeptical eye on some putatively “religious” claims. The article concludes by juxtaposing Tillich's anti-essentialist critique of “religion” with more recent, and dramatically different, critiques, particularly those advanced by Talal Asad and Saba Mahmood.
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Kubiak, Anthony. "Virtual Faith." Theatre Survey 47, no. 2 (September 12, 2006): 271–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557406000251.
Full textAbstract:
The recent rubs and resistances within the various flows of religious thought and practice in American culture and politics have become near clichés. The impact of right-wing religions on government and cultural policies has been well noted, as have the concomitant attempts to keep religion of all kinds out of politics entirely. Meanwhile, the problematic status of Islam both locally and globally has become a continuous topic of debate, as have the debates over creationism and so-called intelligent design in American schools. These high-profile debates have in turn eclipsed the suspicions of academic leftist thought regarding religious questions of any sort, and this has in turn resulted in an entrenchment of theory—especially political theory—into a kind of religiosity of its own, while various forms of revivalism have signaled the mutation of faith into dogma, most recently the dogma of moderation. Each of these issues, apart from its intrinsic importance and currency, speaks to the practice of religion as a fundamentally philosophical problem of appearances that continues to emerge as a first cause of politics and of culture. The status of religion as a uniquely performative issue will, I think, occupy theorists over the coming years. Indeed, I suggest here that the thinking through of religion and spirituality will necessarily take place along the ontologic fault lines not just of performance but of theatre itself, and will come to delineate the important differences between performance and theatre. Finally, the reappraisal of religion as an ontologically charged theatricality will move into areas far afield from normative spirituality: cyberreligions and technoshamanism, chaos magic and the new alchemies, rave culture and other varieties of hyperinduced trance states.1 Although the focus in these newer forms of performance is almost exclusively on music, sound, and movement, the ultimate goal is the created intensity of a shared performative experience framed by theatrical perception: Artaud is the genius cited by nearly all of the authors of these phenomena. One larger suggestion here, in fact, is the moribund state of current theory, which sees dance culture (techno, hip-hop, electronica, rave), when it sees it at all, almost exclusively in cultural and political terms, ignoring the ecstatic, trance, and transformative aspects of DJ culture at large.2