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Journal articles on the topic 'Political aspects of Subjectivity'
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1
Chvyakin, Vladimir Alekseevich. "Political subjectivity within the structure of value orientations of youth in the Moscow agglomeration: sociological aspect." Социодинамика, no. 9 (September 2020): 70–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7144.2020.9.31987.
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The subject of this research is the political subjectivity as a social characteristic of the structure of value orientations of youth in the Moscow agglomeration. The author examines such aspects of the topic as political socialization, incidence of political subjectivity, and its key social characteristics within the structure of value orientations of youth. Attention is given to determination of correlation between political subjectivity and socially significant values. The author describes the content of terminal and instrumental values among young people with different levels of development of political subjectivity as a sociopolitical trait of a person. The research methodology includes the fundamental principles of the theory of political socialization, which suggests cultivation of the essential values of political culture as the process of person’s adaptation to a particular political system. The leading role in the process of political socialization belongs to the ability to critical digestion of knowledge and norms of political relations that ensure conditions for the formation of political subjectivity of a person. The conclusions consists in determination of occurrence of political subjectivity and its social characteristics within the structure of value orientations of youth in the Moscow agglomeration. The realization of political subjectivity in youth environment is predetermined by the structure of values and the vector of social orientations of a person. The novelty of this work lies in the statement that political subjectivity in the process of socialization of a person correlates with the structure of social values. Personal values indirectly reflect the essence of its political subjectivity, which is relevant for more accurate socio political characteristics of a person. The revealed terminal and instrumental values in youth environment allow designating the vector of political socialization of a person.
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Rozmarin, Miri. "Those Who Gather in the Streets." Philosophy Today 64, no. 3 (2020): 599–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtoday2020105350.
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This article examines the notion of vulnerable political subjectivity in Judith Butler’s theory of vulnerability. The paper aims to contribute to critical discussions of Butler’s political theory by offering an account of how the ontological, ethical, and political aspects of vulnerability shape political subjectivity in her work. The first part of the paper analyzes the features of vulnerable political subjects. The second part critically assesses to what extent Butler offers an alternative to the association of vulnerability with a damaged capability to act politically. The third part argues that Butler offers only a partial account of vulnerability as a transformative desire, which is crucial to explaining how and under what conditions vulnerability inspires subjects to engage politically with the conditions that shape their precarity or the precarity of others.
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Howarth, David. "Archaeology, Genealogy and Hegemony: A Reply to Mulligan." Political Studies 51, no. 2 (June 2003): 436–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00433.
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In ‘An Archaeology of Political Discourse?’ I examined the possibility of, and conditions for, rendering Foucault's archaeological method appropriate for ideologico-political analysis. Shane Mulligan takes issue with three aspects of my account, namely, the application of archaeology to the ideological realm, the translation of concepts, and the issue of political subjectivity. The first part of my reply tackles his initial objection and the next addresses the other two criticisms.
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Agustian, Indra, Avando Bastari, and Okol Sri Suharyo. "SUSTAINABILITY NAVAL BASE WITH THREE MAIN ASPECTS AS ONE OF THE INDONESIAN MARITIME DEFENSE AND SECURITY ELEMENTS WITH SYSTEM DYNAMIC APPROACH." JOURNAL ASRO 10, no. 3 (October 31, 2019): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.37875/asro.v10i3.145.
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The development of Naval Base requires very strategic planning and calculation to obtain the sustainability of the base. This is intended so that in the future the existence of these bases can continue and exist, which is not disturbed by changes and System Dynamics from various aspects that develop and change over time. Sustainability of Naval Base is determined by many factors that are interrelated with one another as a very complex system arrangement so that a comprehensive analysis of various related aspects of the researcher is compiled into Three main aspects namely Defense Security Political Aspects, Economic Aspects and physical aspects of naval base. In this paper, the researcher will compile a model with System Dynamics approach to the sustainability of the Naval Base that is the object. Then also use Fuzzy Weighting from the elements of subjectivity which will be projected to become elements of objectivity, which also involves data / variables that are qualitative and quantitative. This has never been discussed in previous site selection studies. The complexity of the variables and the dependency relationships between variables in the system, and the decision makers' subjectivity can be identified and smoothed with the Fuzzy Weighting to get the weighting value so that the integration between the System Dynamics model with the Fuzzy Weighting method gets the analysis results of the Naval Base sustainability system based on three main aspects namely Defense Security Political Aspects, Economic Aspects and Physical Aspects of Naval Base. The results of the assessment of Fuzzy Weighting put the Defense Security Political Aspects in the first place with the value of the weight of the influence of interest 3.60, followed by the second position of the Physical Aspects of Naval Base with the value of the weight of the influence of the interest 3.40 and in the third position the Economic Aspects with a value of 3.0. Then the results are integrated into the System Dynamic calculation that produces sustainability values from three main aspects including Defense Security Political Aspects with strategic value of base area 36.42, then from Economic Aspects with land availability value 3.94, and Physical Aspects of Naval Base with physical capability values base 21.07.
Keywords: Naval Base, Sustainability, Three Main Aspects, Fuzzy Weighting, System Dynamic.
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Ferreira-Neto, João Leite. "The Right of the Governed: Foucault’s Theoretical Political Turn." Social Change Review 15, no. 1-2 (December 1, 2017): 83–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/scr-2017-0004.
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AbstractThis paper aims to understand the theoretical-political turn of Foucault constructed from 1978, which led him to a distancing from the Maoist left and to a return to the notion of subjectivity within a perspective of liberty, in the context of his governmentality studies. The historical-institutional aspects relating to his theoretical and political shift will be discussed, with basis on biographical sources and texts by the author published at that time. The conclusion is that Foucault used both Marxist and neoliberal contributions, avoiding reducing the politics to a confrontation between two projects, but considering it a complex field of plural strategies. He also began to theorize about the rights historically known as the ‘right of the governed,’ led by the question: ‘how to become subject without being subjected?’.
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Duncan, G. "Happiness, Sadness and Government." Health, Culture and Society 5, no. 1 (November 15, 2013): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/hcs.2013.130.
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Policy-making that re-presents – as objects of concern and by means of statistics – the suffering or depression and the happiness of populations indicates an evolving form of governance that examines and reshapes subjectivity itself. Never before have states of subjectivity been acted upon, through surveys, statistical and policy analysis, and scientific disciplines, to the extent seen today. This article: Documents changing epistemic co-ordinates, especially in psychology and economics, that first occluded happiness in the interests of objectivity, but, in recent decades, marked out a renewed ‘science’ of happiness.Examines changes in the discursive formulation of depression, as a counterpart to happiness.Argues that, seen in terms of bio-power, contemporary concerns for happiness and depression are consistent – rather than incompatible – with one another. How can so many claim to be happy when so many, we are told, are depressed, anxious or suffering emotional pain? There is no underlying contradiction here, for two reasons: Happiness and depression are manifestations of the same political discourse (or aspects of a political subjectivity) characterized by dis-inhibition, consumer self-indulgence and performance anxiety. And, just as we needed madness in order to understand ‘sanity,’ or the prison in order to view ourselves as ‘free,’ so we rely upon concerns about depression in order to understand and act upon ourselves as subjects capable of unlimited happiness.
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Tuğal, Cihan. "“Serbest meslek sahibi”: Neoliberal subjectivity among İstanbul's popular sectors." New Perspectives on Turkey 46 (2012): 65–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600001515.
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AbstractSome of the literature on neoliberal subjectivity tends to attribute omnipotence and impeccable consistency to neoliberalism. Other recent literature, by contrast, has emphasized how actually existing neoliberal subjectivity combines liberal and non-liberal elements, some of the latter emanating from local culture. However, even this revisionist scholarship holds that the non-liberal elements only lead to a smoother functioning of neoliberalism. A focus on informal workers and small merchants in a squatter district in İstanbul reveals that neoliberal subjectivity harbors contradictory orientations that might actually undermine some aspects of neoliberalism. The mixture of self-reliance, individual responsibility (condensed in an emphasis on hard work and pious patience), and entrepreneurial spirit with extra-market survival techniques, as well as non-liberal orientations toward legal property, land and money, and desire of redistribution (as well as state protection against big capital) all exhibit how marketization is restricted, twisted, and perhaps endangered, even within the process of neoliberalization.
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Blum, Virginia, and Heidi Nast. "Where's the Difference? The Heterosexualization of Alterity in Henri Lefebvre and Jacques Lacan." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 14, no. 5 (October 1996): 559–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d140559.
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It has been largely overlooked that Henri Lefebvre in his book The Production of Space draws heavily upon Lacanian psychoanalytic accounts of the emergence of subjectivity in theorizing political relations, Lefebvre implicitly repudiates at the same time that he builds upon Lacan's distinctions between real, imaginary, and symbolic registers of subjectivity. For Lefebvre, Lacan's registers give primacy to visuality and heterosexualized familial dynamics while lived material, spatial, and political experience arc incidental to subject formation and systems of meaning Lefebvre transforms Lacan's registers by historicizing them in spatially dialectical terms, loosely replacing them with distinct forms of evolutionary spatialities which he calls natural, absolute, and abstract, In the process, he both subverts and reproduces Lacan's paternal–maternal (heterosexual) order. We hold that Lefebvrc's critique provides powerful theoretical tools for understanding how alterity and signification are always and inevitably politically and materially mediated through corporealities and ‘space’. Nonetheless, Lefebvre can only work out his spatial dialectic of history in heterosexist terms: although he usefully identifies maternal–paternal metaphors in different Western social formations over time, he fails to interrogate directly the very hetero-sexuality that gives these metaphors their relational significance and force. In short, he brings us to the brink of a nonheterosexist domain, but never enters it. In this paper then, we outline the striking parallels in the theoretical frameworks of Lefebvre and Lacan in order to illustrate how both theorists focus on gender construction as the fundamental social process through which alterity is achieved. At the same time, we unpack the underlying phallocentrism and heterosexism that sustain their versions of alterity, subjectivity, and agency, in the process showing how Lefebvre deftly undermines the apolitical stance of Lacan. In conclusion, we strive to recuperate the crucial liberatory aspects of Lefebvre's project through considering how we might go on to dislocate received versions of capitalism and sexual difference.
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Prior, Helder. "A ECONOMIA DA ATENÇÃO DO ESCÂNDALO POLÍTICO." Revista Observatório 3, no. 6 (October 1, 2017): 586. http://dx.doi.org/10.20873/uft.2447-4266.2017v3n6p586.
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Neste ensaio procuramos delinear alguns aspectos que evidenciam a configuração do escândalo político nas sociedades mediatizadas. Iremos prestar especial atenção à exploração do escândalo enquanto artefacto mediático, sublinhando a diluição das fronteiras tradicionais entre o público e o privado e também a proliferação de produtos informativos de tipo hedónico que suscitam a subjectividade, a aisthesis, o desejo e a atenção do espectador-consumidor de produtos informativos.
PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Escândalo; público-privado; economia da atenção; cultura mediática; subjectividade informativa.
ABSTRACT
In this essay we seek to outline some aspects evidencing the configuration of political scandal in mediated societies. We will pay special attention to the exploitation of the scandal as media artefact, underscoring the blurring of traditional boundaries between public and private, but also the proliferation of hedonic type of information products that raise the subjectivity, aisthesis, desire and attention of the viewer-consumer.
KEYWORDS: Political scandal; public and private; economy of attention; media culture; informative subjectivity
RESUMEN
En este ensayo tratamos de esbozar algunos aspectos que ponen de relieve la configuración del escándalo político en las sociedades mediadas. Prestaremos especial atención a la explotación del escándalo como artefacto mediático, subrayando la difuminación de las fronteras tradicionales entre lo público y lo privado, y también la proliferación de productos informativos de tipo hedónico que elevan la subjetividad, la aiesthesis, el deseo y la atención del espectador-consumidor.
PALABRAS-CLAVE: Escándalo político; público y privado; economia de la atención; cultura mediática; subjectividad informativa.
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Maffeis, Stefania. "Das Subjekt der Menschenrechte." Zeitschrift für Kulturphilosophie 2018, no. 2 (2018): 245–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.28937/1000108263.
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This paper proposes a political understanding of human rights which allows not to dissolve the contradiction between the positive and the normative aspect entailed in the idea and the institution of human rights, but rather to keep them together dialectically. I discuss the relationality of human rights through Hannah Arendt’s idea of the right to have rights and I develop it further through Jacques Rancière’s concept of subjectivity. This allows me to explain the dialectic of the human rights as a conflict between existing positive rights, which assign specific subjects or groups to specific territories and legal spheres, and a universal claim of human equality and freedom, which is challenged from excluded, unclassified social groups and which is performed in situations of protests. I further explain the radical democratic potential of human rights on the paradigmatic case of struggles for a right to global movement and to political belonging. In order to grasp the complexity of those subjectivity practices, I distinguish four different dimensions of subjectivity: a legal and political one, an affective one, an epistemic one and finally an ethical transcultural one
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Burman, Erica. "Fanon’s Lacan and the Traumatogenic Child: Psychoanalytic Reflections on the Dynamics of Colonialism and Racism." Theory, Culture & Society 33, no. 4 (August 11, 2015): 77–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276415598627.
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This paper revisits Fanon’s relationship with psychoanalysis, specifically Lacanian psychoanalysis, via a close reading of his rhetorics of childhood – primarily as mobilized by the ‘Look, a Negro!’ scenario from Black Skin, White Masks, the traumatogenic scene which installs the black man’s sense of alienation from his own body and his inferiority. While this scene has been much discussed, the role accorded the child in this has attracted little attention. This paper focuses on the role and positioning of the child to reconsider Fanon’s ideas, in relation to his contribution to the social constitution of subjectivity, arguing that reading Fanon alongside both his citations of Lacan and some aspects of Lacanian theory opens up further interpretive possibilities in teasing out tensions in Fanon’s writing around models of subjectivity. Finally, it is argued that it is where Fanon retains an indeterminacy surrounding the child that he is most politically fruitful.
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Krajewska, Atina, and Rachel Cahill-O’Callaghan. "When a Single Man Wants to Be a Father: Revealing the Invisible Subjects in the Law Regulating Fertility Treatment." Social & Legal Studies 29, no. 1 (February 20, 2019): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0964663919826352.
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This article takes the example of single men who wish to become single fathers, using surrogacy, as a case study to examine the nature of legal subjectivity and the process by which persons acquire social visibility through legal mechanisms. The article investigates the notion of the absent subjects in law and examines the ways in which single men have been rendered invisible in the area of assisted reproduction. It investigates the emergence of legal subjectivity through the acquisition of rights in the context of fertility treatment. In this respect, it analyses the recent jurisprudence of the English courts and the changes in the human rights law that helped construct single men as subjects of law. The article proposes the concept of (in)visibilization for a number of reasons. It allows us to observe and examine the slow and contingent emergence of legal subjectivity in law. It illuminates ways, in which aspects of the critique of human rights as an inadequate vehicle of social inclusion can be overcome. In both respects, the concept of (in)visibilization provides a diction, in which we can analyse legally relevant experiences, which have not yet crossed the threshold into the formal system of law.
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Watson, Juliet, and Hernán Cuervo. "Youth homelessness: A social justice approach." Journal of Sociology 53, no. 2 (April 21, 2017): 461–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783317705204.
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Social justice approaches that work towards eliminating youth homelessness with a sole focus on material needs overlook the significance of non-material aspects, such as the impact of social exclusion and stigma on individuals’ subjectivities. The lack of social legitimacy associated with homelessness is exacerbated under neoliberal conditions, with the shift from social to individual responsibility positioning those unable to achieve the normative transition to adulthood as social failures. We draw on interviews with young homeless women in Australia to extend the emerging sociological focus on the relational aspects of homelessness through a social justice lens. We analyse the association between subjectivity, stigma and neoliberalism, and draw on Iris Marion Young’s theory of justice to highlight how these shape experiences of homelessness. We conclude that overcoming homelessness requires policies and practices that give a greater focus to non-material aspects of homelessness through an emphasis on empowerment, self-respect and autonomy.
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Zarhin, Dana. "“I Don’t Want to See Myself as a Disabled Person”." Science, Technology, & Human Values 43, no. 2 (May 23, 2017): 224–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0162243917711006.
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This article explains how the most recommended treatment for obstructive sleep apnea (OSA), the continuous positive airway pressure (CPAP) device, acts and interacts with users’ bodies, sleep partners’ bodies, and cultural discourses to produce emotions and practices that generate the subjectivity of a disabled or abled person. Drawing upon in-depth interviews with OSA patients, this article illustrates how introducing CPAP devices into patients’ lives may disturb their sleep and breathing, diminish their independence, disfigure their appearance, and problematize intimacy with bed partners, thereby disrupting both the fleshy body and the culturally preferred image of a healthy, independent, and attractive individual. In response, many patients reject this treatment. (Dis)ability as a subjective state is shown to emerge from associations in a network composed of heterogeneous entities that have agency. That is, disabled subjectivity emerges when the device prevents individuals from accomplishing what they consider to be the essential and socially significant aspects of sleep and primarily its disembodied and interembodied aspects.
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Edelman, Murray. "Political Language and Political Reality." PS: Political Science & Politics 18, no. 01 (1985): 10–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500021247.
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The most incisive twentieth century students of language converge from different premises on the conclusion that language is the key creator of the social worlds people experience, and they agree as well that language cannot usefully be understood as a tool for describing an objective reality. For the later Wittgenstein there are no essences, only language games. Chomsky analyzes the sense in which grammar is generative. For Derrida all language is performative, a form of action that undermines its own presuppositions. Foucault sees language as antedating and constructing subjectivity. The “linguistic turn” in twentieth century philosophy, social psychology, and literary theory entails an intellectual ferment that raises fundamental questions about a great deal of mainstream political science, and especially about its logical positivist premises.While the writers just mentioned analyze various senses in which language use is an aspect of creativity, those who focus upon specifically political language are chiefly concerned with its capacity to reflect ideology, mystify, and distort. The more perspicacious of them deny that an undistorting language is possible in a social world marked by inequalities in resources and status, though the notion of an undistorted language can be useful as an evocation of an ideal benchmark. The emphasis upon political language as distorting or mystifying is a key theme in Lasswell and Orwell, as it is in Habermas, Osgood, Ellul, Vygotsky, Enzensberger, Bennett, and Shapiro.
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Rutkowski, Piotr. "Podmiotowość państwa we współczesnym świecie. Globalizacja a sterowność." Idea. Studia nad strukturą i rozwojem pojęć filozoficznych 30, no. 2 (2018): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/idea.2018.30.2.05.
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Paper examines place and role of states in the modern world. Firstly the concept of globalization will be shortly analyzed. It is a notion that, especially in the social sciences, has a lot of meanings, because it has many aspects and levels. Author will try to localize the main issues that makes globalization a complex notion. Secondly, problem of paradigm crisis in political science will be presented. Classic meanings of politics and power has been outdated, because of new phenomenons that are consequences of globalization. That means that we should try to look for notions and methods that will help us to understand surrounding world and socio-political sphere, especially when it comes to state, power, politics and international relations. Then the concept of “the art of rule” invented by Jadwiga Staniszkis will be presented. Author will emphasize that this theoretical concept will be helpful in analyzing subjectivity of states in the age of globalization. Then author, basing on this concept, will try to examine the subjectivity of state in modern world. An attempt will be also made to show what is network power and its consequences, point out the subjects that will replace state that is losing its position and think about the future of the states.
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Dunn Cavelty, Myriam, Mareile Kaufmann, and Kristian Søby Kristensen. "Resilience and (in)security: Practices, subjects, temporalities." Security Dialogue 46, no. 1 (February 2015): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010614559637.
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Diverse, sometimes even contradictory concepts and practices of resilience have proliferated into a wide range of security policies. In introducing this special issue, we problematize and critically discuss how these forms of resilience change environments, create subjects, link temporalities, and redefine relations of security and insecurity. We show the increased attention – scholarly as well as political – given to resilience in recent times and provide a review of the state of critical security studies literature on resilience. We argue that to advance this discussion, resilience needs to be conceptualized and investigated in plural terms. We use temporalities and subjectivities as key analytical aspects to investigate the plural instantiations of resilience in actual political practice. These two issues – subjectivity and temporality – form the overall context for the special issue and are core themes for all the articles collected here.
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Misyurov, Nikolay N. "“The old burden” of subjectivity in criticism of L. Feuerbach and Junghegelianer." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: Philosophy. Psychology. Pedagogy 21, no. 1 (March 24, 2021): 29–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-7671-2021-21-1-29-33.
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The article is devoted to the consideration of key aspects of the socio-political meaning and direction of the philosophical and theological doctrine of the Junghegelianer. The nomination of philosophy as the “mother of sciences”, combining the old metaphysics and new dialectic, to the center of the social “agenda” is explained both by internal reasons (split in the Hegel “school”, competition from positivism, renaissance of theological thought), and the impact of external factors. The problem of understanding “subjectivity” in the philosophical critique of the 1840s, which turned out to be a stumbling block for many panellists, is explored; the categorical content of the concept has not been clarified. The task is to identify the basic characteristics of such widely interpreted “subjectivity” and clarify the positions of the parties. Replacing the speculative practices of the “old” Kantian school with intellectual (going from Schelling) “procedures” of philosophizing formed a completely new philosophical paradigm of a different era. The revolution of 1848 updated many philosophical ideas, filling them with social content. The conclusions state the contradiction and a certain eclecticism of the philosophical designs of the Junghegelianer.
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Betrisey, Débora. "Migration and Trafficking of Persons for Labor Exploitation in the Textile Workshops of Buenos Aires under Neoliberalism." Latin American Perspectives 44, no. 6 (April 21, 2017): 63–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x17705860.
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The practices and political representations of the Argentine state with regard to trafficking in persons for purposes of labor exploitation, currently dominated by legal logic, treat immigrant workers as vulnerable victims. This robs them of any autonomy and ignores other aspects of their subjectivity, hindering the establishment of connections and solidarity with other social sectors in the national context that would allow them to contest the exploitation and domination to which they are subject. Las prácticas y representaciones políticas del Estado argentino con respecto a la trata de personas para fines de explotación laboral se rigen, en la actualidad, por la lógica jurídica y tratan a los trabajadores inmigrantes como víctimas vulnerables. Esto los priva de cualquier tipo de autonomía e ignora otros aspectos de su subjetividad, impidiendo que establezcan conexiones y lazos de solidaridad con otros sectores sociales en el contexto nacional. Dichos vínculos les permitirían oponerse a la explotación y dominación a que las que se les somete.
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Selberg, Niklas, and Markus Gunneflo. "Discourse or Merely Noise? Regarding the Disagreement on Undocumented Migrants." European Journal of Migration and Law 12, no. 2 (2010): 173–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181610x496867.
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AbstractDrawing on Jacques Rancière’s theorising of the political, this article analyses the disagreement on undocumented migrants in recent legislation in Sweden and within the European Union as well as in Swedish labour union practice. Both the consensus understanding of the issue of undocumented migrants and the materialisation of dissensus through the political activities of undocumented migrants are studied. The aims of the article are: firstly, to show that undocumented migrants in Sweden engage in a political struggle that is not recognised as such, to analyse the structure or conditions of possibility of this non-recognition, and finally, to analyse the ways in which these conditions might be undone through the political activities of undocumented migrants. The theoretical claim is that the issue of undocumented migrants involves intimately core aspects of both politics and law and that the struggle of undocumented migrants is a process in which our understanding of political and legal subjectivity is called into question. In conclusion we reflect on the question of political change against the background of the theoretical and empirical findings of the analysis.
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Kareepadath, Vishnu Prakash. "Critical pedagogy in practice: A case study from Kerala, India." Journal of Pedagogy 9, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jped-2018-0010.
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Abstract Analysing teaching-practice offers an opportunity to answer questions like what is critical to making a pedagogy democratic, what are the factors that support a teacher to be critical in her teaching? Or what restricts the teacher in being critical in her work? This paper seeks to address some of these questions by presenting the findings of an investigation into the practice of teachers who are committed to the idea of critical pedagogy. The scope of the study is limited to understanding the critical aspects that are related to the teacher’s work within the classroom. The paper analyses the theoretical arguments that are relevant to critical pedagogy in relation to teachers’ practices as they emerged during the study. The study, conducted in the South Indian state of Kerala, reveals that teacher subjectivity and schooling situations interact in a dialectical fashion to shape the nature of classroom teaching. The political subjectivity of the teachers, shaped by their close interaction with the Kerala Science Literature Movement (KSSP) makes their pedagogy critical in nature. On the other hand, the standardized curriculum and mechanically disciplined school environment continuously challenge the teachers’ efforts at being critical in their work.
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Werbner, Pnina. "Between Ontological Transformation and the Imagination of Tradition: Girls’ Puberty Rituals in Twenty-first Century Botswana." Journal of Religion in Africa 44, no. 3-4 (March 20, 2014): 355–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12340013.
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The paper contrasts Tswapong puberty ritual, themothei, conceived of as effecting an ontological change in being and personhood, with the newly invented Kgatla puberty ritual. The latter, it is argued, while reflecting authority and embracing a collective tribal identity, lacks the ordeals of death and rebirth inherent in themotheiritual. I propose that rituals may lose aspects of their ontological inscription of gendered personhood and subjectivity while assuming new political or policy-related functions. The paradox highlighted is that despite endowing girls with ‘dignity’ and moral agency within a ‘society of women’, Tswapong girls are increasingly refusing to be initiated in the face of ‘modern times’, backed by teachers who regard the ritual as archaic, while concurrently southern Tswana Kgatla are enthusiastically mobilising mass girls’ initiations under the supervision of Kgatla royals with political agendas. My paper reflects on these apparent paradoxes of cultural authenticity as rituals change, hybridise, and are reinvented.
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CÓRDOVA, CHAD A. "PASCAL AND MELANCHOLY." Modern Intellectual History 16, no. 02 (November 7, 2017): 339–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147924431700052x.
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This article shows how two concepts for which Blaise Pascal'sPensées(1670) are best known—divertissementandennui(often mistranslated as “boredom”)—inherited and transformed medical conceptions of melancholy along with one of melancholy's signature therapeutic protocols: diversion. Instead of limiting the genealogy of Pascal's concepts to more obvious textual sources (St Augustine, Montaigne, etc.), here they are read against the background of an epistemological paradigm dominant in his time: Galenic medicine. Drawing on a large corpus of early modern French medical texts, this article discloses how melancholy, stripped of its overt medical status, remerges in Pascal's analysis of subjectivity, which valorized melancholicennuiagainst the values of a nascent civil society subservient to the monarchic order. Once used to describe outlying temperaments and exceptional pathologies, the discourse on melancholy becomes fundamental to the human being per se in Pascal's theological and anthropological perspective. Thus transformed, the older forms of melancholy and its remedies ensured the possibility of their survival—disguised and unrecognized—in modern theories of subjectivity and psychology. Understanding melancholy's latent presence in thePensées, in other words, sheds new light on the affective aspects of Pascal's social critique and invites us to investigate the modern afterlife of early modern melancholy.
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Tarasyuk, Volodymyr. "Elements of Political-Legal Development of Ukraine Strategy: Aspects of Actualization and Scholarly Comprehension." Yearly journal of scientific articles “Pravova derzhava”, no. 32 (2021): 505–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/0869-2491-2021-32-505-514.
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and Scholarly Comprehension The unbalanced state apparatus in the conditions of the law enforcement system inaction and the chaotic actions of the authorities aimed at overcoming the crisis caused by the resistance of oligarchic capital eloquently testify to the need to implement systematic programs to restore and develop strategic directions of the state. Strengthening and separating regional elites from the center weakens the role and discredits central governments; the loss of control over the strategic sectors of the economy monopolized by the oligarchs requires the government to constantly seek a compromise between the interests of the state and meet the needs of corrupt capital; lack of own (national) programs for the development of education and science, national security and defense, information policy – led to the introduction of foreign ideas and concepts, sometimes outdated and sometimes irrelevant to modern Ukrainian conditions (for example, the introduction of restrictive economic instruments contribute to the destruction of countries, unable to provide their needs with their own resources at least 90%). The constant reduction of financial, natural, and human resources has led to growing public discontent with the oligarchs who «colonized Ukraine» in the late 1990s and early 2000s and, depending on Russian markets, pursue their own mercantile interests contrary to state interests. Elite change is one of the most pressing and painful issues related to the restoration of subjectivity and statehood in the Ukrainian state. None of the previous mass protests, the Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity, led to a change of elites as the primary, basic cause of mass discontent. Policy inclusiveness and economic monopolization do not help restore public confidence in government actions and decisions. Domestic elites are in one way or another closely connected (dependent) with oligarchic capital – whether financial, political or media. Thus, Ukrainian elites can be confidently called pro-oligarchic, and oligarchs – representatives of domestic elites. The public demand for the de-elitization of the oligarchs has every reason to grow into another Maidan. In Ukraine, during the thirty years of independence, no conditions have been created for the professional realization of educators, scientists, doctors, journalists, engineers, etc. All so-called non-profit professions are in deep decline. Market relations have gradually transformed into market thinking – a liberal economy turns us into a market society. When measuring education, medicine, politics, friendship or family relations according to the standards of market thinking – the market suffers, and public relations, and education, medicine, science, politics, etc. – none of these categories can be market by definition.
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Harding, Jennifer. "Questioning the Subject in Biographical Interviewing." Sociological Research Online 11, no. 3 (September 2006): 16–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.1411.
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This paper considers how different approaches to interviewing and styles of questioning produce different sorts of biographical subjects and accounts. It compares styles of biographical interview (chronological and narrative) and types of question (narrative and explanatory), and presents an approach, which treats the interview as a collaborative co-production primarily concerned with the present and subjectivity, rather than the past and fact. It also considers how biographical interviewing may direct and contain narratives of the self through the subject positions it creates and offers interviewees. Discussion is grounded in reflection on a recent project involving university students in interviewing young people leaving care about their care experiences and making a training video for professionals. The paper highlights the inter-subjective and emotional aspects of interviewing in this context.
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Alexander, Fran. "Devising a framework for assessing the subjectivity and objectivity of information taxonomy projects." Journal of Documentation 70, no. 1 (January 7, 2014): 4–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jd-09-2012-0117.
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Purpose – This paper aims to summarise research to determine if a framework for assessing the subjectivity and objectivity of information taxonomy work can usefully be applied in practice. Theories proposed by US philosopher Helen Longino formed the basis for the framework, which was used to assess 16 contemporary taxonomy projects. Design/methodology/approach – A qualitative naturalistic enquiry, based on semi-structured interviews conducted with information professionals, was undertaken. The transcripts were coded, scored, statistically analysed, and correlated to identify trends or themes. Participants were invited to comment on and amend all research outputs. Triangulation with external sources was undertaken as far as possible. Findings – Following analysis using the framework, projects were ranked, grouped, and compared to German sociologist Max Weber's characterisation of political hierarchies. This illuminated a number of interesting aspects of practical taxonomy work. Research limitations/implications – Practical limitations constrained the depth and extent of the study. Creative interpretation of the qualitative data collected was required. Results obtained highlight points of interest rather than offering quantitative comparisons. Practical implications – Taxonomy practitioners are concerned with usability and accessibility, so a framework for assessing subjectivity and objectivity of taxonomy projects could provide a useful tool, set of heuristics, guide, or checklist. Originality/value – There has been little research carried out on contemporary taxonomy projects in commercial and corporate environments and how knowledge organisation systems can enhance or constrain an individual's ability to access online content. No similar frameworks appear to have been developed.
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Davis, Whitney. "Subjectivity and Objectivity in High and Historical Formalism." Representations 104, no. 1 (2008): 8–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2008.104.1.8.
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High formalism (often identified with the criticism of modern arts) can be defined by the reification of pure formality, the promotion of close looking, and the decontextualization of "the object," its disaggregation from the archaeological and architectural assemblages in which all artifacts are usually found. It is avowedly subjective. By contrast, historical formalism (often identified with the archaeology of art in premodern and non-Western traditions) attempts a hermeneutics of integrated aspect-seeing in the past——including the constitutive historical subjectivity of formality produced by the makers of the artifacts in question——that proceeds methodologically from the formalities we can see when we organize artifacts according to explicit morphological typologies and series. It is provisionally objective.
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ALTINOK, Ozan Altan. "Mao’s Marxist Negation of Marxism." Asian Studies 7, no. 1 (January 31, 2019): 75–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2019.7.1.75-96.
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In this paper, my main aim is to analyse Mao’s conception of Marxist theory and his Marxist subjectivity in theory construction in his three articles. While doing so, I will use two main approaches, first is the idea that Karl Marx’s method in understanding social relations and his theory of knowledge is in many aspects compatible and in continuation with an epistemological reading of Hegel’s subjectivity, and the second is the general structure about the relationship between the object and subject’s process of knowing is similar in all three thinkers. While doing so, I will advocate the position that Mao’s epistemology is compatible with the Marxist understanding of Hegelian epistemology, and that from such an epistemological understanding it is possible to investigate Mao’s three texts in a way that yields, not an orthodox or “end result” Marxism, but instead a more general, meta epistemological understanding of Marx, that is understood better structurally. Eventually, I will claim that while using “scientific” or “orthodox” Marxism as a method to understand society, Mao further uses the subjective element in the same way as Hegel and Marx used it, although eventually he diverts the Marxist subjective manoeuvre to another direction.
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Braidotti, Rosi. "Posthuman, All Too Human." Theory, Culture & Society 23, no. 7-8 (December 2006): 197–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276406069232.
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This article looks at Donna Haraway’s work in the light of Continental philosophy, and especially post-structuralism, and examines both the post-humanist and the post-anthropocentric aspects of her thought. The article argues that the great contribution of Haraway’s work is the re-grounding of the subject in material practice. This neo-foundationalist approach is combined, however, with a firm commitment to a process ontology that looks at subjectivity as a complex and open-ended set of relations. The article argues for the centrality of the notion of relationality in Haraway’s thought, and in this respect her work can be compared to Deleuze’s rhizomic thinking. Special emphasis is placed on the analysis of the relation to other species in comparison with Deleuze’s notion of becoming-animal.
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LEE, PETER. "Scarred souls, weary warriors, and military intervention: the emergence of the subject in the just war writings of Jean Bethke Elshtain." Review of International Studies 39, no. 4 (December 11, 2012): 859–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210512000344.
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AbstractOver the past three decades Jean Bethke Elshtain has used her critique and application of just war as a means of engaging with multiple overlapping aspects of identity. Though Elshtain ostensibly writes about war and the justice, or lack of justice, therein, she also uses just war a site of analysis within which different strands of subjectivity are investigated and articulated as part of her broader political theory. This article explores the proposition that Elshtain's most important contribution to the just war tradition is not be found in her provision of codes or her analysis of ad bellum or in bello criteria, conformity to which adjudges war or military intervention to be just or otherwise. Rather, that she enriches just war debate because of the unique and sometimes provocative perspective she brings as political theorist and International Relations scholar who adopts, adapts, and deploys familiar but, for some, uncomfortable discursive artefacts from the history of the Christian West: suffused with her own Christian faith and theology. In so doing she continually reminds us that human lives, with all their attendant political, social, and religious complexities, should be the focus when military force is used, or even proposed, for political ends.
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Calvetto, Silvano. "Life stories and formation of subordinate subjectivity. Note on social research in Italy by Danilo Montaldi." Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 5, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.197.
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The social research performed by Danilo Montaldi (1929-1975) represented an interpretation of great interest in understanding the transformations of neo-capitalism between the 1950’s and 1960’s. In the ambit of a very critical militancy towards the traditional forms of political participation, his attention to subordinates is marked, in our view, by a significant pedagogical aspect. On the one hand, in fact, he focuses on the political and social processes through which subordinate subjectivity is formed, with particular regard to the role played by the institutions, while on the other hand, he examines strategies with regard to his own emancipation from that condition of oppression, based on the idea of education intended as liberation. Where the educational commitment and political commitment merge in the same project of reconstruction of society, looking beyond the drifts of neocapitalism in view of a world capable of recognizing the rights of all respecting each other’s differences. This, as has been observed by several commentators, seems to be the most significant legacy of Danilo Montaldi’s intellectual commitment.
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Kumar, Ankit. "Expertise, legitimacy and subjectivity: Three techniques for a will to govern low carbon energy projects in India." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 39, no. 6 (January 12, 2021): 1192–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654420965565.
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This paper advances the understanding of the politics of governing energy for development projects by non-state actors. Building on Tania Murray Li’s work on trusteeship, and drawing on governmentality studies, along with ethnographic insights from two low carbon energy projects, this paper illuminates two less examined aspects of politics of energy projects. First, the designs of these projects embed particular imagined subjects, and specific techniques, to afford governance. In particular, trustees use techniques of expertise, techniques of legitimacy, and techniques of subjectivity. Second, trusteeship is a contingent phenomenon as a clear line between trustees and subjects is often missing. Many actors, simultaneously trustees and subjects, also carry socio-cultural subjectivities of class, caste and gender, which complicates the conduct of conduct. Some trustees look for benefiting people, some for profits, some to make a political career and, yet others, to support their social groups. By engaging with trusteeship, the paper flags that the governance techniques do not always benefit the ‘beneficiaries’ and are often counterproductive. The article emerges from nine-month ethnographic research done in 2012–13 in five villages in India using participant observations, interviews and group discussion, in addition to analysis of project websites and documentary materials.
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Ewick, Patricia. "Principles, Passions, and the Paradox of Modern Law: A Comment on Bybee." Law & Social Inquiry 38, no. 01 (2013): 196–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12003.
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In All Judges Are Political—Except When They Are Not: Acceptable Hypocrisies and the Rule of Law (2010), Keith Bybee considers the hypocrisy of modern law—that is, the widespread view that judges are both principled and partisan—by drawing an analogy with courtesy. Both law and courtesy contain and manage the diverse and potentially divisive interests that would, were they not contained, disrupt social life. In this essay I extend this argument by considering whether the relationship between law and courtesy is more than merely analogical. I suggest that both systems are aspects of larger historical developments out of which emerged the modern subject and the modern state, creating a social world made up of apparently bounded individuals and institutions. As such, law and courtesy do more than conceal and contain interests and subjectivity; they produce the unruly, partisan subjects they are designed to manage.
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Jasmine, M. Fouad, E. Fayed Mona, and A. Emam Heba Talla. "A New Insight into the Measurement of Central Bank Independence." Journal of Central Banking Theory and Practice 8, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 67–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jcbtp-2019-0004.
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Abstract The present paper attempts to expand the existing literature on Central Bank Independence (CBI) by proposing new measures for CBI. It designs two indices: one tackling the de jure CBI and the other assessing the de facto level of CBI. The two measures outweigh traditional measures in various aspects; first, the two indices are more comprehensive in terms of possible institutional arrangements. The de jure index incorporates several aspects related to CBI that were not previously grouped together in a unified index i.e. financial independence, limitations related to indirect credit to government, accountability and transparency. The de facto index comprises the main existing indicators for measuring actual CBI (i.e. turnover ratio, political vulnerability indicator and monetary policy reaction function) in addition to new variables, as the lender of last resort function, independence of central bank board, and financial independence that were not included in almost all previous studies. Second, the two indices allow a higher level of precision as they comprise aspects that can be objectively codified with a minimum level of subjectivity. Third, the two indices cover the same attributes of CBI to facilitate measuring the deviation between de jure and de facto level of independence for any central bank. The current paper provides a comprehensive definition and analysis of both indices to enable their replication in future studies.
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Britton, Joanne. "Being an insider and outsider: whiteness as a key dimension of difference." Qualitative Research 20, no. 3 (September 12, 2019): 340–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468794119874599.
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This article demonstrates the significance of engaging with whiteness as a key dimension of difference shaping research in multi-faceted ways. I critically reflect on a research project that included interviews with Muslim men in Rotherham, a northern English town that had experienced a child sexual exploitation crisis involving Pakistani Muslim men. It raised significant methodological and epistemological issues regarding my position in the research, as a white female researcher, and my relationships with local Pakistani Muslim men and women. I highlight the fluidity of my insider–outsider position through exploring political and ethical dilemmas involved in carrying out the research and structural and experiential aspects of researcher subjectivity. I show how being white both facilitated and obstructed the research as I steered my way through a highly sensitive set of circumstances and how engaging with whiteness is key in democratising research and shedding light on unequal power relations in knowledge production.
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Veselkova, Natalia V. "AUTHORSHIP / SUBJECTIVITY IN THE EXPERIENCE OF RUSSIAN BIOGRAPHICAL PROJECTS OF THE FIRST HALF OF THE 20th CENTURY." Ural Historical Journal 69, no. 4 (2020): 84–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.30759/1728-9718-2020-4(69)-84-92.
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In the first half of the 20th century a number of projects with a historical and biographical “stuffing” were carried out in our country, from psychologist N. Rybnikov’s activity to establish Biographical Institute up to Gorky’s “History of the Civil War”, “History of Factories and Plants” and the Mintz Commission on the History of the Great Patriotic War. The affiliation of these projects to the first stage of the development of the biographical method, better known from the studies of the Chicago school, is asserted. The article attempts to analyze Russian projects on the subject of authorship / subjectivity constructions arising in them in an interdisciplinary way of the biographical method, as well as using a multiscalar approach to the study of social memory. It has been shown that “mass character” in these constructions has several aspects: a) involvement of the “masses”, b) key to verification and consensus in describing the past through the recollections of many participants, c) performativity. The democratization of biography-writing is considered in the context of the ‘Halbwachs Theorem’. In order for people unaccustomed to producing memories to be included in biographical practices, as well as to ensure the completeness and comparability of information obtained not only for political, but also for research purposes, semi-formalized methods were developed. Nevertheless, with all the declarations that the workers are now writing history, for the most part they were only suppliers of raw material, and the complex constructions of distributed authorship actually acted.
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Kobchenko, Kateryna. "UKRAINIAN EMIGRATION AFTER WWII: HISTORY IN THE LIGHT OF IDEOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL CONFLICTS." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 24 (2019): 84–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2019.24.15.
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The main topic of the article is the analysis of political views and ideological conceptions of the Ukrainian political emigration after WWII also known as the Third wave of Emigration. According to the done overview it is shown, that the Ukrainian political emigration of the after-war period was politically and ideologically heterogeneous community which activity in political area on theoretical and practical levels had mostly conflicting character. The common principles were however the idea of the national independent of Ukraine as well as aspiration to overthrow of the Soviet communist power. Meanwhile the differences in the views of the most influenced political circles consisted in various strategies and tactics of the liberation struggle, in search for allies and the definition of their own role in the liberation movement. An important point for elaboration of principles and methods of the national liberation was the attitude to the Soviet Ukraine, and the positions of different political parties in this case were extended from its recognition as formal and limited form of the national statehood till the deny of its political subjectivity and proclaiming it as a territory occupied by Moscow bolshevist power. An important aspect of the question of attitude towards Soviet Ukraine by different political groups was the fact of the membership of the Ukrainian SSR in the UNO as well as the interpretation of the international and legal role of this fact in the context of defending of political sovereignty and rights of Ukraine. On these examples it is shown, that political views of the Ukrainian emigration constituted a wide pluralistic spectrum from the left to the right political opinions.
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Fonseca, Débora Cristina. "Ser e estar em um mundo pandêmico: marcas da Covid-19 na subjetividade." Revista Interdisciplinar de Direitos Humanos 8, no. 2 (November 26, 2020): 111–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5016/ridh.v8i2.17.
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Apresentamos um ensaio reflexivo, com base nos pressupostos sócio-históricos de conceituação de personalidade e identidade. Nessa perspectiva, a compreensão de qualquer fenômeno só pode ocorrer em sua totalidade e materialidade, em seu contexto histórico e social. Dessa forma, analisamos as marcas da pandemia, da Covid-19 e do isolamento social, na constituição humana; e de modo mais específico, no ser e estar no mundo pandêmico, imerso em contradições e potencialidades. Indicamos aspectos contraditórios que perpassam essa vivência e os modos como afetam subjetivamente cada um, nas dimensões coletiva e particular, em contextos diferenciados, entre eles: negação e medo; confiança e fé; barbárie e cuidado; necessidade e empoderamento. Para finalizar, apontamos a dimensão ético-política como caminho de ressignificação do mundo pandêmico e dos modos de nele ser e estar, pelo implicar-se solidariamente. Nesse caminho, refletir as possibilidades de compreensão da vivência humana que respeite a dignidade humana em suas diferentes dimensões. Subjective individual and social marks in the being as a result from the Covid-19 global pandemic We present a reflective essay, based on the socio-historical assumptions of conceptualization of personality and identity. In this perspective, the understanding of any phenomenon can only occur in its totality and materiality, in its historical and social context. In this way, we analyzed the marks of the Covid-19 pandemic and of social isolation, in the human constitution; and more specifically, in being in the pandemic world, immersed in contradictions and potentialities. We indicate contradictory aspects that permeate this experience and the ways in which they subjectively affect each one, in the collective and particular dimensions, in different contexts, among them: denial and fear; trust and faith; barbarism and care; need and empowerment. To conclude, we point out the ethical-political dimension as a way of giving new meaning to the pandemic world and of the ways of existing as personal and social beings in it, by getting involved in solidarity. In this way, we invite to reflect the possibilities of understanding human experience that respects human dignity in its different dimensions. Keywords: Subjectivity. Pandemic. Human formation. Ethical-political suffering.
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Ortega Villa, Luz María, Ángel Manuel Ortiz Marín, Victoria Elena Santillán Briceño, and Esperanza Viloria Hernández. "Rasgos socioculturales de los jóvenes en México: bienestar, cultura y políticaSocio-cultural characteristics of young people in Mexico: well-being, culture, and politics." Estudios Sociales. Revista de Alimentación Contemporánea y Desarrollo Regional 24, no. 47 (January 12, 2016): 281. http://dx.doi.org/10.24836/es.v24i47.299.
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ResumenCon base en dos encuestas nacionales aplicadas por el gobierno mexicano, se presenta un análisis secundario de las bases de datos de la Encuesta Nacional de Juventud 2010 y la Encuesta Nacional de Cultura Política de 2012, para analizar la situación de los jóvenes mexicanos en algunos aspectos de su bienestar y sexualidad, consumo y acceso a bienes culturales, sus interacciones con otros, y la cultura política que practican. A pesar de las limitaciones de la Encuesta Nacional de Juventud 2010 y su aplicación, se delinean algunos rasgos que permiten conocer a las y los jóvenes mexicanos: condición laboral y educativa, patrones de interacción específicos según edad, un marcado sedentarismo, escasas expresiones de la subjetividad, muy poco interés y participación en la política institucional, y la desconfianza hacia sus protagonistas.AbstractBased on data from two national surveys commissioned by the Mexican government, a secondary analysis of the databases of the 2010 National Youth Survey and the 2012 National Survey of Political Culture is presented in order to analyze several aspects of the situation of Mexican youth: their well-being and sexuality, their cultural consumption and interactions, as well as their political involvement and participation. Notwithstanding some limitations found in the 2010 National Youth Survey, some traits are delineated, which allow for a better knowledge of this population group, such as: job and scholar conditions, interaction patterns according to age, a noticeable sedentary way of living, few expressions of their subjectivity, and little or no interest in institutional politics along with distrust of their main characters.
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Ngô, Thị Thanh Tâm. "Ethnic and Transnational Dimensions of Recent Protestant Conversion among the Hmong in Northern Vietnam." Social Compass 57, no. 3 (September 2010): 332–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768610375518.
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The author argues that ethnic and transnational dimensions are crucial to an understanding of the conversion of the Hmong to Protestantism in Northern Vietnam. Although a number of scholars have proposed that the study of religion be incorporated into the study of transnationalism, the “transnationalization” of religion is still rather understudied, and there have been few scholarly efforts to analyze the transnational aspects of the conversions to world religions of marginalized ethnic minority groups in countries with high levels of emigration. The author examines the transnationalization of religion via the case of the Hmong conversion to show that the impact of missionization is twofold, as not only does the habitus of the Hmong in Vietnam change through massive conversion but so also does the subjectivity of the Hmong missionaries. She proposes to conceptualize the evangelical mission of the Hmong diasporas in Vietnam in particular and in Asia in general as a form of “remittance of faith and modernity”.
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Mehmeti, Ermira. "Quest for Statehood: Kosovo’s Plea to Join International Organizations." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 11, no. 2 (June 10, 2017): 370. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v11i2.p370-378.
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The State represents a central concept and a basic subject of international law. In order to function and engage in treaties and relations with other states in a growing globalized world, the State must be accepted and treated as independent by other states. But independence alone is not enough. Declaring independence is typically a unilateral act undertaken by one entity. Hence, there are states in the world today that are independent; however, their international subjectivity is not recognized. This makes their position and ability to engage in the international sphere more complex. As a result, authorities look into ways of bypassing formal recognition. Joining international organizations becomes one alternative. This article explores the quest of Kosovo to join international organizations as a way to secure recognition and statehood. It begins with the United Nations, and briefly analyses the diplomatic efforts of Kosovar governments to accede. The focus of this article however, will be more specifically on Kosovo’s application to join UNESCO, the United Nations’ cultural organization, the Council of Europe and international sports federations, for this process will shed light on several important legal and political aspects of recognition: the application procedure, the political interests of states, the lobbying and securing of states’ support in an entity’s bid to obtain a seat at the organization. Membership in UNESCO is rightfully seen as a gateway to reach to a seat at the United Nations, while bypassing unilateral recognitions granted by states individually. While membership in international organizations will not imply recognition of international subjectivity for a new entity, in practical terms, it offers to achieve what recognition promises. Kosovo has been able to sit at the same table with its regional counterparts and has been able to participate and share in various regional initiatives. As an initial phase of normalization of relations with Serbia, this represents a solid step forward. At a later stage, it could serve as an incentive, or even better as a catalyst to speed up securing full-fledged statehood.
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Trapp, Rafael Petry. "Utopias negras: Eduardo de Oliveira e Oliveira, educação e questão racial no Brasil (anos 1970)." Revista de História e Historiografia da Educação 1 (July 11, 2017): 214. http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/rhhe.v1i0.52261.
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O presente artigo procura situar historicamente aspectos do pensamento sociológico negro de Eduardo de Oliveira e Oliveira sobre educação e questão racial no Brasil ao longo da década de 1970. São também objeto da reflexão as experiências no campo educacional de grupos de universitários negros brasileiros, mormente do Grupo de Trabalho André Rebouças, da Universidade Federal Fluminense, e de acadêmicos negros da Universidade Federal de São Carlos, no mesmo contexto. Queremos demonstrar a importância das articulações entre raça e educação no questionamento social e político que esses sujeitos endereçaram às suas respectivas universidades.Black utopias: Eduardo de Oliveira e Oliveira, education and racial question in Brazil (1970’s). This article aims to historically contextualize some aspects of the black social thought of Eduardo de Oliveira e Oliveira about education and racial question in Brazil in the 1970s. We also think about experiences in the educational field of some groups of Brazilian black academics, such as the Working Group André Rebouças, from the Fluminense Federal University, and also of black students from the Federal University of São Carlos, in the same context. We want to demonstrate the importance of the relations between race and education in the social and political questioning that these subjects made to their universities. Keywords: Education; Racial question; Subjectivity; Eduardo de Oliveira e Oliveira.
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Saputra, Arie Yandi. "Sistem Pendukung Keputusan Penentuan Nomor Urut Caleg dengan Metode SAW." Creative Information Technology Journal 2, no. 2 (April 4, 2015): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.24076/citec.2015v2i2.40.
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Penentuan nomor urut calon anggota legislatif memang terbukti cukup menyulitkan bagi partai politik. Meski tidak ada jaminan nomor urut satu menjadi pemenang, namun persoalan ini terus memicu konflik di internal partai politik. Kebanyakan partai politik dalam menentukan nomor urut calon legislatif melihat dari sisi subjektifitas seperti aspek kekerabatan, bahkan aspek kekuatan uang. Jika dilihat dari cara yang dilakukan tersebut, maka sepantasnya muncul konflik di internal partai. Salah satu solusi yang dapat digunakan dalam penyelesaian masalah tersebut yaitu menerapkan Sistem Pendukung Keputusan (SPK) dengan menggunakan Metode SAW (Simple Addative Weight), dimana nantinya proses penentuan nomor urut calon legislatif dapat dilakukan dengan mencari nilai bobot dari setiap alternatif (caleg) berdasarkan kriteria yang digunakan kemudian dilakukan proses perankingan yang akan menentukan alternatif yang terbaik. Dengan diterapkannya Sistem Pendukung Keputusan ini diharapkan nantinya dapat meminimalisir atau menghilangkan konflik yang sering terjadi di internal partai politik karna proses penenentuan nomor urut calon legislatif dilakukan perhitungan secara objektif berdasarkan kriteria yang ditentukan.Determining the serial number of legislative candidates are proven quite difficult for political parties. Although there is no guarantee number one became a winner, but the issue continues to spark an internal conflict in a political party. Most political parties in determining the sequence number of candidates look like aspects of subjectivity in terms of kinship, even aspects of the power of money. If seen from the way in which, it appears appropriate that the internal conflict in the party. One solution that can be used in solving the problem is the implementation of Decision Support Systems (DSS) using the method of SAW (Simple Addative Weight), where the latter process of determining the sequence number of candidates can be done by finding the weight value of each alternative (candidate) based on criteria used then carried ranking process which will determine the best alternative. With the implementation of Decision Support System is expected later to minimize or eliminate the conflict that often occurs in political parties because the process penenentuan serial number of candidates objectively calculation based on specified criteria.
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Bennett, Colin J. "In Defense of Privacy: The Concept and the Regime." Surveillance & Society 8, no. 4 (March 24, 2011): 485–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v8i4.4184.
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It has recently become fashionable within the surveillance studies community to subject the concept and regime of “privacy protection” to some very rigorous criticism. “Privacy” and all that it entails is argued to be too narrow, too based on liberal assumptions of subjectivity, too implicated in rights-based theory and discourse, insufficiently sensitive to the social sorting and discriminatory aspects of surveillance, and overly embroiled in spatial metaphors about “invasion” and “intrusion.” As a concept, and as a way to frame the various social and political challenges encountered within “surveillance societies,” it is inadequate. These critiques are important, and to some extent, have set scholarly inquiry on a new, exciting and broader, trajectory than that offered by privacy scholars. On closer examination, however, these critiques are often based on some faulty assumptions about the contemporary framing of the privacy issue, and about the governance of the issue. Privacy, as a concept, regime, a set of policy instruments, and as a way to frame civil society activism, shows an extraordinary resilience. Surveillance scholars must learn to live with it.
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Tsyplakov, Dmitry. "The Russian Church in Modern Society (On the Example of the Russian Religious Situation)." Ideas and Ideals 13, no. 1-2 (March 19, 2021): 327–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2021-13.1.2-327-341.
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The subject of this article is the concept of the Church in the context of the contemporary Russian religious situation and the understanding of the concept by the Russian philosophical ecclesiology. The current religious situation could be described as post-secular. The Church, which survived two waves of secularization in Russia, retained its social subjectivity. The description of the Church as a conglomerate of believers does not correspond with the self-understanding of the Church in Christian thought. The article reveals the ontological self-understanding of the Church in the works of S.L. Frank, A.S. Homjakov, Russian theologians. The mystical reality of the Church could be combined with the empirical expression of it as a social institution. V.S. Soloviev considered the Church as a part of his theocratic utopia. In it he reduced the Church to a simple political social force. And at present, communities of Christians are expected to be embedded in a certain social functional. Meanwhile, arch-presbyter Nicolas Afanasiev pointed to eschatological reality: to the Church as an eschatological subject, as to the City of God (according to St. Augustine) only dwelling in the city of the earth. It forms the social Church ontology on the basis of the Church and society interaction. The social subjectivity of the Church is implicitly present in the framework of social activity in interaction with secular society. The concept of social subjectivity helps to reveal in the social analysis the essence of the dualistic nature of the Church. As an eschatological subject, it is the Body of Christ and at the head of it is the Christ. Therefore, the Church is a divine-human unity. But in the temporal order of things, in the secular aspect, the Church appears as an organization that performs certain social functions, or as one of the parts of the social institution of religion. The article points out the risk of institutionalization for the Church in which it may lose the social dimension of its subjectivity, which does not correspond to the mystical self-consciousness. The risk is that the Church will fulfill the requests of society but will not be able to reveal its main function of being the “the pillar and ground of the truth” (1 Tim. 3:15). The article summarizes that in modern Russian society the Church must have its own social subjectivity in order to pass this point of choice and create a working model of interaction with society, including secular society. The subjectivity of the Church is one of the conditions for its sustainable existence in modern Russia.
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Diab, Ahmed, and Ahmed Aboud. "The interplay between ideological resistance and management control: an Egyptian case study." Journal of Accounting in Emerging Economies 9, no. 2 (May 7, 2019): 208–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jaee-07-2017-0070.
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Purpose This study explores the relationship between institutional logics and workers’ agency in business organisations. The purpose of this paper is to explain management control in a complex setting of workers’ resistance and institutional multiplicity and complexity. Exploring the inherent political volatility at the macro level, the work also investigates the political aspects of economic organisations and the intermediary role of individuals who deal with these institutions. Design/methodology/approach Theoretically, the study triangulates institutional logics and labour process theories, linking higher-order institutions with mundane labour practices observed in the case study. Methodologically, the study adopts a post-positivistic case study approach. Empirical data were solicited in a village community, where sugar beet farming and processing constitutes the main economic activity underlying its livelihood. Data were collected through a triangulation of interviews, documents and observations. Findings The study concludes that, especially in LDCs agro-manufacturing settings, economic and societal institutions play a central role in the mobilisation of labour resistance. Control can be effectively practiced, and be resisted, through such economic and social systems. This study affirms the influence of institutional logics on individuals’ agency and subjectivity. Originality/value The study contributes to literature by investigating the relationship between subalterns’ agency and institutional logics in a traditional political and communal context, in contrast to the highly investigated western contexts; and providing a definition of management control based on the prevalent institutional logics in the field.
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Nieminen, Kati. "Eroding the protection against discrimination: The procedural and de-contextualized approach to S.A.S. v France." International Journal of Discrimination and the Law 19, no. 2 (April 16, 2019): 69–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1358229119838457.
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Can human rights law adequately address implicit modes of racism and gender discrimination? This question is discussed in this article through the analysis of the European Court of Human Rights case S.A.S. v. France (2014) concerning the ban on the Islamic full-face veil. The so-called ‘headscarf cases’ have been thoroughly discussed by many scholars, yet they seem to offer an endless source of different points of view. Departing from the previous discussion on the headscarf and full-face veil cases, which have largely concentrated on the questions of personal autonomy, identity and subjectivity, this article approaches S.A.S. v. France from the point of view of discrimination. It is suggested that the Court’s procedural and de-contextualized approach to rights results in eroding the protection against discrimination. Procedural approach refers to the Court’s tendency to emphasize procedural aspects of the Convention rights and not to engage sufficiently with substantive analysis. The de-contextual approach to rights on the other hand refers to lack of sensitivity to empirical information concerning the facts of the case at hand. Together the procedural and de-contextual approaches inadvertently erode the protection against discrimination of vulnerable groups, such as Muslim immigrant women.
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Obando Salazar, Olga Lucía, Luz Adriana Rodríguez, and Deibys Palacios. "Subjetividades de género en mujeres con experiencias de familiares víctimas de desaparición forzada." La Manzana de la Discordia 7, no. 2 (March 29, 2016): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.25100/lamanzanadeladiscordia.v7i2.1561.
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Resumen: En este artículo se reflexiona sobre algunoselementos significativos de la subjetividad de géneroen un grupo de mujeres con experiencias como familiaresde una víctima de desaparición forzada (DF). La baseempírica para dicha reflexión es un proyecto de investigaciónejecutado al interior del grupo Desarrollo Psicológicoen Contextos, entre 2010-2012. En el estudio seempleó una metodología cualitativa de carácter exploratorio.Se recolectó la información a través de entrevistassemi-estructuradas. Se realizó un análisis de contenidopor sub-categorías, sistematizadas en la herramienta estadísticaAtlas ti. Para efectos de este artículo se presentanresultados relativos a doce sub-categorías, los cualesse clasifican en aspectos de mayor y menor incidencia:impacto de la DF en las significaciones de género, efectospsicológicos de la DF, factores que se transformanal afrontar la DF de un familiar, significados frente condiciónde víctimas, significados frente a la DF, efectossociales de la DF, sistemas discursivos ideológicos, accionarpolítico y cultural de las mujeres, significacionesconstruidas acerca de su condición de género, posicionamientoen orden social y cultural, significados sobre lafigura del desaparecido, otros hechos violentos.Palabras clave: Mujeres, subjetividad de género,desaparición forzada, familiares de víctimasGender Subjectivities in Women with Experiencesof Family Members Victims of Forced DisappearanceAbstract: This article reflects on some significant elementsof gender subjectivity in a group of women withexperiences as relatives of a victim of forced disappearance(FD). The empirical basis for this reflection was aresearch project carried out by the group PsychologicalDevelopment in Contexts, between 2010 and 2012. In thestudy an exploratory qualitative methodology was used.The information was collected by means of semi-structuredinterviews. A content analysis was carried by subcategories,systematized in the statistical tool Atlas Ti.This article presents results related to twelve sub-categories,classified as aspects of greater or lesser incidence:impact of FD on gender meanings, psychological effectsof the FD, factors that change when facing the FD of arelative, meanings related to condition of victim, meaningrelated to FD, social effects of the FD, ideologicaldiscursive systems, political and cultural activism of thewomen, meanings build around their gender conditions,position in social and cultural order meanings about thedisappeared person, other violent facts.Key Words: Women, gender subjectivity, forced disappearance,victims’ families
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Radomski, Jan. "Masa, której strach się bać. Problem znaczenia oraz definicji masy." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 62, no. 1 (March 26, 2018): 307–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2018.62.1.15.
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This text is devoted to the problem of the concept of mass in the social sciences. The departure point is a proposed division — on the basis of past works — into practical mass (the quantitative aspect of collective behaviors) and abstract mass, which is an ideological construct. Mass in the second meaning has five properties: meaning, durability, intangibility, subjectivity, and mystique. The political history of abstract mass is described, beginning from the moment of its appearance in contrast to the ruling elite and ending with the pop culture aspect. Theoreticians on the subject are referenced, in particular, Peter Sloterdijk. Then the author concentrates on how mass functions in contemporary political systems and societies (which are born of mass). He considers mass behavior, that is, those behaviors in which the participants have the consciousness of the meaning and strength of the abstract mass. He proposes a division of mass behaviors into proliferating, functional, and phantom actions. He asks whether mass today, in order to obtain a political voice, must still have a real quantitative force, or whether even the actions of an individual could acquire a mass character.
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Rozier, Louise. "Paola Masino's Short Fiction: Another Voice in the Collective Experience of Italian Neorealism." Quaderni d'italianistica 29, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 145–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v29i1.8497.
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Known for her fantastical and allegorical style and for her affiliation with "magic realism," Paola Masino's reputation rests chiefly on her novels, particularly Nascita e morte della massaia, and on works that are seemingly confined to female subjectivity and the private sphere. This article examines Masino's short fiction to reveal a more public, engagé, side of the author. After a close reading of "Fame," "Famiglia," "Lino," "Terzo anniversario" and "Paura," it focuses on the two racconti brevi "Una parola che vola" and "Il nobile gallo" in order to highlight the neo-realist aspect of the pieces and to argue that Masino drew on allegories, fables, and parables to engage with history. It also maintains that Masino used her pen as a political tool to denounce the horror and suffering of war, to foster a commitment to the Resistance, and to call for the cultural and political reconstruction of Italy.