Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political aspects of Subjectivity

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Academic literature on the topic 'Political aspects of Subjectivity'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Political aspects of Subjectivity"

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Chvyakin, Vladimir Alekseevich. "Political subjectivity within the structure of value orientations of youth in the Moscow agglomeration: sociological aspect." Социодинамика, no. 9 (September 2020): 70–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7144.2020.9.31987.

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The subject of this research is the political subjectivity as a social characteristic of the structure of value orientations of youth in the Moscow agglomeration. The author examines such aspects of the topic as political socialization, incidence of political subjectivity, and its key social characteristics within the structure of value orientations of youth. Attention is given to determination of correlation between political subjectivity and socially significant values. The author describes the content of terminal and instrumental values among young people with different levels of development of political subjectivity as a sociopolitical trait of a person. The research methodology includes the fundamental principles of the theory of political socialization, which suggests cultivation of the essential values of political culture as the process of person’s adaptation to a particular political system. The leading role in the process of political socialization belongs to the ability to critical digestion of knowledge and norms of political relations that ensure conditions for the formation of political subjectivity of a person. The conclusions consists in determination of occurrence of political subjectivity and its social characteristics within the structure of value orientations of youth in the Moscow agglomeration. The realization of political subjectivity in youth environment is predetermined by the structure of values and the vector of social orientations of a person. The novelty of this work lies in the statement that political subjectivity in the process of socialization of a person correlates with the structure of social values. Personal values indirectly reflect the essence of its political subjectivity, which is relevant for more accurate socio political characteristics of a person. The revealed terminal and instrumental values in youth environment allow designating the vector of political socialization of a person.
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Rozmarin, Miri. "Those Who Gather in the Streets." Philosophy Today 64, no. 3 (2020): 599–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtoday2020105350.

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This article examines the notion of vulnerable political subjectivity in Judith Butler’s theory of vulnerability. The paper aims to contribute to critical discussions of Butler’s political theory by offering an account of how the ontological, ethical, and political aspects of vulnerability shape political subjectivity in her work. The first part of the paper analyzes the features of vulnerable political subjects. The second part critically assesses to what extent Butler offers an alternative to the association of vulnerability with a damaged capability to act politically. The third part argues that Butler offers only a partial account of vulnerability as a transformative desire, which is crucial to explaining how and under what conditions vulnerability inspires subjects to engage politically with the conditions that shape their precarity or the precarity of others.
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Howarth, David. "Archaeology, Genealogy and Hegemony: A Reply to Mulligan." Political Studies 51, no. 2 (June 2003): 436–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00433.

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In ‘An Archaeology of Political Discourse?’ I examined the possibility of, and conditions for, rendering Foucault's archaeological method appropriate for ideologico-political analysis. Shane Mulligan takes issue with three aspects of my account, namely, the application of archaeology to the ideological realm, the translation of concepts, and the issue of political subjectivity. The first part of my reply tackles his initial objection and the next addresses the other two criticisms.
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Agustian, Indra, Avando Bastari, and Okol Sri Suharyo. "SUSTAINABILITY NAVAL BASE WITH THREE MAIN ASPECTS AS ONE OF THE INDONESIAN MARITIME DEFENSE AND SECURITY ELEMENTS WITH SYSTEM DYNAMIC APPROACH." JOURNAL ASRO 10, no. 3 (October 31, 2019): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.37875/asro.v10i3.145.

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The development of Naval Base requires very strategic planning and calculation to obtain the sustainability of the base. This is intended so that in the future the existence of these bases can continue and exist, which is not disturbed by changes and System Dynamics from various aspects that develop and change over time. Sustainability of Naval Base is determined by many factors that are interrelated with one another as a very complex system arrangement so that a comprehensive analysis of various related aspects of the researcher is compiled into Three main aspects namely Defense Security Political Aspects, Economic Aspects and physical aspects of naval base. In this paper, the researcher will compile a model with System Dynamics approach to the sustainability of the Naval Base that is the object. Then also use Fuzzy Weighting from the elements of subjectivity which will be projected to become elements of objectivity, which also involves data / variables that are qualitative and quantitative. This has never been discussed in previous site selection studies. The complexity of the variables and the dependency relationships between variables in the system, and the decision makers' subjectivity can be identified and smoothed with the Fuzzy Weighting to get the weighting value so that the integration between the System Dynamics model with the Fuzzy Weighting method gets the analysis results of the Naval Base sustainability system based on three main aspects namely Defense Security Political Aspects, Economic Aspects and Physical Aspects of Naval Base. The results of the assessment of Fuzzy Weighting put the Defense Security Political Aspects in the first place with the value of the weight of the influence of interest 3.60, followed by the second position of the Physical Aspects of Naval Base with the value of the weight of the influence of the interest 3.40 and in the third position the Economic Aspects with a value of 3.0. Then the results are integrated into the System Dynamic calculation that produces sustainability values from three main aspects including Defense Security Political Aspects with strategic value of base area 36.42, then from Economic Aspects with land availability value 3.94, and Physical Aspects of Naval Base with physical capability values base 21.07. Keywords: Naval Base, Sustainability, Three Main Aspects, Fuzzy Weighting, System Dynamic.
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Ferreira-Neto, João Leite. "The Right of the Governed: Foucault’s Theoretical Political Turn." Social Change Review 15, no. 1-2 (December 1, 2017): 83–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/scr-2017-0004.

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AbstractThis paper aims to understand the theoretical-political turn of Foucault constructed from 1978, which led him to a distancing from the Maoist left and to a return to the notion of subjectivity within a perspective of liberty, in the context of his governmentality studies. The historical-institutional aspects relating to his theoretical and political shift will be discussed, with basis on biographical sources and texts by the author published at that time. The conclusion is that Foucault used both Marxist and neoliberal contributions, avoiding reducing the politics to a confrontation between two projects, but considering it a complex field of plural strategies. He also began to theorize about the rights historically known as the ‘right of the governed,’ led by the question: ‘how to become subject without being subjected?’.
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Duncan, G. "Happiness, Sadness and Government." Health, Culture and Society 5, no. 1 (November 15, 2013): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/hcs.2013.130.

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Policy-making that re-presents – as objects of concern and by means of statistics – the suffering or depression and the happiness of populations indicates an evolving form of governance that examines and reshapes subjectivity itself. Never before have states of subjectivity been acted upon, through surveys, statistical and policy analysis, and scientific disciplines, to the extent seen today. This article: Documents changing epistemic co-ordinates, especially in psychology and economics, that first occluded happiness in the interests of objectivity, but, in recent decades, marked out a renewed ‘science’ of happiness.Examines changes in the discursive formulation of depression, as a counterpart to happiness.Argues that, seen in terms of bio-power, contemporary concerns for happiness and depression are consistent – rather than incompatible – with one another. How can so many claim to be happy when so many, we are told, are depressed, anxious or suffering emotional pain? There is no underlying contradiction here, for two reasons: Happiness and depression are manifestations of the same political discourse (or aspects of a political subjectivity) characterized by dis-inhibition, consumer self-indulgence and performance anxiety. And, just as we needed madness in order to understand ‘sanity,’ or the prison in order to view ourselves as ‘free,’ so we rely upon concerns about depression in order to understand and act upon ourselves as subjects capable of unlimited happiness.
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Tuğal, Cihan. "“Serbest meslek sahibi”: Neoliberal subjectivity among İstanbul's popular sectors." New Perspectives on Turkey 46 (2012): 65–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600001515.

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AbstractSome of the literature on neoliberal subjectivity tends to attribute omnipotence and impeccable consistency to neoliberalism. Other recent literature, by contrast, has emphasized how actually existing neoliberal subjectivity combines liberal and non-liberal elements, some of the latter emanating from local culture. However, even this revisionist scholarship holds that the non-liberal elements only lead to a smoother functioning of neoliberalism. A focus on informal workers and small merchants in a squatter district in İstanbul reveals that neoliberal subjectivity harbors contradictory orientations that might actually undermine some aspects of neoliberalism. The mixture of self-reliance, individual responsibility (condensed in an emphasis on hard work and pious patience), and entrepreneurial spirit with extra-market survival techniques, as well as non-liberal orientations toward legal property, land and money, and desire of redistribution (as well as state protection against big capital) all exhibit how marketization is restricted, twisted, and perhaps endangered, even within the process of neoliberalization.
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Blum, Virginia, and Heidi Nast. "Where's the Difference? The Heterosexualization of Alterity in Henri Lefebvre and Jacques Lacan." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 14, no. 5 (October 1996): 559–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d140559.

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It has been largely overlooked that Henri Lefebvre in his book The Production of Space draws heavily upon Lacanian psychoanalytic accounts of the emergence of subjectivity in theorizing political relations, Lefebvre implicitly repudiates at the same time that he builds upon Lacan's distinctions between real, imaginary, and symbolic registers of subjectivity. For Lefebvre, Lacan's registers give primacy to visuality and heterosexualized familial dynamics while lived material, spatial, and political experience arc incidental to subject formation and systems of meaning Lefebvre transforms Lacan's registers by historicizing them in spatially dialectical terms, loosely replacing them with distinct forms of evolutionary spatialities which he calls natural, absolute, and abstract, In the process, he both subverts and reproduces Lacan's paternal–maternal (heterosexual) order. We hold that Lefebvrc's critique provides powerful theoretical tools for understanding how alterity and signification are always and inevitably politically and materially mediated through corporealities and ‘space’. Nonetheless, Lefebvre can only work out his spatial dialectic of history in heterosexist terms: although he usefully identifies maternal–paternal metaphors in different Western social formations over time, he fails to interrogate directly the very hetero-sexuality that gives these metaphors their relational significance and force. In short, he brings us to the brink of a nonheterosexist domain, but never enters it. In this paper then, we outline the striking parallels in the theoretical frameworks of Lefebvre and Lacan in order to illustrate how both theorists focus on gender construction as the fundamental social process through which alterity is achieved. At the same time, we unpack the underlying phallocentrism and heterosexism that sustain their versions of alterity, subjectivity, and agency, in the process showing how Lefebvre deftly undermines the apolitical stance of Lacan. In conclusion, we strive to recuperate the crucial liberatory aspects of Lefebvre's project through considering how we might go on to dislocate received versions of capitalism and sexual difference.
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Prior, Helder. "A ECONOMIA DA ATENÇÃO DO ESCÂNDALO POLÍTICO." Revista Observatório 3, no. 6 (October 1, 2017): 586. http://dx.doi.org/10.20873/uft.2447-4266.2017v3n6p586.

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Neste ensaio procuramos delinear alguns aspectos que evidenciam a configuração do escândalo político nas sociedades mediatizadas. Iremos prestar especial atenção à exploração do escândalo enquanto artefacto mediático, sublinhando a diluição das fronteiras tradicionais entre o público e o privado e também a proliferação de produtos informativos de tipo hedónico que suscitam a subjectividade, a aisthesis, o desejo e a atenção do espectador-consumidor de produtos informativos. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Escândalo; público-privado; economia da atenção; cultura mediática; subjectividade informativa. ABSTRACT In this essay we seek to outline some aspects evidencing the configuration of political scandal in mediated societies. We will pay special attention to the exploitation of the scandal as media artefact, underscoring the blurring of traditional boundaries between public and private, but also the proliferation of hedonic type of information products that raise the subjectivity, aisthesis, desire and attention of the viewer-consumer. KEYWORDS: Political scandal; public and private; economy of attention; media culture; informative subjectivity RESUMEN En este ensayo tratamos de esbozar algunos aspectos que ponen de relieve la configuración del escándalo político en las sociedades mediadas. Prestaremos especial atención a la explotación del escándalo como artefacto mediático, subrayando la difuminación de las fronteras tradicionales entre lo público y lo privado, y también la proliferación de productos informativos de tipo hedónico que elevan la subjetividad, la aiesthesis, el deseo y la atención del espectador-consumidor. PALABRAS-CLAVE: Escándalo político; público y privado; economia de la atención; cultura mediática; subjectividad informativa.
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Maffeis, Stefania. "Das Subjekt der Menschenrechte." Zeitschrift für Kulturphilosophie 2018, no. 2 (2018): 245–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.28937/1000108263.

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This paper proposes a political understanding of human rights which allows not to dissolve the contradiction between the positive and the normative aspect entailed in the idea and the institution of human rights, but rather to keep them together dialectically. I discuss the relationality of human rights through Hannah Arendt’s idea of the right to have rights and I develop it further through Jacques Rancière’s concept of subjectivity. This allows me to explain the dialectic of the human rights as a conflict between existing positive rights, which assign specific subjects or groups to specific territories and legal spheres, and a universal claim of human equality and freedom, which is challenged from excluded, unclassified social groups and which is performed in situations of protests. I further explain the radical democratic potential of human rights on the paradigmatic case of struggles for a right to global movement and to political belonging. In order to grasp the complexity of those subjectivity practices, I distinguish four different dimensions of subjectivity: a legal and political one, an affective one, an epistemic one and finally an ethical transcultural one
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political aspects of Subjectivity"

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Ng, Kwok-keung Zachary, and 吳國強. "The construction of colonial subjectivity in the Chinese language and literature lessons in Hong Kong secondary schools." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31951168.

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Shields, Rachel. "(Re)imagining history and subjectivity : (dis)incar-nations of racialised citizenship." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of Sociology, c2012, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/3249.

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This thesis explores the ways in which modern history-writing practices reiterate race-based categories of citizenship. To investigate these practices across time, I have examined discourses produced by the United Farm Women of Alberta (UFWA) in 1925, and discourses produced by the contemporary magazine American Renaissance (AR). The UFWA were concerned with the promotion and definition of citizenship, and in so doing laid race as a foundation of Canadian identity. AR is a magazine that concerns itself with white nationalism in the contemporary United States. Drawing upon Avery Gordon and Wendy Brown’s theories of history and haunting, I have situated these discourses in imaginative relation to one another, illuminating the “past” in the present. I have also critically examined how I am complicit in reproducing the historical practices under study; as an architecture of history, haunting helps to imagine alternatives for the study of history and social life, particularly our own.
vii, 160 leaves : ill. ; 29 cm
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Bastalich, Wendy. "Politicising the productive: subjectivity, feminist labour thought and Foucault." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phb324.pdf.

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Guerra, Filho Willis Santiago. "Dimensão psicopolítica da religião: uma abordagem de caráter reflexivo." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2018. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/21622.

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Starting from the consideration that the constitution of human subjectivity has as one of its a priori, as well as language, the way in which we relate to the religious dimension, this research focus on the psycho-political component that is present there, pointing out to possibilities of introducing the concern with this dimension in the clinical and private treatment, as in the political and public engagement of the subjects in the contemporary world. Hence the reflexive character attributed to such investigation, to apply to itself, which had as one of its axes that epistemological, in order to highlight the religious a priori that there is in all investigation of and interference in human subjectivity. In order to understand the current situation of the individuals that we are, individually and collectively, so that it could be adequately inquired, we provided to combine approaches from philosophy and psychoanalysis, which proved to be capable of contributing to reveal the psycho-political dimension of religion
Partindo da consideração de que a constituição da subjetividade humana tem como um de seus a priori, assim como a linguagem, o modo como estabelecemos relação com a dimensão religiosa, encetou-se investigação sobre o componente psicopolítico que ali se faz presente, apontando para possibilidades de se introduzir a preocupação com esta dimensão assim no tratamento clínico, privado, como no engajamento político, público, dos sujeitos na contemporaneidade. Daí o caráter reflexivo que se atribui a tal investigação, de se aplicar a si mesma, que teve como um de seus eixos aquele epistemológico, a fim de evidenciar o a priori religioso que há em toda investigação da e interferência na subjetividade humana. Para que a situação atual dos sujeitos que somos, individual e coletivamente, pudesse ser adequadamente inquirida, procurou-se conjugar enfoques oriundos da filosofia e da psicanálise, capazes de contribuir para revelar a dimensão psicopolítica da religião
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Packer, Beth. "Hors-jeu dans le football féminin au Sénégal : genre, Islam et politique du corps." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0036.

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Depuis le début du 21ème siècle le football féminin s’est développé dans les quartiers populaires des grandes villes sénégalaises comme l’un des rares espaces culturels où les femmes transgressent ouvertement les normes esthétiques de féminité dans l’espace public. Contrairement à d’autres sports féminins tels que le basketball qui est aujourd’hui largement célébré comme lieu de sociabilité d’une féminité sportive, les footballeuses refusent fermement la féminisation de leur sport. Ces femmes signalent leur appartenance à cette pratique, sur et en dehors du terrain, en adoptant une manière d’être qui brouille la distinction entre homme et femme. Leur apparence déroge aux multiples configurations de pouvoir observées habituellement (genre, classe, sexualité, religiosité, colonialisme, nationalisme, néolibéralisme, etc.) bien qu’elles ne soient identifiées que comme lesbiennes dans l’opinion publique. Dans le contexte actuel où l’homophobie se renforce et est soutenue par l’État sénégalais et par les acteurs religieux, ce rapprochement du football féminin avec l’homosexualité entraine une stigmatisation qui est non seulement ostracisante mais peut même être dangereuse pour ces femmes.Les footballeuses acceptent souvent la souffrance sociale qui découle de leur stigmatisation, de la même manière que leur souffrance physique sur le terrain, c’est-à-dire comme partie intégrante de l’expérience du football féminin. Pour donner du sens à leur expérience, ces footballeuses s’appuient sur les grammaires morales de la tradition Sufi et du sport, qui toutes deux valorisent la souffrance comme condition sine qua non de l’amélioration de l’individu. Du point de vue des footballeuses ce travail éthique ferait d’elles non seulement de meilleures joueuses mais aussi des musulmanes plus vertueuses. C’est en incarnant cette grammaire de la souffrance Sufi, que ces footballeuses revendiquent une légitimité morale leur permettant d’échapper aux catégories classiques de genre et de sexualité en vigueur au sein de l’espace public sénégalais. Ceci engendre néanmoins une forme de paradoxe puisque la vertu acquise dans la culture Sufi par la souffrance sociale se fait ici au dépend d’une marginalisation progressive dans l’espace public. C’est en puisant dans les différents registres moraux et culturels auxquels cette contradiction donne accès, que ces femmes peuvent donner un sens à leurs actions. Elles déstabilisent ainsi les catégories de genre et les frontières culturelles, et ouvrent la voie à de nouvelles façons de se présenter (et de se représenter) dans le monde.Cette enquête ethnographique explore l’émergence de ces nouvelles formes de subjectivité politique, queer et musulmane, au sein de trois équipes à Saint-Louis et à Dakar. Elle s’appuie sur les théories féministes qui adoptent un regard transnational et queer ainsi que sur la sociologie « charnelle » de Beauchez (2010), Wacquant (2015) pour analyser le sens de leurs performances de genre, stigmatisées et disruptives dans l’espace public sénégalais. Ces théories me permettent de prendre le corps non seulement comme objet mais aussi comme sujet (le corps comme acteur politique) et d’interroger ainsi les catégories de genre et de sexualité. Il en ressort trois questions principales autour desquelles est organisée cette thèse : Comment le pouvoir (normes, pratiques, discours) opère sur et à travers ces corps ? Comment les corps sont-ils perçus dans leur environnement social ? Et, finalement comment les footballeuses utilisent leur corps pour s’exprimer dans la société sénégalaise ?
This dissertation explores the emergence of new queer Muslim political subjectivities through the lens of women’s soccer in urban Senegal. Through ethnographic research that joins transnational feminism and queer theory with “carnal sociology” [Beauchez (2010); Crossley (1995); Wacquant (2015)], I investigate the meaning of disruptive and stigmatized gender performances amongst Senegalese women soccer players (footballeuses) from the perspective of the active body, along with how power operates on and through these bodies and how these women experience the world through their bodies. I propose Senegalese women’s soccer as a site of transformational resistance where the marginalized footballeuses claim moral legitimacy to exist in public space in non-binary ways through an embodied grammar of Sufi suffering. This results in a paradox, since the virtue derived from the footballeuses’ social suffering is contingent on their continued marginalization in public space. I argue that it is precisely in this contradiction where the women draw on several moral grammars and symbolic repertoires to give meaning to their embodied actions. The permanence of gender categories and cultural boundaries are broken down and new ways of situating oneself in the world become possible. My data reveals that the footballeuses have no underlying political ideology and that they make no demands for representation or equality. In fact, it is not the outcome of their actions but the embodied performance itself that orients their resistance. In this sense, they are working in the realm of political potentiality, which has not yet, and may never, lead to a political discourse. The case of the Senegalese footballeuses suggests that analyzing the embodied dimension of political action sheds light on ephemeral or emerging spatialities and subjectivities that do not register in existing political discourses yet have a transformational impact on the public sphere
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Worlow, Christian D. "Shakespeare and Modeling Political Subjectivity." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2013. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc407853/.

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This dissertation examines the role of aesthetic activity in the pursuit of political agency in readings of several of Shakespeare’s plays, including Hamlet (1600), A Midsummer Night’s Dream (1595), The Tempest (1610), the history plays of the second tetralogy (1595-9), Julius Caesar (1599), and Coriolanus (1605). I demonstrate how Shakespeare models political subjectivity—the capacity for individuals to participate meaningfully in the political realm—as necessitating active aesthetic agency. This aesthetic agency entails the fashioning of artistically conceived public personae that potential political subjects enact in the public sphere and the critical engagement of the aesthetic and political discourses of the subjects’ culture in a self-reflective and appropriative manner. Furthermore, these subjects should be wary auditors of the texts and personae they encounter within the public sphere in order to avoid internalizing constraining ideologies that reify their identities into forms less conducive to the pursuit of liberty and social mobility. Early modern audiences could discover several models for doing so in Shakespeare’s works. For example, Hamlet posits a model of Machiavellian theatricality that masks the Prince's interiority as he resists the biopolitical force and disciplinary discourses of Claudius's Denmark. Julius Caesar and Coriolanus advance a model of citizenship through the plays’ nameless plebeians in which rhetoric offers the means to participate in Rome’s political culture, and Shakespeare’s England for audiences, while authorities manipulate citizen opinion by molding the popularity of public figures. Public, artistic ability affords potential political subjects ways of not only framing their participation in their culture but also ways of conceiving of their identities and relationships to society that may defy normative notions of membership in the community.
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Strangroom, Jeremy Richard. "Political mobilisation and the question of subjectivity." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1446/.

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In its broadest aspect, this thesis constitutes a demonstration of the substantive utility of a political sociology that pays serious regard to the issues surrounding the notion of subjectivity. More specifically, it takes the form of a sustained argument concerning the relationship between political mobilisation and the various structures and dynamics associated with subjectivity. In the first part of the thesis, a theory of consciousness, subjectivity and intersubjectivity is developed. It is argued that as a result of a number of existential facts about consciousness, individuals manifest and are subject to various socio-existential dynamics of subjectivity. The most important of these are: (a) the necessity experienced by individuals to reaffirm their senses of self; (b) their desire for the symbolic mastery of the "external-world"; and (c) the compulsion experienced to negate symbolically the foreignness of the other. The second part of the thesis is devoted to exploring some of the political consequences and implications of the existence of these dynamics. By means of a number of case studies - specifically, analyses of political conflict, political ritual and populism - it is demonstrated that in order to understand various kinds of political mobilisation, it is necessary to understand the sense in which political action and discourse dovetail with the structures and dynamics of subjectivity. It is concluded that to the extent that this is the case, a political sociology which neglects issues of subjectivity is necessarily partial.
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You, Seungkwon. "Environmental risks, subjectivity, and political choices : the Korean case /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3074461.

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Holtmeier, Matthew. "The modern political film : biopolitical production and cinematic subjectivity." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3624.

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This project uses Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari's concept of the minor cinema to argue for a contemporary political mode of film that critiques dominant or majoritarian ideologies. I argue that these 'modern political films' perform this critique by rupturing the sensory-motor schemata that make up official times and create a space for everyday life and labor to emerge on screen. While political theorists such as Carl Schmitt argue proper politics necessitate oppositional conflict and dialectical progression, a classical model based on the opposition between ultimately Other subjects, modern political films challenge this notion by fragmenting the concept of an appropriate subject and revealing the networks that contribute to and create modern, multifaceted subjects. I locate modern political films in four global contexts: Algeria, Iran, China, and the United States. While the political circumstances of each context differ greatly, the filmmakers I examine turn to a slower pace or use of cinematic time that resists narrative conclusion to address political, economic, and social issues affecting populations within these global locations. Through this slower pace, these directors also address the biopolitical concerns of the subjects they depict: intolerable laws, ideologies, and economic forces that structure or otherwise control how individuals live their lives. As a result, these films operate according to a particular form of politics that opposes the subject-creating assemblages of regulatory biopower, and affirms the potential for new life to emerge on screen.
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Moss, Jonathan Thomas. "Women, workplace militancy and political subjectivity in Britain, 1968-1985." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2015. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/7259/.

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This thesis examines the experiences and political subjectivity of women who engaged in workplace protest in Britain between 1968 and 1985. The study covers a period that has been identified with the ‘zenith’ of trade-union militancy in British labour history. The women’s liberation movement also emerged in this period, which produced a shift in public debates about gender roles and relations in the home and the workplace. Women’s trade union membership increased dramatically and trade unions increasingly committed themselves to supporting ‘women’s issues’. Industrial disputes involving working-class women have frequently been cited as evidence of women’s growing participation in the labour movement. However, the voices and experiences of female workers who engaged in workplace protest remain largely unexplored. This thesis addresses this space through an original analysis of the 1968 sewing-machinists’ strike at Ford, Dagenham; the 1976 equal pay strike at Trico, Brentford; the 1972 Sexton shoe factory occupation in Fakenham, Norfolk; the 1981 Lee Jeans factory occupation in Greenock, Inverclyde and the 1984-1985 sewing-machinists’ strike at Ford Dagenham. Drawing upon a combination of oral history and written sources, this study contributes a fresh understanding of the relationship between feminism, workplace activism and trade unionism during the years 1968-1985. In every dispute considered in this thesis, women’s behaviour was perceived by observers as novel, ‘historic’ or extraordinary. But the women did not think of themselves as extraordinary, and rather understood their behaviour as a legitimate and justified response to their everyday experiences of gender and class antagonism. The industrial disputes analysed in this thesis show that women’s workplace militancy was not simply a direct response to women’s heightened presence in trade unions. The women involved in these disputes were more likely to understand their experiences of workplace activism as an expression of the economic, social and subjective value of their work. Whilst they did not adopt a feminist identity or associate their action with the WLM, they spoke about themselves and their motivations in a manner that emphasised feminist values of equality, autonomy and self-worth.
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Books on the topic "Political aspects of Subjectivity"

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Alterity politics: Ethics and performative subjectivity. Durham: Duke University Press, 1998.

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Subjectivity in political economy: Essays on wanting and choosing. London: Routledge, 1998.

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The gender of democracy: Citizenship and gendered subjectivity. New York: Routledge, 2006.

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Captive bodies: Postcolonial subjectivity in cinema. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999.

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The fiction of a thinkable world: Body, meaning, and the culture of capitalism. New York: Monthly Review Press, 2005.

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La soggettività come tecnologia sociale: Un orientamento per le politiche. Milano, Italy: FrancoAngeli, 2008.

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Prandstraller, Stefano Scarcella. La soggettività come tecnologia sociale: Un orientamento per le politiche. Milano, Italy: FrancoAngeli, 2008.

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de, Alba Alicia, ed. Subjects in process: Diversity, mobility, and the politics of subjectivity in the 21st century. Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2012.

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Hill, Dave, Sheila L. Macrine, and Deborah Kelsh. Class in education: Knowledge, pedagogy, subjectivity. London: Routledge, 2010.

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Savat, David. The uncoding the digital: Technology, subjectivity and action in the control society. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political aspects of Subjectivity"

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Branch, Alan E. "Political aspects." In Elements of Shipping, 491–506. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-3284-6_22.

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Branch, Alan E. "Political aspects." In Elements of Shipping, 445–62. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-010-9292-0_19.

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Moore, Phoebe. "Work, Employability, Subjectivity." In The International Political Economy of Work and Employability, 25–47. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230294431_2.

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Howarth, David R. "Identity, Interests, and Political Subjectivity." In Poststructuralism and After, 225–64. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137266989_8.

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Brown, Tony. "The Political Shaping of Mathematical Learning." In Mathematics Education and Subjectivity, 171–89. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-1739-8_8.

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Karakayali, Serhat, and Özge Yaka. "Humor, Revolt, and Subjectivity." In Subjectivation in Political Theory and Contemporary Practices, 203–18. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-51659-6_11.

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Rozynek, Michal. "Constructing Political Subjectivity: Agency and Nationhood." In A Philosophy of Nationhood and the Modern Self, 111–25. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59506-5_7.

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Mulcahy, Niamh. "The political economy of financial subjectivity." In Class and Inequality in the Time of Finance, 48–75. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003080428-3.

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Green, Roger K. "Liberal Subjectivity, Religion, and the State." In A Transatlantic Political Theology of Psychedelic Aesthetics, 1–32. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-15318-2_1.

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Fu, Jun. "Online Political Participation and Formation of Subjectivity." In Digital Citizenship in China, 123–49. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-5532-6_5.

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Conference papers on the topic "Political aspects of Subjectivity"

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Meškova, Sandra. "THE SENSE OF EXILE IN CONTEMPORARY EAST CENTRAL EUROPEAN WOMEN’S LIFE WRITING: DUBRAVKA UGREŠIČ AND MARGITA GŪTMANE." In NORDSCI International Conference. SAIMA Consult Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2020/b1/v3/22.

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Exile is one of the central motifs of the 20th century European culture and literature; it is closely related to the historical events throughout this century and especially those related to World War II. In the culture of East Central Europe, the phenomenon of exile has been greatly determined by the context of socialism and post-socialist transformations that caused several waves of emigration from this part of Europe to the West or other parts of the world. It is interesting to compare cultures of East Central Europe, the historical situations of which both during World War II and after the collapse of socialism were different, e.g. Latvian and ex-Yugoslavian ones. In Latvia, exile is basically related to the emigration of a great part of the population in the 1940s and the issue of their possible return to the renewed Republic of Latvia in the early 1990s, whereas the countries of the former Yugoslavia experienced a new wave of emigration as a result of the Balkan War in the 1990s. Exile has been regarded by a great number of the 20th century philosophers, theorists, and scholars of diverse branches of studies. An important aspect of this complex phenomenon has been studied by psychoanalytical theorists. According to the French poststructuralist feminist theorist Julia Kristeva, the state of exile as a socio-cultural phenomenon reflects the inner schisms of subjectivity, particularly those of a feminine subject. Hence, exile/stranger/foreigner is an essential model of the contemporary subject and exile turns from a particular geographical and political phenomenon into a major symbol of modern European culture. The present article regards the sense of exile as a part of the narrator’s subjective world experience in the works by the Yugoslav writer Dubravka Ugrešič (“The Museum of Unconditional Surrender”, in Croatian and English, 1996) and Latvian émigré author Margita Gūtmane (“Letters to Mother”, in Latvian, 1998). Both authors relate the sense of exile to identity problems, personal and culture memory as well as loss. The article focuses on the issues of loss and memory as essential elements of the narrative of exile revealed by the metaphors of photograph and museum. Notwithstanding the differences of their historical situations, exile as the subjective experience reveals similar features in both authors’ works. However, different artistic means are used in both authors’ texts to depict it. Hence, Dubravka Ugrešič uses irony, whereas Margita Gūtmane provides a melancholic narrative of confession; both authors use photographs to depict various aspects of memory dynamic, but Gūtmane primarily deals with private memory, while Ugrešič regards also issues of cultural memory. The sense of exile in both authors’ works appears to mark specific aspects of feminine subjectivity.
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Jiang, Maojin, and Shlomo Argamon. "Exploiting subjectivity analysis in blogs to improve political leaning categorization." In the 31st annual international ACM SIGIR conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/1390334.1390472.

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Qin, Pengju. "Achebe's Racial Political Criticism and the Construction of African Subjectivity." In 4th International Conference on Arts, Design and Contemporary Education (ICADCE 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icadce-18.2018.57.

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Joshi, Aditya, Pushpak Bhattacharyya, and Mark Carman. "Political Issue Extraction Model: A Novel Hierarchical Topic Model That Uses Tweets By Political And Non-Political Authors." In Proceedings of the 7th Workshop on Computational Approaches to Subjectivity, Sentiment and Social Media Analysis. Stroudsburg, PA, USA: Association for Computational Linguistics, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18653/v1/w16-0415.

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Salam, Aprinus, and Sulistya Ningtyas. "Examining Political Subjectivity Through the Truth Procedure in Ahmad Tohari’s Ronggeng Dukuh Paruk." In International Joint Conference on Arts and Humanities (IJCAH 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.201201.092.

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BARMINA, Evgeniia A., Nataliya A. MESTANKO, and Olga G. SKIDAN. "Political Media Images: Linguistic and Cognitive Aspects." In DICTUM - FACTUM: from Research to Policy Making. Sibac, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32743/dictum-factum.2020.1-13.

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Bhatia, Sumit, and Deepak P. "Topic-Specific Sentiment Analysis Can Help Identify Political Ideology." In Proceedings of the 9th Workshop on Computational Approaches to Subjectivity, Sentiment and Social Media Analysis. Stroudsburg, PA, USA: Association for Computational Linguistics, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18653/v1/w18-6212.

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Kaptsov, A. V., and E. I. Kolesnikova. "Regulatory aspects of the stages of formation of subjectivity of university students." In INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC AND PRACTICAL ONLINE CONFERENCE. Знание-М, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.38006/907345-50-8.2020.116.128.

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The article considers the role of the universal system of conscious self-regulation as a meta-resource in the system of stages of formation of subjectivity (ontological model). The concepts of hierarchical levels of formation of self-regulation are considered: maintaining the level of human adaptation; level of difficulty; the degree of concreteness of achieving life goals (universal (meta-) and special regulatory resources). The stages of the formation of subjectivity are considered in the ontological continuum “subject of spontaneous activity — subject of arbitrary action”, this model is not tied to a specific activity, and is also universal. For the first time, a study was conducted of the relationship of self-regulation profiles with the structure of the stages of formation of subjectivity in relation to the achievement of the goal in systemforming activities (by the example of student learning actions). Using a correlation analysis, intersystemic relationships were established between indicators of conscious self-regulation (planning, modeling, programming, evaluation), regulatory qualities (flexibility, independence) and the general level of self-regulation with the severity of the stages of formation of subjectivity, their integrity and connectedness. The process of formation of subjective qualities is considered depending on the typology with the allocation of three profiles of the empirical structure of self-regulation for two samples (88 people in total). Samples of university students are compared in the direction of preparation (the first is engineering, the second is computer technology, the most involved in digitalization). For each of the samples, specific interrelation results were obtained. The results obtained are relevant in the scientific and applied terms for the development of individual educational routes.
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Li, Xiaohua, and Xin Yang. "Notice of Retraction: The Ideological and Political Education under the Guidance of Inter-Subjectivity." In 2009 1st International Conference on Information Science and Engineering (ICISE 2009). IEEE, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icise.2009.1212.

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Yan-qiang, Lou, and Li Ji-na. "Researching on the Countermeasures of College Students in Subjectivity Ideological and Political Education Model." In 2015 Conference on Informatization in Education, Management and Business (IEMB-15). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iemb-15.2015.136.

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Reports on the topic "Political aspects of Subjectivity"

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Crupper, Jr, McDonald Charles G., and Richard T. The Ground-Launched Cruise Missile in NATO: Political Aspects. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada192610.

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Paschalidou, Maria. Rehearsing memories - Naming the dead. Performative aspects of political loss. Universitetet i Bergen KMD, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22501/kmd-ar.1197726.

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Teye, Joseph Kofi, and Ebenezer Nikoi. The Political Economy of the Cocoa Value Chain in Ghana. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/apra.2021.007.

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The cocoa sector has, historically, been the backbone of the Ghanaian economy. Many households depend directly on the cocoa sector for livelihoods, and aspects of the cocoa industry, such as input supplies to farmers and cocoa pricing, have historically featured prominently in national and local politics. This paper examines the basic underlying political economy dynamics of the cocoa value chain, with particular focus on how the interests, powers and interactions of various actors along the value chain have contributed to agricultural commercialisation in Ghana. The paper also explores the challenges affecting the cocoa value chain, social difference within the chain, and how various segments of the cocoa value chain have been affected by the COVID-19 pandemic in Ghana since March 2020.
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Melnyk, Olesia. MEDIA DISCOURSE AROUND THE FIGURE OF ORIANA FALLACHI AND HER JOURNALISM DURING 2017–2020. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11114.

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The article analyzes the media discourse around the figure of Oriana Fallachi and her journalistic work during 2017-2020. The actual media image of the figure of Fallachi is highlighted, examples of positive and negative statements are given. It is substantiated why her journalism should be researched in various ways, taking into account other aspects of her work that are not related to Islamophobia. The subject of the study is critical texts in modern foreign media dedicated to the author’s work. The objective of the study is to outline the media discourse around the figure of Oriana Fallaci and her journalism during 2017-2020. The methodology. The following methods have been used in the process of scientific research: historical, comparative, systems analysis, content synthesis, and others. The main results. In total, we have analyzed eight materials in foreign publications, published over the past 3 years, as well as the two most famous biographies of Oriana Fallaci. Some of the most recent reviewed texts have been published in the last few months, reflecting the interest in the author’s journalism, her writing, and reporting. Therefore, we see the need for further tracking and analysis of this body of texts. Conclusions. Critics of Fallaci express polar views that are not all negative. Authors re­commend quite cautiously her texts for reading, emphasizing their positive aspects. Both Fallaci’s biographies are also not entirely complementary: some aspects of her work are glorified, others are condemned. We managed to find general tendencies in the criticism of Oriana Fallaci’s journalism. These include accusations of xenophobia and Islamophobia, uncompromisingness, lack of political correctness, and moral value. The authors emphasize, at the same time, the openness and directness that bribe the reader, patriotism and honesty, strength of spirit and firmness of position. Significance of the research. The analysis of the latest criticism reveals what kind of media image Fallachi’s figure has today, and gives the possibility to research it for demonization and one-sided coverage. This is important not only for thorough research of the author’s work but also for understanding how the modern world perceives journalism, which is contrary to the generally accepted principles of political correctness, journalistic ethics, and humanity.
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Oppel, Annalena. Beyond Informal Social Protection – Personal Networks of Economic Support in Namibia. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), November 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2020.002.

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This paper poses a different lens on informal social protection (ISP). ISP is generally understood as practices of livelihood support among individuals. While studies have explored the social dynamics of such, they rarely do so beyond the conceptual space of informalities and poverty. For instance, they discuss aspects of inclusion, incentives and disincentives, efficiency and adequacy. This provides important insights on whether and to what extent these practices provide livelihood support and for whom. However, doing so in part disregards the socio-political context within which support practices take place. This paper therefore introduces the lens of between-group inequality through the Black Tax narrative. It draws on unique mixed method data of 205 personal support networks of Namibian adults. The results show how understanding these practices beyond the lens of informal social protection can provide important insights on how economic inequality resonates in support relationships, which in turn can play a part in reproducing the inequalities to which they respond.
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Lehtimaki, Susanna, Kassim Nishtar, Aisling Reidy, Sara Darehshori, Andrew Painter, and Nina Schwalbe. Independent Review and Investigation Mechanisms to Prevent Future Pandemics: A Proposed Way Forward. United Nations University International Institute for Global Health, May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37941/pb-f/2021/2.

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Based on the proposal by the European Council, more than 25 heads of state and the World Health Organization (WHO) support development of an international treaty on pandemics, that planned to be negotiated under the auspices of WHO, will be presented to the World Health Assembly in May 2021. Given that the treaty alone is not enough to ensure compliance, triggers for a high-level political response is required. To this end, to inform the design of a support system, we explored institutional mechanismsi with a mandate to review compliance with key international agreements in their signatory countries and conduct independent country investigations in a manner that manages sovereign considerations. Based on our review, there is no single global mechanism that could serve as a model in its own right. There is, however, potential to combine aspects of existing mechanisms to support a strong, enforceable treaty. These aspects include: • Periodic review - based on the model of human rights treaties, with independent experts as the authorized monitoring body to ensure the independence. If made obligatory, the review could support compliance with the treaty. • On-site investigations - based on the model by the Committee on Prevention of Torture according to which visits cannot be blocked by state parties. • Non-negotiable design principles - including accountability; independence; transparency and data sharing; speed; emphasis on capabilities; and incentives. • Technical support - WHO can provide countries with technical assistance, tools, monitoring, and assessment to enhance emergency preparedness and response.
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Fieldsend, Astrid. Evidence and Lessons Learned Regarding the Effect of Equitable Quality Education on ‘Open Society’. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.094.

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The purpose of this review is to assist FCDO in understanding the evidence of impact and any valuable lessons regarding the effect equitable quality education can have on ‘open society’. The search revealed that there is a considerable volume of evidence which focuses on education’s ability to reduce poverty, increase economic growth, boost employability and achieve better health outcomes. There is less which focuses on the aspects of ‘open society’ as defined in this paper. The scope of this review was narrowed to focus upon areas of the ‘open society’ definition where the most evidence does exist, given the timeframe for the review. The scope was narrowed to focus on: democracy, civic engagement, and social cohesion. The review of the literature found strong evidence that equitable quality education can have a range of positive impacts on democracy (specifically, its institutions and processes), civic engagement and social cohesion. There is a considerable body of evidence which indicates that there is a correlation between equitable quality education and benefits to societies (more peaceful, higher levels of trust, greater participation in politics, etc). However, there was no clear evidence that investment in equitable quality education directly leads to positive societal outcomes. This is because there are so many other factors to account for in attempting to prove causation. The lack of rigorous studies which attempt to attribute causation demonstrates a clear evidence gap. It is important to note that education systems themselves are politicised and cannot be divorced from the political process. The extent to which education can impact positively on open society depends a great deal on the value education has within the political system in which it is operating.
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Prysyazhna-Gapchenko, Julia. VOLODYMYR LENYK AS A JOURNALIST AND EDITOR IN THE ENVIRONMENT OF UKRAINIAN EMIGRATION. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11094.

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In this article considered Journalistic and editorial activity of Volodymyr Lenika (14.06.1922–02.11.2005) – one of the leading figures of Ukrainian emigration in Germany. First outlined basic landmarks of his life and creation. Journalistic and editorial activity of Volodymyr Lenik was during to forty years out of Ukraine. In the conditions of emigration politically zaangazhovani Ukrainians counted on temporality of the stay abroad and prepared to transference of the created charts and instituciy on native lands. It was or by not main part of conception of liberation revolution of elaborate OUN under the direction of Stepan Banderi, and successfully incarnated in post-war years. Volodymyr Lenik, executing responsible commissions Organization, proved on a few directions of activity, which were organically combined with his journalistic and editorial work. As an editor he was promotorom of creation and realization of models of magazines «Avangard», «Krylati», «Znannia», «Freie Presse Korespondenz», newspapers «Shliakh peremogy». As a journalist Volodymyr Lenik left ponderable work, considerable part of which entered in two-volume edition «Ukrainians on strange land, or reporting, from long journeys». Subject of him newspaper-magazine publications directed on illumination of school, youth, student, cultural, scientific problems, organization and activity of emigrant structures, political fight of emigration, to dethronement of the antiukrainskikh Moscow diversions and provocations. Such variety of problematic of works of V. Lenika was directed in the river-bed of retaining of revolutionary temperament in the environment of diaspore, to bringing in of it to activity in public and political life. Problematic of him is systematized publicism and journalistic appearances, which was inferior realization of a few important tasks, namely to the fight for Ukrainian independence in new terms, cherishing and maintainance of national identity, counteraction hostile soviet propaganda. On an example headed Volodymyr Lenikom a magazine «Knowledge» some aspects are exposed him editorial trade.
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Lehtimaki, Susanna, Aisling Reidy, Kassim Nishtar, Sara Darehschori, Andrew Painter, and Nina Schwalbe. Independent Review and Investigation Mechanisms to Prevent Future Pandemics: A Proposed Way Forward. United Nations University International Institute for Global Health, April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37941/rr/2021/1.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has created enormous challenges for national economies, livelihoods, and public services, including health systems. In January 2021, the World Health Organization proposed an international treaty on pandemics to strengthen the political commitment towards global pandemic preparedness, control, and response. The plan is to present a draft treaty to the World Health Assembly in May 2021. To inform the design of a support system for this treaty, we explored existing mechanisms for periodic reviews conducted either by peers or an external group as well as mechanisms for in-country investigations, conducted with or without country consent. Based on our review, we summarized key design principles requisite for review and investigation mechanisms and explain how these could be applied to pandemics preparedness, control, and response in global health. While there is no single global mechanism that could serve as a model in its own right, there is potential to combine aspects of existing mechanisms. A Universal Periodic Review design based on the model of human rights treaties with independent experts as the authorized monitoring body, if made obligatory, could support compliance with a new pandemic treaty. In terms of on-site investigations, the model by the Committee on Prevention of Torture could lend itself to treaty monitoring and outbreak investigations on short notice or unannounced. These mechanisms need to be put in place in accordance with several core interlinked design principles: compliance; accountability; independence; transparency and data sharing; speed; emphasis on capabilities; and incentives. The World Health Organization can incentivize and complement these efforts. It has an essential role in providing countries with technical support and tools to strengthen emergency preparedness and response capacities, including technical support for creating surveillance structures, integrating non-traditional data sources, creating data governance and data sharing standards, and conducting regular monitoring and assessment of preparedness and response capacities.
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Coelho Resende, Noelle, Renata Weber, Jardel Fischer Loeck, Mathias Vaiano Glens, Carolina Gomes, Priscila Farfan Barroso, Janine Targino, Emerson Elias Merhy, Leandro Dominguez Barretto, and Carly Machado. Working Paper Series: Therapeutic Communities in Brazil. Edited by Taniele Rui and Fiore Mauricio. Drugs, Security and Democracy Program, Social Science Research Council, June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35650/ssrc.2081.d.2021.

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Spread across Brazil and attaining an unparalleled political force, therapeutic communities are as inescapable in the debate on drug policy as they are complex to define. Although they are not a Brazilian creation, they have been operating in that country for decades, and their dissemination intensified in the 1990s. In 2011, they were officially incorporated into Brazil's Psychosocial Care Network (Rede de Atenção Psicossocial, or RAPS). Since then, therapeutic communities have been at the center of public debates about their regulation; about how they should—or even if they should—be a part of the healthcare system; about the level of supervision to which they should be submitted; about their sources of funding, particularly whether or not they should have access to public funding; and, most importantly, about the quality of the services they offer and the many reports of rights violation that have been made public. However, a well-informed public debate can only flourish if the available information is based on sound evidence. The SSRC’s Drugs, Security and Democracy Program is concerned with the policy relevance of the research projects it supports, and the debate around therapeutic communities in Brazil points to a clear need for impartial research that addresses different cross-cutting aspects of this topic in its various dimensions: legal, regulatory, health, and observance of human rights, among others. It is in this context that we publish this working paper series on therapeutic communities in Brazil. The eight articles that compose this series offer a multidisciplinary view of the topic, expanding and deepening the existing literature and offering powerful contributions to a substantive analysis of therapeutic communities as instruments of public policy. Although they can be read separately, it is as a whole that the strength of the eight articles that make up this series becomes more evident. Even though they offer different perspectives, they are complementary works in—and already essential for—delineating and understanding the phenomenon of therapeutic communities in Brazil.
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