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Journal articles on the topic 'Political aspects of Sea-power'
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Nandyatama, Randy Wirasta. "Beyond Brinkmanship: The Implication of South China Sea Conflicts on China’s Soft Power in Southeast Asia." JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) 7, no. 1 (July 1, 2019): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/jas.v7i1.5684.
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While contemporary scholarly literatures on South China Sea conflicts have been dominated by hard power calculations, some other aspects remain under-researched. Rather underplayed in the existing literature is the question on the political implication of the conflicts on China’s soft power in the region. In responding to this issue, this article tries to carefully investigate the nature of the China’s soft power and the linkage between the increasing Chinese assertive measures in the South China Sea and the foundation of China’s soft power in the region. Through some cases of China’s skirmishes with Southeast Asian countries on the South China Sea between 2009 and 2012, this article argues that Beijing’s increasing hard power measures have induced growing threat perceptions in the region. This very context not only signals a distinct dissonance of Beijing’s image in Southeast Asia but also creates surging discontents and rejections to China’s role and political position in the region. Ultimately, China’s perceived inappropriate hard power measures affect its soft power, particularly in eroding the reputation of being a benign political entity as its source of soft power in Southeast Asia.
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NOVIKOV, Vladimir V. "GEORGIAN ELECTRIC POWER INDUSTRY: POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC ASPECTS." Геоэкономика энергетики 11, no. 3 (2020): 64–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.48137/2687-0703_2020_11_3_64.
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Joshi, Akshay. "The information revolution and national power political aspects‐I." Strategic Analysis 23, no. 5 (August 1999): 763–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700169908455082.
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Joshi, Akshay. "The information revolution and national power: Political aspects‐II." Strategic Analysis 23, no. 6 (September 1999): 1005–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700169908455100.
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Gerasina, L. M. "The ontology of power in political and sociological aspects." Ukrainian Society 2004, no. 2 (May 17, 2004): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/socium2004.02.021.
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Fomichev, A. A. "Political Vector of Northern Sea Route Development." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(42) (June 28, 2015): 122–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-3-42-122-127.
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In this article the author considers the issue of exploitation of Arctic region, especially of NSR. This transport corridor is very important from geopolitical point of view. The future of NSR will be thoroughly considered and the author will pay attention to the political horizons that opens as far as the interest of international community to Arctic rises and socio-economical processes are accelerating. The political institutions which regulate exploitation of NSR, legal framework, estimations of experts from different relevant fields and the problems of exploitation of Arctic region that have emerged on grounds of the current political situation in the world - all these aspects will be considered in the article. The special attention will be paid to the possible Russian self-determined exploitation of Arctic and NSR. Even though there are considerable reserves of natural resources in Arctic, its' capacity does not afford carry out its' active exploitation in short-term. Consequently, its' capacity does not permit exclusion of exploitation of NSR on account of transit route. Saving of the current relations with Western partners and development of opportunities to exploit Arctic region on our own - the main political goals of Russia. Recent events of this year demonstrate two important forces which have an impact on the exploitation of NSR. Firstly, an important role of Russia in international exploitation of Arctic, understanding of that at the international level and interest of foreign partners in cooperation with Russia in Arctic including over the question of NSR despite exacerbation of relation with the West. Secondly, present state of Arctic territories in terms of economics and socio-political aspect does not correspond to the boost of geopolitical power of Russia in Arctic. Western sanctions seriously harm sustainable development of Arctic in short-term. However, they will accelerate political processes in the region in case Russia wants exploit Arctic and take the lead among Arctic states. There is a necessity to overcome the technological and economical lag from the West, to create better infrastructure along the coast of the Arctic Ocean, to attract human resources in High North, to increase the government support of business in Arctic.
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Theilmann, John M. "Political Canonization and Political Symbolism in Medieval England." Journal of British Studies 29, no. 3 (July 1990): 241–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385959.
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Political legitimacy was a shifting concept in medieval England. On the one hand were the tangible aspects of power such as control over appointments and the purse; on the other were the symbolic attributes of power. Baronial rebels were able to gain control over the material aspects of political power on more than one occasion, and they also tried to establish control over the symbolic aspects of legitimacy. Here, they usually failed, for medieval people generally failed to accept baronial use of political symbols as legitimating future developments. Monarchs, on the other hand, were more successful in exploiting the symbolic aspects of kingship to further legitimate their power.The simultaneous success and failure of royal and baronial efforts at establishing legitimacy bear further scrutiny. After viewing the problem of the establishment of legitimacy, this essay focuses on two related episodes during the reign of Richard II: the attempted canonizations of King Edward II and Richard FitzAlan, earl of Arundel. Richard II's reign is chosen for three reasons. First, there was a clearly articulated struggle between king and barons that was fought out in both the physical and symbolic arenas. Second, the process of political canonization produced a royal and a baronial saint during the reign. Although not premeditated on either side, there was a conjunction of events and a desire by the king and the barons to manipulate the symbolic aspects of these events during the reign. The final reason for subjecting saintly symbolism in Richard's reign to examination is that the process of political canonization reached its zenith then.
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Gladysh, Marianna, Oksana Krayevska, and Oksana Holovko-Havrysheva. "Baltic-Black Sea Region as a Resilient Region: Political and Security Aspects." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 13 (December 31, 2020): 159–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2020.1.10.
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The conceptual bases of resilience in modern political science are analyzed, including the key conceptual approaches that are used in academic studies for understanding the policy of resilience, characterizing the reaction of subjects to stress or threat of any kind and origin. The concept of resilience is applied to analyze the cooperation among the Baltic-Black Sea countries as a regional interaction model which should be formed in order to reduce or avoid security crises.
The Baltic-Black Sea countries have developed and formed strong ties in different dimensions among one another, opening an opportunity for intellectual adventures in the area of the conceptualization of their interaction modes under the regional cooperation frameworks. Based upon the analyzed doctrinal views and available documentary backgrounds on resilience in the UN and the EU, the possible visions and scenarios for the creation of the Baltic-Black Sea region as a resilient one are given. The existing and potential obstacles to cooperation in the region are highlighted. The main threats and challenges for the Baltic-Black Sea region at present are investigated.
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Frazer, Elizabeth J. "The diversity of tactics: Anarchism and political power." European Journal of Political Theory 18, no. 4 (March 10, 2016): 553–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885115627558.
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This review essay focusses on Gelderloos's normative theory of diversity of tactics. The book is worth serious attention by political theorists because of its sustained analysis of violence, nonviolence, tactics and strategy, but the normative theory fails. The essay endorses Gelderloos's nuanced analysis of the violence-nonviolence distinction and aspects of his account of tactics-strategy-goals. But the concepts ‘state' and ‘politics' are both treated by him in an overly simple way. Although aspects of his account show how complex any state-society distinction is, in other contexts he suggests that it is easy for actors to divide state enemies from oppressed society friends. He rejects politics as the capture of state power for dominating and self-interested purposes, and dismisses all other aspects of political power, institutions and relationships. He thereby denies any role for politics in the sustainability of the anarchist activism he wishes to defend and endorse. In particular his disavowal of any political power base to coalitions, means that coalitional action can only be depicted as evanescent and episodic, while anarchist action is premissed on putting fellow actors who are not comrades beyond the realm of care of concern.
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Prokhorenko, I., and M. Strezhneva. "Power and Administration in the EU: Organizational Aspects." World Economy and International Relations, no. 6 (2011): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-6-3-14.
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The session of the IMEMO Academic Council dealt with the topic “Power and administration in the EU: organizational aspects”. The keynote speaker was Mrs. M.V. Strezhneva, the head of IMEMO’s sector of institutional problems of international relations, Doctor of Political Sciences. The session was moderated by Mr. A.A. Dynkin, Director of IMEMO, Academician of RAS. The discussion of the report was participated by IMEMO researchers: Mrs. N.I. Ivanova, Corresponding member of RAS, Mr. V.G. Baranovskii, Corresponding member of RAS, Mr. I.V. Kostikov, Doctor of Economics, Mr. A.V. Kuznetsov, Doctor of Economics, Mr. S.P. Peregudov, Doctor of History, Mr. K.V. Voronov, Cand. Sci. (Econ.), Mrs. E.S. Gromoglasova, Cand. Sci. (Political Sciences), Mrs. I.L. Prohorenko, Cand. Sci. (Political Sciences) as well as Mrs. O.V. Butorina, Doctor of Economics, the head of chair and advisor to MGIMO Rector, Mr. A.S. Linnikov, Cand. Sci. (Law), associate professor of the Moscow State Academy of Law. MEMO Journal proposes an abbreviated summary of the keynote report and the discussion to the attention of the readers.
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Donnelley, Strachan. "Political Sea Changes and Bioethics: Prague 1991." Hastings Center Report 21, no. 6 (November 1991): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3562354.
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Ohlmeyer, Jane H. "Review: The Irish Sea. Aspects of Maritime History." Irish Economic and Social History 18, no. 1 (April 1991): 81–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248939101800110.
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Morris, Clair E., and Wallace C. Peterson. "Market Power and the Economy: Industrial, Corporate, Governmental, and Political Aspects." Southern Economic Journal 57, no. 1 (July 1990): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1060510.
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Kasianiuk, Krzysztof. "A system-cybernetic approach to the study of political power. Introductory remarks." Kybernetes 47, no. 6 (June 4, 2018): 1262–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/k-04-2017-0145.
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Purpose This paper aims to provide introductory conceptual tools for studying political power in a complex multi-level environment. In particular, it is intended to answer the question of how concepts provided by cybernetics and general systems theory (GST) could serve to foster the study of political power. Design/methodology/approach The objective is realized through a reconsideration of a set of the basic concepts of cybernetics, GST and political science. Two system identification models – black box and white box – along with Marian Mazur’s concept of steering are used to deconstruct the classic definition of power formulated by Max Weber. Next, a two-phase procedure for empirical power analysis is proposed. Rudimentary in its scope, the article shows a path of more comprehensive and transformative analyses of key notions. Findings It seems that system identification models help uncover structural and functional aspects of political power, which aids the process of analysis of different mechanisms of political power. Originality/value The article supports the argument for a conceptual isomorphism between cybernetics and political science. The value of the proposed approach is derived from the combination of two features. First, two aspects of system operation – functional and structural – help to focus research attention on different problems of political power analysis. Second, the interrelation and interdependence of both aspects of systems operation serve as a practical means in the analysis of communication and behavior of actors in the political power processes.
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Gjervan, Ellen Karolina. "The Power of Illusion." Nordic Theatre Studies 26, no. 2 (September 9, 2014): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/nts.v26i2.24303.
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In this article, I examine how two English theatrical phenomena used stage technology to produce illusions for certain political ends. The two phenomena of interest are the court masque of the early 1600s and the illegitimate genres of the late Georgian London theatre. My focus will be on the latter, through an examination of the pantomime The Picture of Paris – opening at Covent Garden in 1790. Whereas a political reading of the court masque is well established in theatre studies, the same cannot be said regarding a political understanding of the theatre culture of the late Georgian period. Furthermore, those who have focused on the political aspects of this theatre culture have not been interested in the role played by stage technology. This is where this article aims to contribute to the existing body of knowledge. Although the court masques and the illegitimate genres used much of the same stage technology, they differed in how they used it and to what political ends. Whereas the masque could be understood as a conservative statement of royal powers, asserting their right to rule, the illegitimate genres approached the governing powers and policies in a more subversive manner. Late Georgian cultural politics, censoring the spoken word on stage and patenting the performance of tragedy and comedy, gave rise to new theatrical genres where visual aspects – by legal necessity – took centre stage. The resulting spectacular theatre of action and visual image was exempt from government censorship, making possible a special kind of political freedom of expression in these genres. It was during performance, through their use of dumb shows, setting, stage machinery and special effects that government criticism could unfold within these genres.
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Qodarsasi, Umi, and Abdul Ghofur. "The Dynamics of Islamic Political Parties Amid Indonesian Multicultural Society." POLITEA 3, no. 1 (May 25, 2020): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/politea.v3i1.7288.
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<p class="06IsiAbstrak">Islam is not limited to religion that only talks about God. Islam has a comprehensive concept in all aspects of life, one of the aspect is politics (siyasa) that discusses the concept of the state, the exercise of power, who deserves to exercise power, how much power they can have, and the characteristics and objectives of Islamic politics itself. Political party is a superstructure in a political system that carries out several strategic functions, including political socialization, political recruitment, political articulation and aggregation of interests. Political party also has an important position in the policy making process. This paper aims to analyze how the dynamics of Islamic politics in Indonesia in the middle of multicultural society by carrying out its function as an articulator and aggregator of interests.</p>
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Phongpaichit, Pasuk, Chris Baker, and Amrita Danière. "Unequal Thailand: Aspects of Income, Wealth and Power." Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia 31, no. 3 (November 30, 2016): 954–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/sj31-3k.
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Trojan, Jakub S. "Hromádka and aspects of power in our civilisation∗." Religion, State and Society 21, no. 2 (January 1993): 151–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637499308431589.
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Bachman, David. "Aspects of an Institutionalizing Political System: China, 1958–1965." China Quarterly 188 (December 2006): 933–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741006000506.
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This article uses newly available Chinese sources to take a different look at aspects of the Chinese political system and the Chinese state during 1958 to 1965. While not challenging the literature on elite power issues, it demonstrates that much more was going on within the Chinese state than has been widely appreciated. In particular, the article focuses on the formal legal process, where it appears that the use of courts was extensive throughout the per-Cultural Revolution period and where the verdict of not guilty, not punished occurred more frequently in China than it did in American federal criminal cases; on the growing breakdown of the Party elite; and on China's preparation for war, basically an ongoing process of the Chinese state from 1962 on, with extensive militarization even earlier.
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Muhammad Javed Iqbal, Kanwar, and Baber Bilal Haider. "Geo-political and Geo-economic Dynamics of the Region in Developing the Sea-based Economy of the IOR Countries." Polaris – Journal of Maritime Research 2, no. 1 (December 20, 2020): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.53963/pjmr.2020.002.2.
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The geo-politics and geo-economics of the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) littoral are interconnected to each-other with a large scale of Afro-Asian population and a tremendous maritime economic potential. Welfare interests of the populations of IOR littoral states demand tapping of the Sea-based economic potential, but the geo- political dynamics of the region are not conducive due to diverse dimensions of multiplayers in the region and gradual Sino-Asian power shift, where philosophy of enhanced cooperation for peace and sustainability is highly needed. The addition of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has provided new avenues to harness the true potential and uplift the poverty by improving existing socio – economic ties. The BRI has many challenges, and its opportunities can be exploited by China, Pakistan and Iran, through an extra efforts on diplomatic front. Based on qualitative research and content analysis method, this paper aims to analyse the various aspects of the geo-politics and geo-economics of the IOR viz-a-viz Sea-based economic potential and rationalizes the need of enhanced cooperation for peace and sustainability in order to promote socio- economic uplift and prosperity across Afro-Asian region.
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Josifidis, Kosta, and Alpar Losonc. "Some thoughts on power: International context." Panoeconomicus 61, no. 5 (2014): 597–615. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pan1405597j.
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This is a polemical essay that enters into broad dialogue with the contemporary literature concerning the dynamic of power. It refers to the appropriate material and results from the research of different theories. It proposes the constitutive position of the power in the international situation. In contrast to some current theories, we emphasize the importance of the politicoeconomical approach, denoting that only the methodology based on the logics of political economy can explain the dynamics of power in the international context. The main thread of this essay is that the international constellation is not a neutral environment, but a framework that is deeply determined by the power-relations. The central idea is that these relations should be explicated by the complex relationships between freedom and order. We analyze the interaction between the politics and economy as the constitutive feature of the structure of international context. This essay is divided into three sections. First, we are treating the meaning of order in an international context, in respect to the political-economic aspects of late capitalism. The notion of this order has a great importance in the economic reflections. The dynamic of the interconnectedness of global capitalism is examined considering the systematic aspects of power. After that we are analyzing different, and selected, aspects of the international sphere including: the spatiality of the world order, that is, the spatial aspects of the international dynamics in the context of globalization, the convergence or divergence between the capitalist and territorial logic, the ?legaleconomic nexus? in international ?chain?, the processes of the modification of the forms of competition within recent globalization, and the political-economic conflicts in relation to the regime of economic measurement. Starting with these considerations we explain the current debates on ?demondialization?, or the combination between neomercantilist and neoliberal policies.
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Preston, Paschal. "Inequality and Liberal Democracy: A Critical Take on Economic and Political Power Aspects." Javnost - The Public 23, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13183222.2016.1149764.
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AGGARWAL, VINOD K., and ANDREW W. REDDIE. "New Economic Statecraft: Industrial Policy in an Era of Strategic Competition." Issues & Studies 56, no. 02 (June 2020): 2040006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251120400068.
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The 2018 U.S. National Defense Strategy notes that the United States faces “an increasingly complex global security environment, characterized by overt challenges to the free and open international order and the re-emergence of long-term, strategic competition between nations.” In the ensuing months, much has been made of the security-related aspects of this return to great power competition — including Donald Trump’s role in the decline of the existing arms control architecture, responses to Russia’s annexation of Ukraine, and China’s use of subconventional — or “gray zone” — military operations in the South China Sea. What this analysis tends to miss, however, are the economic dimensions of strategic competition. To address the question of how insights from international political economy and security studies can be usefully combined to examine strategic competition, we examine how economic statecraft increasingly takes the form of economic policy beyond sanctions regimes. We argue that economic statecraft has become an increasingly central aspect of geostrategic consideration and consider how economic statecraft is being transformed in the current era.
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Popov, M. V. "MEDICAL ASPECTS OF THE RESCUE OPERATION OF THE STEAMER’S CHELUSKIN." Marine Medicine 6, no. 5(S) (January 20, 2021): 86–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.22328/2413-5747-2020-6-s-86-88.
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The Arctic Ocean has always been and remains one of the main epicenters of scientific research, political and economic decisions in many countries. Superiority in the development of the Northern Sea Route would allow any state to take a leading position in the international arena. Therefore, different countries conducted expeditions to develop it, one of which was the «Chelyuskin Epic» of 1933–1934.
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Akhmadiyev, A. K., and D. S. Brylov. "СASPIAN SEA: ASPECTS OF SUBSOIL USE AND GEOPOLITICAL ISSUES." Geopolitics and Ecogeodynamics of regions 6(16), no. 4 (2021): 36–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2309-7663-2020-6-4-36-48.
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Consideration of the issue of the legal status of the Caspian Sea seems very relevant both from the social and political point of view and from the point of view of the organization of subsoil use. Today, the Caspian hydrocarbon reserves are estimated at about 3% of the total world reserves, which makes this region a place of attraction for many subsoil users, as well as a place of clash of private and public, as well as interstate interests. It is the study of interrelations and mutual influences of socio-economic and mineral components in this region that is most important for understanding the system of relations in the region and their forecasts. The aim is to analyze retrospectively the formation of common rules of relations in the Caspian region and determine the role of the mineral factor in them. The basis for writing the article was a review and comparison of publicly available domestic and foreign literary sources concerning both the question of the right status of the Caspian Sea and the features of subsoil use in the Caspian Sea, as well as a critical analysis of regulations. The sources were sampled taking into account the time period from 2000 to 2020. Among the features of subsoil use in the Caspian Sea were identified and described physical-geographical, primarily climatic, geological, engineering-geological and ecological features. When considering the chronology of the solution of the «Caspian issue», close attention was paid to the characteristics of the Caspian summits and the main events associated with the intensification of subsoil use in the Caspian Sea. In particular, the events related to the laying of oil pipelines by Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan, the participation of large energy companies in the development of fields, the contradictions that have arisen between countries on the basis of subsoil use were considered. In addition, the key provisions of the Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea adopted in 2018 were considered. The main thing that the retrospective analysis has shown is that the role of the mineral factor in the formation of relations in the Caspian region is enormous. It can be considered one of the main reasons for long, hesitant steps (which took more than 20 years) on the way to solving the issue of the legal status of the Caspian Sea. At the same time, it should be recognized that even the adopted Convention on the legal status of the Caspian Sea has not been able to fully resolve the problem of subsoil use in this region, which gives an impulse to search for new ideas in solving this problem
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Rapacha, Lal. "Aspects of Federalism Implementation for Development and Prosperity." Molung Educational Frontier 8 (December 3, 2018): 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/mef.v8i0.22441.
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In Nepal‘s context, concepts like 'development' and 'prosperity' are two age-old (suppressive Rana oligarchy, uni-Panchayat regime and its aftermath) mirages chased by rulers for the ruled ones almost seem to be unattainable. Nevertheless, the mirages of 'development' and 'prosperity' can be materialized when one readily changes his/her antediluvian attitude of fatalism (Bista 1991) and low work ethics. In a recent political paradigm shift from unitary monarchism-oligarchy to multi-party federalism, those two mirages have again been reiterated as Nepalese people's dream and discourse (claimed as Oli-vision) in political arena. In our recent practice, federalism is in its infancy and as a form of government may not matter much first about separating or devolution of political power more effectively, avoiding the power concentration and bringing government responsibilities closer to the citizens. In fact, what acutally matters is its action-oriented effective implementation for separating 'development' from 'fatalism' before it turns frequently into a vicious nightmare. Thus, this paper aims to explore some pertinent aspects or preconditions/hindrances of implementing federalism effictively for achieving the aforesaid goal of 'development' and 'prosperity' within our prevalent general socio-political and bureaucratic trend of 'Balaram syndrome' (a metaphor of ethical degradation of mankind), 'bholi' and 'chiya' syndrome, 'sida-bida' syndrome, nepotism, cronyism, medieval mindset, malpractices of blind capitalism and absence of good governance. In this paper, my main point of departure in methodological tool as such is a closer observation of socio-political trends in Nepalese society and its relevant literature.
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Maki, Dennis R. "Political Parties and Trade Union Growth in Canada." Relations industrielles 37, no. 4 (April 12, 2005): 876–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/029305ar.
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This study retests the Ashenfelter-Pencavel hypothesis that political factors matter, using pooled cross section-time series data on union growth for Canadian provinces and a set of dummy variables representing political party in power in each province. Both theoretical and practical aspects are presented.
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Basu, Arabinda. "Power-in- use: Secular and Sacred Aspects." Journal of Human Values 6, no. 2 (October 2000): 165–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097168580000600207.
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Thaib, Erwin Jusuf. "Komunikasi Politik Ditinjau dari Perspektif Ilmu Komunikasi, Ilmu Politik dan Komunikasi Islam." Farabi 16, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.30603/jf.v16i1.1030.
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This article discusses political communication from three perspectives, namely the perspective of communication science, political science, and Islamic communication. The study in this article was carried out by descriptive analysis with the relevant literacy study approach. The results of this study indicate that from the perspective of communication science, political communication is seen from two aspects, namely the mechanistic communication aspect which is based on the Lasswell's theory, namely communicators convey messages to certain audiences through a medium with certain effects. The second aspect is symbolic interaction that rests on Mead's theory which views that every politician or political group will put forward a distinctive attribute as a symbol of his or her identity in a positive communication process. In a political science perspective, political communication is a vehicle that can be used to communicate political messages whose ultimate goal is the attainment of power in its various dimensions. Political communication can be played by politicians who have the goal of gaining certain power, or it can be played by professionals in which they skillfully connect political interests with their target audiences. Political communication in the perspective of Islamic communication emphasizes ethical political communication practices. This communication model is built based on Hefni’s theory which states that Islamic communication is a communication built on Islamic principles that have the spirit of peace, hospitality and safety. On this basis, the political communication model that is built is ethical political communication that is far from the practice of political communication which attacks and overthrows each other.
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Klishas, A. A. "Legality and Legitimacy of Public Political Power: Theoretical Aspects (on the Basis of Syria)." RUDN Journal of Law 22, no. 1 (2018): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2337-2018-22-1-1-20.
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Gurevich, Vladimir I. "MILITARY AND POLITICAL ASPECTS OF ONE OF THE PROBLEMS OF THE MODERN POWER INDUSTRY." Electrical Engineering & Electromechanics, no. 5 (November 1, 2015): 69–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.20998/2074-272x.2015.5.10.
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Guliyeva, Mehriban Elbrus. "Military and political aspects of cooperation of Caspian states as the main guaranteed of ensuring regional security." Международное право и международные организации / International Law and International Organizations, no. 1 (January 2020): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0633.2020.1.32572.
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Caspian region has always been a point of intersection of interests for multiple states. Throughout all historical periods, the presence of influential states in the Caspian Sea coast led to escalation of tension in the region. Such factors as heterogenic population of littoral states and differences in mentality further aggravated the situation. Thus, the military-political activity of the Caspian states has always been of paramount importance. The significance of military-political activity for the countries of Caspian Basin was substantiated by the following key factors: concentration of the majority of explored hydrocarbon deposits of these countries on its continental shelf; presence of substantial reserves of various biological resources in the waters of Caspian Sea; location of the region on the junction of important geopolitical paths; largely populated coastal regions. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and formation of new states in the region, this activity acquired a special character.
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Sytnyk, Hryhorij, and Anastasiya Shtel'mashenko. "Role of political system and activity of political parties is on development of democracy: politiko-administrative aspect." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Public Administration 12, no. 2 (2019): 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2616-9193.2019/12-6/8.
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The purpose of the article consists of complex research political and administrative aspects of the influence of the political system and activity of political parties on the forming of democratic principles of community development. During research uses on the complex of logical methods, in particular, comparatively-political, abstractly logical, and also scientific approaches: comparatively and bibliographic. In the article, complex research is presented politiсal-administrative aspects of the influence of the political system and activity of political parties on forming of democratic principles of community development. It is noticed that the determining line of the functioning of any political system is its interconnectedness with other subsystems of society, that is why national features have a degree of its democratizes and becoming a problem, and a method of functioning of power is the determining criterion of typologies of the political systems. Therefore at the research of influence of the political system on forming of democratic principles of community development, in particular, it is necessary to examine the aggregate of political institutes, relations and political and legal relations, which public relations are regulated by, viability and efficiency of functioning of that or other are provided as a system influence of which on development of the indicated principles is provided an implementation of its functions (normatively regulatory, informatively communicative et al). Is it set that becoming of the democratic system of public management in Ukraine remains foreground job of nowadays and factors which brake indicated becoming are at the same time selected, among which, in particular, disunity national elite, weakness of political institutes, political corruption. It allowed to come to the conclusion, that success of decision of this task on the domestic walks of life substantially depends on the combination of advantages of conservative and democratic types of acceptance and realization political-administrative decisions, which are examined as the quintessence of satisfaction of political requirements of individuals, task forces, and others like that in the process of adjusting of social relations. Taking into account its attention is accented on importance of prevailing foremost of state character in the activity of political parties, as main subjects of forming of political space, institutes of the state and optimization, politicaladministrative processes, what in Ukraine is not observed, that is the main factor of low efficiency of mechanism of responsibility of political power before electors. The scientific novelty of the article consists of execution complex research politiсal-administrative aspects of the influence of the political system and activity of political parties on forming democratic principles of community development. Practical meaningfulness of the article is related to the possibility of the subsequent use of its materials in an educational process and research secret services at research political-administrative aspects of the influence of the political system and activity of political parties on becoming of the modern system of democratic governance in Ukraine in the context of found out factors which generate considerable difficulties in relation to becoming of the indicated system on the domestic walks of life.
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Behuniak, Susan M. "Toward a political model of dementia: Power as compassionate care." Journal of Aging Studies 24, no. 4 (December 2010): 231–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jaging.2010.05.003.
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Street, John. "‘Fight the Power’: The Politics of Music and the Music of Politics." Government and Opposition 38, no. 1 (2003): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00007.
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AbstractPopular music has a long and varied association with politics. It has provided the soundtrack to political protest and been the object of political censorship; politicians have courted pop stars and pop stars — like Bono of U2 — have acted as politicians. But although these more familiar aspects of pop's connections to politics have been noted in passing, they have not received a great deal of academic attention, and there are other aspects of the relationship — the state's role as sponsor of popular music, for instance — which have been largely ignored. This article explores the various dimensions of the interaction between popular music and politics, and argues that the study of music can contribute to our understanding of political thought and action.
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Singh, Raj Kishor. "A Review on Historical Aspects of Critical Pedagogy." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 9, no. 1 (January 29, 2021): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v9i1.10876.
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This paper makes a review of inventory and application of critical pedagogy in education sector, in particular, and also in general practices of critical thinking, skepticism, decision making process, etc. Critical pedagogy as a concept originated and developed in academia, for development of critical mind of learners. Education broadens the students’ views of reality. Education is transformative, bringing all kinds of changes in human mind, as well as in the society and the nation. Education makes students critical and skeptical on the issues which are frequent in their daily life. Therefore, all kinds of social, cultural, economical and political issues are solved by critical mind of the learners. Education must be democratic in nature and system. People in power make education system in their own favour, dominating the powerless people. Therefore, education is political. Those who participate in critical pedagogy resist the constraints that those in power impose on them. Critical pedagogy can be applied in all faculties and subjects like music, economics, mathematics, sociology, political science, English language teaching, English literature teaching, and so on. Teachers also must be qualified with the critical pedagogy approach. They must be confident with the knowledge and skills for applying Freire’s methods of teaching effectively in the classroom. They must be critical thinkers, self-reflective, culturally conscious for the pedagogical situation to enhance students’ understanding of the world.
The major purpose of this review is to point out the effectiveness of critical pedagogy in education and in general. After teachers’ role in critical pedagogy, knowledge of the language and of the world, consciousness or ‘conscientization’, power resistance, value judgments, perception of reality and truth, empowerment, transformation, decision making skills, critical thinking, skepticism, negotiation, problem posing and solving, and many other aspects of learning in critical pedagogy are explained in this review paper.
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Ebrahimitorkaman, Ali. "IRAN'S ACCESSION TO THE SCO: ENERGY AND SOCIO-POLITICAL ASPECTS." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 4 (2020): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2020-4-45-56.
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The article covers the history of founding the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the interaction of Iran and this organization, as well as the prospects and benefits that Iran will receive if it joins it. The author supposes that if such a union happens, among the advantages and benefits of Iran in foreign policy there will be overcoming of isolation on the international arena, the ability to successfully resist the Western pressure, strengthening of peace, security and good neighborliness in the vast region of Eurasia, as well as intensifying of political and economic relations with the culturally close states of Central and South Asia. Furthermore, Iran’s entry into the organization will bring about its economic stabilization: Iran will have the opportunity to increase exports of its main source of income – oil, and begin to actively export its goods to the member countries of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. This will lead to a significant increase in the standard of living within Iran, as well as to an increase in its economic power, and therefore to its political weight in the region and the world.
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Hikmawan, M. Dian, M. Rizky Godjali, and Ika Arinia Indriyany. "Kyai and Power in Banten, Indonesia." SHS Web of Conferences 86 (2020): 01051. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20208601051.
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In Indonesian socio-cultural society, Kyai is an important indicator to perceive the diversity of the socio-cultural. Kyai is not only a leader in religious rituals but also kyai also be used as symbols in political roles. This research tries to elaborate on the role of Kyai in political structuration in Banten,. This research tries to analyze cultural aspects to elaborate on the socio-political function and role of the Kyai, it becomes a very interesting matter for further review. Therefore, these studies involve the role of Kyai in political Power in Banten. by using a phenomenological approach in understanding the realities that occur in Socio-cultural. This research was conducted to understand, first, understanding and interpretation this by using the structure of society in Banten to understand the role of Kyai in socio-cultural, how the agent perceives the political agenda. Secondly, morality or the right direction, it is means how the influences of morality to the political decisions on the socio-cultural agenda. Third, power relation, how to perceive regulation on the socio-cultural and its influence on government policies in Banten
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HOLZSCHEITER, ANNA. "Representation as power and performative practice: Global civil society advocacy for working children." Review of International Studies 42, no. 2 (July 3, 2015): 205–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210515000145.
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AbstractThis article analyses global civil society advocacy in the field of child labour through the lens of theories on political representation in global governance. The article is sympathetic to newer theories on political representation which, fundamentally, understand representation as a dialectic of performative practices between representatives and their real or imagined constituencies. However, the article argues that the contemporary literature on political representation turns a blind eye on two aspects that are central to understanding this dialectic of representation in the child labour case: first, representation as power and second, the contested nature of citizenship. The article thus proposes an approach to political representation that allows highlighting the power-dimension inherent to the interrelation between formal and performative aspects of representation, that is, between civil society actors’ power to represent and their power over representation. Using such an approach, the article presents empirical insights on CSO representation in global policymaking on child labour – a field in which conflicts over legitimate representation, citizenship, and grassroots participation continue to be exceptionally fierce.
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Glas, Aarie. "Positionality, Power, and Positions of Power: Reflexivity in Elite Interviewing." PS: Political Science & Politics 54, no. 3 (February 23, 2021): 438–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096520002048.
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ABSTRACTThere is growing consensus in political science methods literature that positionality is consequential for interview research in variable and important ways. At the same time, however, much of this literature reinforces a categorical distinction between elite and non-elite contexts and participants, and it assumes “elite” to be a static category that presents researchers with discrete challenges that require uniform strategies to address. This article draws on my experience in conducting interviews with more than 100 “elites” to address this divide in two ways. First, I show that the category of elite is not as monolithic as often asserted. Rather, speaking with educated and authoritative individuals is fraught with variable challenges related to positionality. Second, to address these challenges, I argue that researchers must engage in active reflexivity, interrogating the relational effects of positionality across all aspects of research. I focus particular attention on issues of access and interactions within interviews.
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Andriyenko, E. V., and I. M. Gorbacheva. "The phenomenon of ≪soft power≫ in the aspect of philosophical understanding of political being." Ekonomicheskie i sotsial’no-gumanitarnye issledovaniya, no. 2(30) (June 2021): 47–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24151/2409-1073-2021-2-47-53.
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The article is devoted to the socio-philosophical analysis of the phenomenon of «soft power» and its role in the dynamics of the political life of modern society. Various methodological interpretations of «soft power» in the context of national political systems are analyzed. The emphasis is placed on the need to take into account constructive criticism, which allows us to explore the destructive aspects of the phenomenon of «soft power» in real politics. It is concluded that the concept of «soft power» undergoes constant changes and is also influenced by factors of real national policy, and the interpretation of this term depends on the context in which specific political strategies it is considered.
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Thorpe, A. G. Y. "Mine warfare at sea—some legal aspects of the future." Ocean Development & International Law 18, no. 2 (January 1987): 255–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00908328709545822.
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Sedady, Fatima, and Mohammad Ali Beheshtinia. "A novel MCDM model for prioritizing the renewable power plants’ construction." Management of Environmental Quality: An International Journal 30, no. 2 (March 11, 2019): 383–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/meq-05-2018-0102.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to propose a new multi-criteria decision making (MCDM) technique to determine the priority of renewable power plants construction conceding technical, economic, social, political and environmental aspects. Design/methodology/approach First, a comprehensive set of 5 main criteria of technical, economic, social, political and environmental are considered for renewable power plants construction, each including 5 sub-criteria (a total of 25 sub-criteria). Then, the analytic hierarchy process method is used to determine the weight of the criteria. Finally, a new MCDM technique proposed to prioritize the construction of renewable power plants, named TOPKOR. To demonstrate the capability of the proposed method, a case study is conducted in which six types of renewable power plants are evaluated. Findings Comparison results of the main criteria weights show that the “economic” [0.403], “environmental” [0.296] and “technical” [0.17] aspects have the highest importance, respectively. The results also show that solar, hydroelectric and wave and tidal power plants have the highest priority for construction, respectively. Research limitations/implications The result of this research could be useful for related decision makers in construction of the renewable power plants to have a comprehensive set of criteria in technical, economic, social, political and environmental aspects in their decision process. Originality/value This research provides a comprehensive set of criteria and sub-criteria for prioritizing the renewable power plants. Moreover, a new hybrid MCDM technique is introduced for prioritizing the construction of power plants.
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Uhlin, Anders. "Transnational Corporations as Global Political Actors: A Literature Review." Cooperation and Conflict 23, no. 4 (September 1988): 231–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001083678802300404.
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Uhlin, A. Transnational Corporations as Global Political Actors: A Literature Review. Cooperation and Conflict, XXIII, 1988, 231-247. The primary aim of this research note is to present an inventory of propositions and findings concerning TNCs as global political actors. As a framework for this analysis I will classify the literature into three main groups and some subgroups. The three main theoretical schools compared are liberal theory, mercantilist theory and theories of imperialism. Several aspects of the autonomy and power of TNCs, as proponents of different theoretical schools see it, are analysed. The domain and scope of TNC power are discussed and several power bases are listed. Constraints that prevent the potential power of TNCs from being implemented are discussed and TNC instruments for exercising power are listed as well. The scope of the theoretical perspectives used to study TNCs varies. There is need for a synthesis between the actor-oriented liberal approaches and the structural and system-oriented theories of imperialism.
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Toropygin, A. V. "Economic and Political Aspects of the Serbia — EAEU Free Trade Area." EURASIAN INTEGRATION: economics, law, politics 14, no. 2 (July 9, 2021): 120–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-2929-2021-02-120-131.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the Serbia — EAEU relations development through the prism of the Agreement on the Free Trade Area (FTA) — between the integration association and the separate economy / country. The purpose of this study is to identify the prospects of the FTA taking into account Serbia’s desire to integrate into the European Union. The author come to the conclusion that intensive interaction, primarily between Serbia and Russia through the FTA between Serbia and the EAEU, is explained, on the one hand, by Serbia’s multi-vector foreign policy, and, on the other hand, by Russia’s attentive attitude to the course of the conflict over Kosovo. Russia has economic interests in this region, as well as the region is people-related value for Russia within which it has used and will intensively utilize of soft power mechanisms.
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Gilchrist, Roberta. "Women's archaeology? Political feminism, gender theory and historical revision." Antiquity 65, no. 248 (September 1991): 495–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00080091.
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Women's issues are deservedly a growing concern in archaeology, with concerns that run from the power (im)balance between the sexes in the present practice of archaeology to the technical question of how gender-relations are, or are not, recoverable from archaeological context. The several aspects that lie within the phrase ‘women's archaeology’are explored.
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Kvitka, Sergiy, Yevgeniy Borodin, Volodymyr Yemelyanov, Mykhailo Moskalets, and Viktoriia Zubchenko. "The Subsidiarity Principle and Legal and Economic Aspects of The Decentralization in Ukraine." Cuestiones Políticas 39, no. 68 (March 7, 2021): 356–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.3968.22.
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The research highlights the peculiarities of the decentralization of power in Ukraine in the political and legal implementation aspect of the principle of subsidiarity. The objective of the study was to determine compliance with the political and legal aspects of the decentralization process in Ukraine based on global standards of the use of the principle of subsidiarity, during the implementation of decentralization reform. The research methodology is because the principle of subsidiarity is the main feature of the interaction of all levels of power. This premise is recognized in the European Charter of Local Self-Government and therefore means an urgent task in modern Ukraine. Financial decentralization, district consolidation, the creation of different but united territorial communities, changes in the administrative-territorial structure, ensuring the capacities of communities, the provision of public services in accordance with national standards must be based on the principle of subsidiarity. The information gathered makes it possible to conclude that the principle of subsidiarity is a barrier to the overly profound centralization of the state body and the separation of power.
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Baindurashvili, Khatuna. "Political, Social and Religious Aspects of Georgian-Persian Diplomacy." Grani 23, no. 8 (October 20, 2020): 102–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172079.
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Article was prepared within the scopes of grant funded by Shota Rustaveli National Scientific Fund of Georgia (FR 17-554 Documentary Sources (Deeds, Epigraphic Inscriptions, Colophons) in the First half of 17th c. (1600-1662) about the Kings of Kartli and Kakheti (research and publication of sources). For thorough study of Iran-Georgian relationships in 16th – 17th centuries research of Georgian-Persian historical documents is of particular interest. These historical documents provide valuable data about social, administrative and state institutes in Georgia.Georgian-Persian historical documents describe dynamically the political, social and religious processes that have taken place in Eastern Georgia due to intervention of Safavid Iran in 16th-17th centuries. Studying of the separate segments of diplomatic monuments – interrelations between Georgian and Persian texts provide precise illustration of Georgian reality and specific nature of political, social and religious relations between Iran and Georgia.Research of Georgian-Persian bilingual deeds clearly shows attempts of Iran to intervene into Georgian landholding system and its substitution with Iranian-Moslem one; Invocation of Georgian kings and the legends on their Persian seals clearly demonstrate the political and religious influence to which they were subjected as a result of Safavid censorship. Based on all these, we can imagine specific nature of operation of Georgian secretariat-chancellery, see the movement of the documents from their composition to their entry into legal force and the term of their effectiveness.Studying of the seals on Persian and Georgian texts of diplomatic monuments allowed identification of important chancellery officials participating in issuance of Georgian-Persian documents, as well as in their consideration and approval.Georgian texts of bilingual documents, with their contents and structure, were entirely based on Georgian traditions of paperwork while the Persian texts complied with Iranian requirements. Iranian diplomatic formulas were adapted to Georgian reality.Georgian-Persian historical deeds provide unbiased description of severe reality resulting from religious and political power of Iran in Eastern Georgia; and Georgians had to fight for maintaining their state, national and religious identity.
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Dumouchel, Paul. "Lethal Autonomous Weapons Systems: Organizational and Political Consequences." Philosophical Journal of Conflict and Violence 5, no. 1 (May 20, 2021): 95–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.22618/tp.pjcv.20215.1.139006.
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Focusing on existing ‘autonomous’ weapons systems and their uses replaces speculations about future developments and about what robots will or will not be able to do, with attention to the way these weapons are changing and have already changed warfare. The aspects of these transformations that will interest me in this paper are some of the political, organizational and social consequences of the introduction and deployment of various automatic and autonomous weapons systems. Beyond the questions of responsibility and legality, I want to look at the ways in which these weapons change countries’ ability to project power, on how they affect the composition of armed forces, the power relationships within them, and their relations with other major political actors.
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Pankevich, N. "Political and Legal Aspects of Russia’s and US Natural Resources Strategies in Arctic Region." World Economy and International Relations, no. 7 (2015): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-7-97-110.
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The article deals with the situation of competition for resources (primarily oil and gas) between states, in the Arctic Region. The reasoning is generally based on the assumption that today’s competitive process is mainly shaped and determined by the specificity of the international political system. At present, the founding principle of international environment is the assumption of the state territorial sovereignty that reduces the possibilities of action towards resources, mainly to remote supplies via international trade and territorialisation, i.e. embracing the parcel of interest by the state border and its inclusion into the space guarded by state sovereign authority. In turn, this leads to a crucial increase of the expansion on the sea importance, since the land territory is already delimited among the sovereign polities. For Russian Federation this means that the Arctic Region will acquire the greatest importance in the state territorial strategy. The author further analyses the strategies of Russia’s competitors from Arctic Region and beyond, and finds out that the U.S. strategy is of the principle importance, even though the Arctic does not present a first rank priority for this state. Nevertheless, the politics of the USA is an example of a novel approach to the outer territories that goes beyond the traditional view on international system. This approach is unilateral and is based on a novel reading of the sovereignty concept. The indicating point is not signing the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea that enables the USA to act with lesser need for coordination with other participants of the international system. The instrumental support for this policy is the increasing usage of extraterritorial application of national laws and particular norms. The article provides case analyses of such policies towards resources, companies, international organizations and can be used in the Arctic that presents an ideal place for extraterritorially shaped policy to implement. The article also posits that in Russia the lack of interest toward extraterritoriality of laws is evident, while this could become an effective instrument of the state interest promoting. Acknoledgement. The publication is prepared within the fundamental research project of Ural Branch of Russian Academy of Sciences No. 15-15-6-29 “Perspectives of Arctic Policies: Interests and Strategies of the World Leading States”.