Academic literature on the topic 'Political aspects of Sea-power'

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Journal articles on the topic "Political aspects of Sea-power"

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Nandyatama, Randy Wirasta. "Beyond Brinkmanship: The Implication of South China Sea Conflicts on China’s Soft Power in Southeast Asia." JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) 7, no. 1 (July 1, 2019): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/jas.v7i1.5684.

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While contemporary scholarly literatures on South China Sea conflicts have been dominated by hard power calculations, some other aspects remain under-researched. Rather underplayed in the existing literature is the question on the political implication of the conflicts on China’s soft power in the region. In responding to this issue, this article tries to carefully investigate the nature of the China’s soft power and the linkage between the increasing Chinese assertive measures in the South China Sea and the foundation of China’s soft power in the region. Through some cases of China’s skirmishes with Southeast Asian countries on the South China Sea between 2009 and 2012, this article argues that Beijing’s increasing hard power measures have induced growing threat perceptions in the region. This very context not only signals a distinct dissonance of Beijing’s image in Southeast Asia but also creates surging discontents and rejections to China’s role and political position in the region. Ultimately, China’s perceived inappropriate hard power measures affect its soft power, particularly in eroding the reputation of being a benign political entity as its source of soft power in Southeast Asia.
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NOVIKOV, Vladimir V. "GEORGIAN ELECTRIC POWER INDUSTRY: POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC ASPECTS." Геоэкономика энергетики 11, no. 3 (2020): 64–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.48137/2687-0703_2020_11_3_64.

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Joshi, Akshay. "The information revolution and national power political aspects‐I." Strategic Analysis 23, no. 5 (August 1999): 763–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700169908455082.

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Joshi, Akshay. "The information revolution and national power: Political aspects‐II." Strategic Analysis 23, no. 6 (September 1999): 1005–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700169908455100.

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Gerasina, L. M. "The ontology of power in political and sociological aspects." Ukrainian Society 2004, no. 2 (May 17, 2004): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/socium2004.02.021.

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Fomichev, A. A. "Political Vector of Northern Sea Route Development." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(42) (June 28, 2015): 122–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-3-42-122-127.

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In this article the author considers the issue of exploitation of Arctic region, especially of NSR. This transport corridor is very important from geopolitical point of view. The future of NSR will be thoroughly considered and the author will pay attention to the political horizons that opens as far as the interest of international community to Arctic rises and socio-economical processes are accelerating. The political institutions which regulate exploitation of NSR, legal framework, estimations of experts from different relevant fields and the problems of exploitation of Arctic region that have emerged on grounds of the current political situation in the world - all these aspects will be considered in the article. The special attention will be paid to the possible Russian self-determined exploitation of Arctic and NSR. Even though there are considerable reserves of natural resources in Arctic, its' capacity does not afford carry out its' active exploitation in short-term. Consequently, its' capacity does not permit exclusion of exploitation of NSR on account of transit route. Saving of the current relations with Western partners and development of opportunities to exploit Arctic region on our own - the main political goals of Russia. Recent events of this year demonstrate two important forces which have an impact on the exploitation of NSR. Firstly, an important role of Russia in international exploitation of Arctic, understanding of that at the international level and interest of foreign partners in cooperation with Russia in Arctic including over the question of NSR despite exacerbation of relation with the West. Secondly, present state of Arctic territories in terms of economics and socio-political aspect does not correspond to the boost of geopolitical power of Russia in Arctic. Western sanctions seriously harm sustainable development of Arctic in short-term. However, they will accelerate political processes in the region in case Russia wants exploit Arctic and take the lead among Arctic states. There is a necessity to overcome the technological and economical lag from the West, to create better infrastructure along the coast of the Arctic Ocean, to attract human resources in High North, to increase the government support of business in Arctic.
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Theilmann, John M. "Political Canonization and Political Symbolism in Medieval England." Journal of British Studies 29, no. 3 (July 1990): 241–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385959.

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Political legitimacy was a shifting concept in medieval England. On the one hand were the tangible aspects of power such as control over appointments and the purse; on the other were the symbolic attributes of power. Baronial rebels were able to gain control over the material aspects of political power on more than one occasion, and they also tried to establish control over the symbolic aspects of legitimacy. Here, they usually failed, for medieval people generally failed to accept baronial use of political symbols as legitimating future developments. Monarchs, on the other hand, were more successful in exploiting the symbolic aspects of kingship to further legitimate their power.The simultaneous success and failure of royal and baronial efforts at establishing legitimacy bear further scrutiny. After viewing the problem of the establishment of legitimacy, this essay focuses on two related episodes during the reign of Richard II: the attempted canonizations of King Edward II and Richard FitzAlan, earl of Arundel. Richard II's reign is chosen for three reasons. First, there was a clearly articulated struggle between king and barons that was fought out in both the physical and symbolic arenas. Second, the process of political canonization produced a royal and a baronial saint during the reign. Although not premeditated on either side, there was a conjunction of events and a desire by the king and the barons to manipulate the symbolic aspects of these events during the reign. The final reason for subjecting saintly symbolism in Richard's reign to examination is that the process of political canonization reached its zenith then.
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Gladysh, Marianna, Oksana Krayevska, and Oksana Holovko-Havrysheva. "Baltic-Black Sea Region as a Resilient Region: Political and Security Aspects." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 13 (December 31, 2020): 159–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2020.1.10.

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The conceptual bases of resilience in modern political science are analyzed, including the key conceptual approaches that are used in academic studies for understanding the policy of resilience, characterizing the reaction of subjects to stress or threat of any kind and origin. The concept of resilience is applied to analyze the cooperation among the Baltic-Black Sea countries as a regional interaction model which should be formed in order to reduce or avoid security crises. The Baltic-Black Sea countries have developed and formed strong ties in different dimen­sions among one another, opening an opportunity for intellectual adventures in the area of the conceptualization of their interaction modes under the regional cooperation frameworks. Based upon the analyzed doctrinal views and available documentary backgrounds on resilience in the UN and the EU, the possible visions and scenarios for the creation of the Baltic-Black Sea region as a resilient one are given. The existing and potential obstacles to cooperation in the region are highlighted. The main threats and challenges for the Baltic-Black Sea region at present are investigated.
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Frazer, Elizabeth J. "The diversity of tactics: Anarchism and political power." European Journal of Political Theory 18, no. 4 (March 10, 2016): 553–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885115627558.

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This review essay focusses on Gelderloos's normative theory of diversity of tactics. The book is worth serious attention by political theorists because of its sustained analysis of violence, nonviolence, tactics and strategy, but the normative theory fails. The essay endorses Gelderloos's nuanced analysis of the violence-nonviolence distinction and aspects of his account of tactics-strategy-goals. But the concepts ‘state' and ‘politics' are both treated by him in an overly simple way. Although aspects of his account show how complex any state-society distinction is, in other contexts he suggests that it is easy for actors to divide state enemies from oppressed society friends. He rejects politics as the capture of state power for dominating and self-interested purposes, and dismisses all other aspects of political power, institutions and relationships. He thereby denies any role for politics in the sustainability of the anarchist activism he wishes to defend and endorse. In particular his disavowal of any political power base to coalitions, means that coalitional action can only be depicted as evanescent and episodic, while anarchist action is premissed on putting fellow actors who are not comrades beyond the realm of care of concern.
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Prokhorenko, I., and M. Strezhneva. "Power and Administration in the EU: Organizational Aspects." World Economy and International Relations, no. 6 (2011): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-6-3-14.

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The session of the IMEMO Academic Council dealt with the topic “Power and administration in the EU: organizational aspects”. The keynote speaker was Mrs. M.V. Strezhneva, the head of IMEMO’s sector of institutional problems of international relations, Doctor of Political Sciences. The session was moderated by Mr. A.A. Dynkin, Director of IMEMO, Academician of RAS. The discussion of the report was participated by IMEMO researchers: Mrs. N.I. Ivanova, Corresponding member of RAS, Mr. V.G. Baranovskii, Corresponding member of RAS, Mr. I.V. Kostikov, Doctor of Economics, Mr. A.V. Kuznetsov, Doctor of Economics, Mr. S.P. Peregudov, Doctor of History, Mr. K.V. Voronov, Cand. Sci. (Econ.), Mrs. E.S. Gromoglasova, Cand. Sci. (Political Sciences), Mrs. I.L. Prohorenko, Cand. Sci. (Political Sciences) as well as Mrs. O.V. Butorina, Doctor of Economics, the head of chair and advisor to MGIMO Rector, Mr. A.S. Linnikov, Cand. Sci. (Law), associate professor of the Moscow State Academy of Law. MEMO Journal proposes an abbreviated summary of the keynote report and the discussion to the attention of the readers.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political aspects of Sea-power"

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Benke, Ildiko. "Power and energy geopolitical aspects of the transnational natural gas pipelines from the Caspian Sea basin to Europe /." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FBenke.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.
Thesis Advisor(s): Tsypkin, Mikhail ; Second Reader: Lober, George. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Natural gas, transportation routes, pipelines, power rivalry, energy demand, energy resources, energy policy, energy security, post-Cold war era, Caspian Sea basin, Russian periphery, geopolitical, littoral states, political instability. Includes bibliographical references (p. 53-56). Also available in print.
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Smellie, R. L. "Political and governmental aspects of major technological risks." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234228.

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Idema, Timo. "Brain power : the political economy of higher education." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1f92e1b3-ddfa-4467-a36e-8ea3273b7e7e.

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This dissertation disputes conventional interpretations of the comparative political economy literature on higher education. In particular, I challenge the common assumption that access to higher education is structured by income. Instead, based on insights from the relevant psychology, sociology and economics literature, I argue that a child's probability of entering higher education is predominantly a function of her abilities, and that her abilities are strongly related to her parents' level of education. I develop a theory of the distributive politics of higher education solidly grounded in this relationship. The result of this model is the counter intuitive hypothesis that the initial expansions of higher education benefit the children of more highly educated parents. Moreover, more highly educated families are the net beneficiaries of free higher education and generous subsidies. Extensive survey evidence from Britain, Australia, Canada and Sweden of higher education policy preferences confirms this picture of the politics of higher education as a zero-sum distributive game between highly and lesser educated families. In order to analyse the consequences of these preference patterns for higher education policy, I develop a theoretical and empirical measure of voting power for multi-party systems. Voting power measures how many votes a party stands to gain from converting and mobilising voters by distributing resources from one group to another. Using data from 15 EU countries, I show that parliaments and cabinets, on average, stand to win more votes from pleasing highly educated voters than from targeting less educated voters. Furthermore, the conversion imperative is much stronger than the mobilisation imperative. Statistical analyses show that variations in the voting power of highly educated individuals over the government help to explain variations in higher education policy across countries and within countries over time. All in all, the theoretical and empirical analyses presented in this dissertation represent a significant contribution towards understanding the specific distributive politics of higher education, and the political economy of redistribution more generally.
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Bond, Sophie, and n/a. "Participation, urbanism and power." University of Otago. Department of Geography, 2008. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20080404.152556.

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This thesis explores how an adherence to professional principles can be reconciled with a commitment to inclusive participatory planning processes in urban governance. Two themes are drawn together. First, the study concerns recent shifts in thinking about public participation that have resulted in innovative approaches to engaging citizens in urban governance processes through deliberative, interactive workshops and forums. Second, the study focuses on power relations that are inherent in such forums, particularly when a variety of different knowledges (expert and lay) interact. The two themes are brought together by focusing on the participatory practices of the urbanist movement - an urban form movement that draws specific principles from the urbanism of traditional towns and cities in order to create socially and environmentally sustainable places. Within urbanist participation, professional principles for the built environment and a commitment to a form of deliberative democracy are combined. In this study, the crucial question asked is: what is the nature and effect of the power relations on the democratic character of public involvement in participatory planning processes? To explore this issue, two urbanist Enquiry by Design processes were selected as retrospective case studies. One case involved a regeneration project for an inner urban area of a north England industrial town, while the other case involved a greenfield urban extension in the south west of England. The empirical research, undertaken in mid 2005, comprised 52 semi-structured interviews, analysis of extensive background material, and site visits. Research participants were selected to capture a range of perspectives and experiences of each process. To understand the power relations in the cases a two pronged approach was taken. The study was informed by literature from communicative planning theory and deliberative democracy. From this literature, an Ethic for Communicative Participation was developed as a heuristic device to evaluate urbanist participation. Concomitantly, to understand the nature of the power relations involved in the deliberative forum, the study employed a discourse theory perspective after Laclau and Mouffe (2001). Thus, power was understood as relational and imbricated within all social relations, while conflict was conceived of as an indicator of power. The study found that the urbanist discourse, as a hegemonic project, had a significant effect on the nature of the participatory processes. In disseminating and instituting a particular vision for urban sustainability, the urbanist participatory process was found to be instrumental to realising the urbanist vision in each locality. As such, the cases studied displayed a thin commitment to democracy. Moreover, the discursive constructions of concepts of community, representation, consensus and participation evident in the cases, exposed a unified and homogeneous understanding of social groups. Consequently, the complexity of power relations and conflict inherent in the processes were bracketed, resulting in the exclusion of certain perspectives. Nevertheless, the study illustrated the value in understanding the inherently antagonistic nature of the public sphere for both research and practice. The study supported emerging claims for a democratic politics in which antagonism is transformed into agonism - a space of reciprocity and mutual respect in which contestations over meanings can be articulated. In the cases, the participatory space allowed participants to challenge the hegemonic nature of the dominant discourses. Therefore, the thesis argues for two important ways to rethink power in both theory and in practice. First, there must be a willingness to engage with conflict and power. Second, there must be an interrogation of claims to unity or collectivity. Understanding the public sphere as inherently antagonistic, heterogeneous, and criss-crossed with complex power relations potentially provides conditions in which hegemonic forces can be contested. An agonistic politics has the potential to facilitate the open contestation of different knowledges and transform the dominant power relations such that an enhanced democracy can ensue.
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Diamond, Jeff Barja. "Theatricality and power : politics and "play-acting" in the European Renaissance." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=39319.

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In and around the princely courts of Europe, Renaissance humanists drew upon the teachings of classical antiquity, often reinterpreting them to suit their own intellectual and ethical needs. One such need concerned balancing notions of achievement predicated upon gaining others' favor, with ideals of constancy and integrity. Evidence of this dilemma can be found in the works of Niccolo Machiavelli, Desiderius Erasmus, Thomas More, and Michel de Montaigne. In each of these cases, the attachment to differing conceptions of accomplishment and human dignity resulted in contradictions in their writings, and in their lives.
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Slaughter, Steven 1970. "Public power in a global age : a critical analysis of liberal governance." Monash University, School of Political and Social Inquiry, 2002. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8712.

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Chung, Wah-fan Raymond, and 鍾華勳. "Electronic road pricing: speaking truth to power." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42575849.

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Rothkegel, Lisa. "The power of power : regime dynamics and the Southern African power pool." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/79984.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Electricity is the key to economic growth and numerous aspects of human development. Africa’s installed generation capacity is dire, alongside it being the biggest funding backlog the power sector. There is however hope with the projection that to date, only 7% of this power potential has been harnessed. The increased acknowledgement of the importance of electricity for states to improve along with the knowledge that the capacity is there, has driven states within Southern Africa, to engage in increased and committed cooperation with one another. Within the greater vision of regional integration of the Regional Economic Communities (RECs) in Africa, energy was one of the first formal cooperative arrangements of the Southern African Development Community (SADC), which is the region this study will be focusing on. The form of electricity cooperation adopted was that of the Southern African Power Pool (SAPP), which is geared at increasing cross-border electricity trade and ensuring secure and reliable supply to its members. The study investigates the formation of an electricity regime within Southern Africa, by using the Southern African Power Pool as a case study. In order to properly assess the development of the SAPP, regime theory will be used. An analytical framework, derived from different studies around regime theory has been constructed. This framework assists in the analysis of the formation and evolution of the SAPP, which facilitates the assessment of the type of regime which has emerged, and guides a sound analysis around the degree of the electricity regimes effectiveness. Given the process of formation and characteristics underlying the SAPP, it has been found that it falls within the category of a negotiated regime. The analytical framework provided clear guidelines in assessing the degree of effectiveness regarding the case study at hand. After an analysis of the historical and organisational functioning of the regime - it can be argued that the SAPP is a stable and effective regime, at least on paper. It however faces various challenges, which have constrained its efficient functioning. It is concluded that members of the regime are committed to the SAPP’s continued development despite the problems identified.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Elektrisiteit is die sleutel tot ekonomiese groei en baie ander aspekte van menslike ontwikkeling. Afrika se geïnstalleerde opwekkingskapasiteit is net so nypend soos die feit dat dit die grootste befondsing agterstand in die kragvoorsiening sektor is. Daar is egter hoop met die projeksie dat, tot op datum, slegs 7% van hierdie kragpotensiaal benut word. Die toenemende erkenning van die belang van elektrisiteit vir state om vooruit te gaan, gepaard met die wete dat die kapasiteit beskikbaar is, het state binne suider Afrika gedryf om hulle tot toenemende en volgehoue samewerking met mekaar te verbind. Binne die groter visie vir streeksintegrasie van die Streek se Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe (SEG) [Regional Economic Communities (REC)] in Afrika, was energie een van die eerste formele korporatiewe akkoorde van die Suider Afrikaanse Ontwikkelings Gemeenskap (SAOG) [Southern African Development Community (SADC)], wat die streek is waarop hierdie studie sal fokus. Die vorm wat elektrisiteit samewerking aangeneem het, was die Suider Afrika Krag Poel (SAKP) [Southern African Power Pool (SAPP)], wat aangepas is om elektrisiteithandel oor grense heen te bevorder en veilige, asook betroubare lewering aan die lede te verseker. Hierdie studie ondersoek die totstandkoming van ’n elektrisiteit ‘regime’ binne suider Afrika deur die SAKP as ’n gevalle studie te gebruik. Om die ontwikkeling van die SAKP behoorlikte asesseer, sal die regime teorie gebruik word. ’n Analitiese raamwerk, wat afgelei is van verskeie studies met betrekking tot regime teorie, is dus saamgestel. Hierdie raamwerk help met die analise van die totstandkoming en evolusie van die SAKP wat die asessering van die tipe regime, wat ontstaan het, vergemaklik en dit rig ook ‘n streng analise met betrekking tot die graad van effektiwiteit van die elektrisiteit regimes. Gegewe die proses van totstankoming en die eienskappe onderliggend aan die SAKP, is daar bevind dat dit binne die kategorie van ’n onderhandelde regime val (negotiated regime). Die analitiese raamwerk het duidelike riglyne voorsien om die effektiwiteitsgraad, met betrekking tot die gevallestudie, te assesseer. Na ’n analise van die historiese en organisatoriese funksionering van die regime – kan mens aanvoer dat die SAKP, ten minste op skrif, ’n stabiele en effektiewe regime is. Dit staar egter verskeie struikelblokke in die gesig, wat die effektiewe funksionering beperk. Daar kan egter afgelei word dat die lede van die regime toegewyd is tot die volgehoue ontwikkeling van die SAKP, ten spyte van die probleme wat geïdentifiseer is.
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Le, Billon Philippe. "Power is consuming the forest : the political ecology of conflict and reconstruction in Cambodia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9dd5daa2-704c-4909-850a-d4d64294cce3.

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The broad aim of this research is to further our understanding of the incorporation of nature into socio-political processes of transition within countries at war. The concomitant capitalist production of nature and construction of political power is examined through the case of forest exploitation in Cambodia. The thesis draws on political ecology, sociological theories of power, and political economic theories of commodity chains to explain the apparent failure of both the Cambodian government and the international community to employ logging revenues as a positive factor for 'peace and reconstruction'. The main period of study extends from 1987 to 1998, during which Cambodia's protracted civil war ended. Timber represented over that period close to half of Cambodia's export earnings. However, this revenue largely escaped official taxation and reportedly fuelled the conflict, broadened wealth disparities, and deepened an environmental crisis. Rather than fully subscribing to this 'politics of plunder' story-line, this thesis examines the complexities of forestry practices, and flows of logging revenue, and analyses their relationship with the construction of political power throughout the process of transition. This construction of political power is interpreted through a neopatrimonial model in which social actors' politico-economic strategies both influence, and are influenced by the transition process. In Cambodia during the period of study, these strategies reinforced a 'shadow state' politics, through which the political elite, in part responding to the demands of international markets and the political challenge of the UN-sponsored peace process, consolidated its power by reorganising productive networks outside formal governance. In turn, domestic and international actors through both discursive and material practices resisted these strategies. The case of logging in Cambodia is thus interpreted as a contested process of transforming nature and incorporating space into 'productive networks', as part of a broader political economy of power.
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Duo, Zhiqun Christine. "The political economic analysis of Guangzhou Daily Newspaper Group under power resources model : a case study." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2002. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/448.

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Books on the topic "Political aspects of Sea-power"

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James, Cable. The political influence of naval force in history. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998.

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Géopolitique des océans: L'Eldorado maritime. Paris: Ellipses, 2012.

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Modelski, George. Seapower in global politics, 1494-1993. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan Press, 1988.

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Modelski, George. Seapower in global politics, 1494-1993. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1988.

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Midwest Alliance in Nursing. Program Meeting. Marketing, nursing, political power. Indianapolis, IN: The Alliance, 1986.

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Political globalization: State, power and social forces. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003.

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Media and power. London: Routledge, 2002.

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Bartra, Roger. Agrarian structure and political power in Mexico. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993.

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Agrarian structure and political power in Mexico. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins U. P., 1993.

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The exploding political power of personal media. Norwood, N.J: Ablex Pub., 1992.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political aspects of Sea-power"

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Basu, Dipak, and Victoria W. Miroshnik. "Geopolitical Aspects of Nuclear Power." In The Political Economy of Nuclear Energy, 23–33. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27029-2_3.

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Basu, Dipak, and Victoria W. Miroshnik. "Economic Aspects of Nuclear Power." In The Political Economy of Nuclear Energy, 35–42. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27029-2_4.

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Eidemüller, Dirk. "Economic, Ecological and Political Aspects of Nuclear Energy." In Nuclear Power Explained, 139–54. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-72670-6_7.

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Zalibekov, Zalibek G. "Biological Aspects of Caspian Sea Level Rise." In Scientific, Environmental, and Political Issues in the Circum-Caspian Region, 131–37. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-5502-1_12.

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Vasilenko, Ekaterina, and Ekaterina Bliznetskaya. "International Environmental Law and Law of the Sea: Analysis of Legal and Political Aspects of Institution Interaction." In Sustainability and Law, 519–39. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-42630-9_26.

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Cooper, Leo. "The Domestic Aspect and New Economic Realism." In The Political Economy of Soviet Military Power, 99–124. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-10433-8_6.

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Nowotny, Ewald. "Politische Aspekte der Vollbeschäftigung — Heute." In Economic Theory, Political Power and Social Justice, 455–76. Vienna: Springer Vienna, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-7091-8896-5_24.

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Kallio, Alexis Anja. "Doing Dirty Work: Listening for Ignorance Among the Ruins of Reflexivity in Music Education Research." In The Politics of Diversity in Music Education, 53–67. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-65617-1_5.

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AbstractRecent research in music education has emphasized the importance of reflexive approaches in unsettling the concept of a neutral, objective researcher and critically considered the ways in which cultural others are represented in research texts. Seen to enhance both the rigor and ethical dimensions of research practice, reflexivity has emerged as a hegemonic virtue, highlighting the inherently political aspects of research practice. In this chapter, I interrogate the politics of inquiry involved in reflexive research, considering the ways in which reflexivity may afford the researcher methodological power and hinder relational and responsible work. Reflexivity is thus positioned as a ruin: perpetually reaffirming the benevolence of the already-privileged researcher while doing little to disrupt the structures that keep such privileges at the center of academic practice. However, rather than abandoning such practices altogether, I suggest that reflexivity might be better considered as a way to listen for ignorance and direct attention toward ontological or epistemological difference. In this way, reflexivity serves as an invitation to engage in the politics of diversity through the transformation of researchers themselves.
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Jarty, Julie, and Karina Batthyány. "Recent Evolutions of Gender, State Feminism and Care Models in Latin America and Europe." In Towards a Comparative Analysis of Social Inequalities between Europe and Latin America, 361–85. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48442-2_12.

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AbstractThis chapter presents and characterises the way in which, in the twenty-first century, after years of feminist struggles inside and outside of institutions, gender relations are organised in the different countries of the INCASI project (on the European side, Spain, Italy, Finland, France and the United Kingdom, on the side of the South American Southern Cone, Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Uruguay). It pays special attention to the implementation of feminist issues on political agendas, and in particular the assignment of women to unpaid care work—an aspect of the power continuum that we look to relate to other aspects. Gradually and for almost a century all countries in both continents have granted women the status of subjects, citizens and employees. However, the conditions, challenges and timelines of this process differ considerably from one continent to another, so they need to be addressed separately. The neoliberal era did not have the same impact in Europe as it did in South America (nor was it exactly the same between particular European countries or among South American ones).
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Alahmed, Anas. "Political Information, Political Power, and People Power." In Advances in Human and Social Aspects of Technology, 1–25. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-6066-3.ch001.

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This chapter explores the concept of new media in the Arab world and how politics in the information age has changed Arab politics and moved citizens to the streets. However, the evolution of new media social networks and the cause of political information in particular during the revolution is not studied alone. In fact, the evolution of the Arab Spring and the effects of new media social networks are taken into account by exploring how politics in the information age has influenced Arab citizens and allowed them to use information for the greater good and established such a new social movement. This chapter takes the Arab Spring as a case study and an empirical example to understand the transnational protests and global movements, the concept of global media and global politics in the case of the Arab Spring, new media and new politics regarding the Arab Spring, and city and street and public sphere as people power in the information age. Finally, the chapter distinguishes between the new social movements through social networks and the roles of ICTs to aim revolution and whether such a revolution will erupt without new media social networks.
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Conference papers on the topic "Political aspects of Sea-power"

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Aseev, Alexander, Marat Vernichenko, Nikolay Sokolov, Alexander Turovsky, and Dmitry Filimonov. "Problem aspects of the state consistency of unrecognized polity in scientific research and political practice." In Proceedings of the International Conference on Man-Power-Law-Governance: Interdisciplinary Approaches (MPLG-IA 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/mplg-ia-19.2019.68.

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Hassan, Osman. "The constitutional and legal framework for the institutionalization of the Kurdistan Regional Parliament." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp251-276.

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This research is discussing on the institutionalizing case of Kurdistan Region entity and Kurdistan Parliament as the primary power in its parliamentary political system in the state institutionalizing framework. This insight gives us the opportunity that institutionalization case through state forming module, development and dissolving based on the institutionalization theory should be considered. In this situation, we need to fcus on the most powerful political body in the Region which is the. parliament and its institutionalization framework. The research discusses power and its role with duties to achieve the obligations through the constitutional law and its norms with the tools to facilitate and run its duties. Thus, the main obstacles facing the institutionalization of the Parliament will be known, while the parliament is highly considered by civilians and people of Iraqi Kurdistan.
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Mohammed Ameen, Peshraw. "the presidential and the semi-presidential system." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp152-163.

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In this research we dealt with the aspects of the presidential system and the semi-presidential system, and he problematic of the political system in the Kurdistan Region. Mainly The presidential system has stabilized in many important countries, and the semi-presidential concept is a new concept that can be considered a mixture of parliamentary and presidential principles. One of the features of a semi-presidential system is that the elected president is accountable to parliament. The main player is the president who is elected in direct or indirect general elections. And the United States is a model for the presidential system, and France is the most realistic model for implementing the semi-presidential system. The French political system, which lived a long period under the traditional parliamentary system, introduced new adjustments in the power structure by strengthening the powers of the executive authority vis-à-vis Parliament, and expanding the powers of the President of the Republic. In exchange for the government while remaining far from bearing political responsibility, and therefore it can be said that the French system has overcome the elements of the presidential system in terms of objectivity and retains the elements of the parliamentary system in terms of formality, so it deserves to be called the semi-presidential system. Then the political system in the Kurdistan Region is not a complete parliamentary system, and it is not a presidential system in light of the presence of a parliament with powers. Therefore, the semi-presidential system is the most appropriate political system for this region, where disputes are resolved over the authority of both the parliament and the regional president, and a political system is built stable. And that because The presence of a parliamentary majority, which supports a government based on a strategic and stable party coalition, which is one of the current problems in the Kurdistan region. This dilemma can be solved through the semi-presidential system. And in another hand The impartiality of the head of state in the relationship with the government and parliament. The head of state, with some relations with the government, can participate in legislative competencies with Parliament.
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Baranov, Nikolay. "POLITICAL ASPECTS OF DIGITALIZATION: THE CHOICE BETWEEN SECURITY AND FREEDOM IN THE GLOBAL WORLD." In Globalistics-2020: Global issues and the future of humankind. Interregional Social Organization for Assistance of Studying and Promotion the Scientific Heritage of N.D. Kondratieff / ISOASPSH of N.D. Kondratieff, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.46865/978-5-901640-33-3-2020-268-273.

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The article analyses the dichotomy of modern people’s choice in the context of the ample opportunity provided by information technology, and on the other hand, threats related to the invasion of privacy and offences. Social response to the choice of priority depends on political and cultural perception of the political reality, which was formed with the direct participation of power structures and which is shared by the majority of the population.
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Galiullina, Svetlana, Bigaysha Akhmetova, Svetlana Shalagina, Kenesar Koyshe, Zhanna Abregova, Bolat Kaliev, and Zhibek Issayeva. "Transformation of political processes 'power – media -society' under the influence of information and communication technologies: theoretical aspects." In Proceedings of the International Conference on Man-Power-Law-Governance: Interdisciplinary Approaches (MPLG-IA 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/mplg-ia-19.2019.73.

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Mancini, Francesco Maria, and Tanja Glusac. "Void of Power." In 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.6172.

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The history of built environment reflects the rise and fall of political systems, their conflicts, social contradictions and ultimately, the state of being of particular civic societies over time. Former symbols of power, such as ancient monuments, palaces and churches still express their symbolic, economic, cultural and political value which constituted in different ages the motivation for their being. Today these are replaced by new symbols of contemporary economic forces which through skyscrapers express global tendency and power shifts. While such edifices are recognizable embodiments of power and political systems of their time, less visible, yet equally potent, are the shifts and voids in power relations. To fully comprehend the role of architecture in expressing and supporting power structures, it is important to question the concept of architecture as a mere act of presence (construction) and consider instead the void and its complementary aspects: absence, erasure and ideological need for demolition, as expressions of power. This paper considers power within the parameters of void, which extend beyond the notion of “tabula rasa” that has characterized many urban transformations. By considering the emblematic case of Via dell’ Impero, analyzing various ‘iconic’ works of architecture for their role in expressing power of institutions and individuals, and identifying dispersion as an underhanded way of exercising power, this paper proposes a more complex reading of urban transformations. It offers moments of reflection and a shift in research focus in terms of how the void is used today to express and support present power relations.
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Abdullah, Khamosh. "The impact of the absence of the constitution of the Kurdistan region on extending the term limits of the legislative and executive authority." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp123-140.

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Legislative and presidential power, and the center of the constitution in all political systems, after presidential elections. This period has been suspended for a long time. However, it is possible for the institutions that can do this, because there is a constitution in their vicinity, for the exemplary assembly that can be done by the institution that can do this easily, by opening the door to extension, what happened . Actually in the region. To do the constitution by the constitution
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Jedani, Tony. "Case Study on the Role of Socio-Technical Influences on the Implementation and Success of Nuclear Power in France." In 12th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. ASMEDC, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone12-49016.

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To fully understand a technological development one must appreciate social, political and economic factors in addition to the technological components (Hughes, 1991). The systems perspective, asserted by Hughes, implies that technologies cannot be understood in isolation, but only in their contexts, especially in their systemic contexts. This theory is illustrated through an examination of France’s implementation of its nuclear power program in the early 1970’s. Nuclear power provided France with the opportunity to achieve energy independence and, as a result, political control over its energy supply. The scope of this case study is limited to consideration of the socio-technical influences on the rise of nuclear power in France and includes an examination of the technical aspects of the innovation. In considering the socio-technical system encompassing France’s adoption of nuclear power, this case study will contemplate: how France was able to persuade its people to accept nuclear power; what it is about French culture and politics that allowed them to succeed where most other countries have failed; the break throughs that led to the broad commercialisation of nuclear power in France in the 1970’s; and how France achieved its status as one of the world’s top producers of nuclear energy. The time period during which this study is based is limited to the early 1970’s, when France was reliant upon external energy supplies, up until the present day, where nuclear power has become France’s main source of energy, thus contributing to France’s autonomy in terms of its energy supply. This study will not address the issue of nuclear waste or the nuclear power safety debate which is also beyond the scope of this study.
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Irfan, Mohammad T., and Tucker Gordon. "The Power of Context in Networks: Ideal Point Models with Social Interactions." In Twenty-Eighth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-19}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2019/858.

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Game theory has been widely used for modeling strategic behaviors in networked multiagent systems. However, the context within which these strategic behaviors take place has received limited attention. We present a model of strategic behavior in networks that incorporates the behavioral context, focusing on the contextual aspects of congressional voting. One salient predictive model in political science is the ideal point model, which assigns each senator and each bill a number on the real line of political spectrum. We extend the classical ideal point model with network-structured interactions among senators. In contrast to the ideal point model's prediction of individual voting behavior, we predict joint voting behaviors in a game-theoretic fashion. The consideration of context allows our model to outperform previous models that solely focus on the networked interactions with no contextual parameters. We focus on two fundamental questions: learning the model using real-world data and computing stable outcomes of the model with a view to predicting joint voting behaviors and identifying most influential senators. We demonstrate the effectiveness of our model through experiments using data from the 114th U.S. Congress.
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Yoshikawa, Hidekazu. "A Proposal on Ultimate Safety Disposal of High Level Radioactive Wastes." In 2013 21st International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone21-15117.

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The ultimate disposal of high-level radioactive waste (HLW) becomes a hard issue for sustainable nuclear energy in Japan especially after Fukushima Daiichi accident. In this paper, the difficulty of realizing underground HLW disposal in Japanese islands is first discussed from socio-political aspects. Then, revival of old idea of deep seabed disposal of HLW in Pacific Ocean is proposed as an alternative way of HLW disposal. Although this had been abandoned in the past for the reason that it will violate London Convention which prohibits dumping radioactive wastes in public sea, the author will stress the merit of seabed disposal of HLW deep in Pacific Ocean not only from the view point of more safe and ultimate way of disposing HLWs (both vitrified and spent fuel) than by underground disposal, but also the emergence of new marine project by synergetic collaboration of rare-earth resource exploration from the deep sea floor in Pacific Ocean.
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Reports on the topic "Political aspects of Sea-power"

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Javed, Umair, Aiza Hussain, and Hassan Aziz. Demanding Power: Contentious Politics and Electricity in Pakistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.047.

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This paper explores Pakistan’s electricity supply crisis that lasted from 2007 to 2015, and the ensuing contention that shaped public discourse and political events in the country. During this period, which witnessed electricity outages of up to 14 hours per day, 456 incidents of contention took place, with just under 20 per cent escalating into some form of violence. Electricity became the number one political issue in the country and was integral in shaping the outcomes of the 2013 General Election. Following the election, public authorities undertook extensive investment to expand capacity and ensure consistency in supply while evading questions about affordability and sustainability. On the surface, this appears to be a case of extensive protest working towards shaping state responsiveness. And it is true that the state now sees supply as a non-negotiable aspect in the social contract with citizens. However, a range of factors contributed to the chronology and the selective, generation-focused nature of this response. On the other hand, citizen inclusion and participation in decision-making, and issues of affordability and sustainability, which impact vulnerable and disempowered groups the most, remain absent from the political and policy conversation around energy. This suggests that while protests were useful in generating a short-term response, their long-term legacy in empowerment related outcomes is less visible.
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