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1
Arnold, Thomas Clay. "Political theory and language." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184561.
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The relationship of language to the study and practice of political theory is the subject of the following analysis. Though by no means a "new" or even overlooked topic, it has experienced keen and lively debate. This was especially the case in the 1960s and 1970s, when advocates of political theory's "demise" and/or "rebirth" as a field of inquiry both took recourse in what they deemed to be the "lessons" of language. Today, however, debate has focused on the question of whether or not a more directly linguistic approach to the study and practice of political theory (as is exhibited, for example, in the works of, among others, Habermas, Flathman, and Shapiro) is in fact "political." Increasingly, the position is today that it is not. Some (Baumgold, 1981; Gunnell, 1979) even claim language a threat to theory's properly political foundations (Chapter One). I argue the contrary. Building from both the Wittgensteinian and Habermasian schools of thought (Chapters Two and Three) and, even more importantly, from the linguistic practices of Hobbes and Tocqueville (Chapter Four), study reveals language not only relevant but central to the discipline as even Baumgold and Gunnell understand it. As will be shown below, language's significance is grounded in its value as both a unit for political analysis and as a medium for political participation.
2
Mazraani, Nathalie. "Aspects of language variation in Arabic political speech-making." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.284199.
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Lam, Maggie, and 林美琪. "Language and politics: use and abuse of language in political rhetoric." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2007. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B38429494.
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Chang, Kwai-yan, and 張葵茵. "Will the English language become the single world language in the 21stcentury?" Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42575709.
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Ali, Khudeir Ahmed. "Some aspects of the translation of political language beween English and Arabic." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.296223.
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Simpson, Iain George. "Language and nationalism in the political development of Southeast Asia." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1989. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31949666.
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Halmari, Sirkka Helena. "On dichotomous political rhetoric: With special reference to Ronald Reagan's language." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1990. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/567.
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To, Wing-chi Wynn, and 杜詠誌. "A study of the Chinese language strategy in the environmental protection department." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31965064.
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Kau, Ka-man Angel, and 奚家敏. "Modality and voices of authority in Animal farm and 1984." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31953050.
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Foung, Kin Wai Dennis. "A critical discourse analysis of political speeches." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2008. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/979.
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Meng, Si Chen. "Translating conceptual metaphors in political discourse :a case study of Obama's speeches." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954280.
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Dantile, Julius Jabavu Thami. "Uhlalutyo lwee-akhawunti zopolitiko emzantsi Afrika." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53704.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study examines the effectiveness and inducement of political rhetoric in South African
context. Political discourse has become more significant in South Africa since the sanction
of a democratic political dispensation. This study is motivated by the events occurred as
from 1998, which demand accounts from those implicated.
Comments and reactions pertaining to events such as the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC)-
led land grabbing in BredeII, near Kempton Park, Gauteng; the Youth Day incident -16
June 2001; the ongoing tug-of-war between the ANC and its ally, Congress of South
African Trade Unions (Cosatu) over strategic government policies; and Tony Yengeni's
advertised refutation of getting kickbacks from the 'Arms Deal', have been the main focus
of this study.
These accounts have made it possible to apply Benoit's (1995) integrated image
restoration strategies theory, which he developed from a variety of theories developed to
understanding why certain utterances are made in certain contexts. The fundamental
approach to developing Benoit's integrated theory originates from a constant interest by
linguists and communication theorists in particular, and social psychologists in general, to
understanding the dynamics of politeness in social context.
Chapter 2 of this study presents a theoretical background to the development of politeness
theory. Chapter 3 summarises the development of integrated image restoration strategies
theory in public and social contexts. Chapter 4 deals with the application of Benoit's
integrated image restoration strategies theory through the critical analysis of the abovementioned
accounts from a weekly Internet publication, ANC Today, vol 1, no: 1, 2001,
which serve as a platform for the ANC to counteract the pervasiveness of political scandal
in South African politics. Tony Yengeni's newspaper advertisement was of great interest
as it was the first independent and personally paid public statement by a South African
politician since the new democratic dispensation.
Through the critical analysis of these accounts, it has been found that South African
politicians do make public statements implementing defensive and persuasive strategies in
order to protect or restore their images.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die doeltreffendheid van die uitoefening van politieke retoriek in
die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks. Politieke diskoers het toenemend meer betekenisvol geword
sedert die invoer van 'n demokratiese bestel. Hierdie studie is gemotiveer deur die
politieke diskoers oor gebeure wat sedert 1998 plaasgevind het, waarvoor die
geïmpliseerde persone verduidelikings moes aanbied.
Kommentaar en response rakende gebeurtenisse soos die Pan-Afrika Kongres
grondbesettings in BredeII, naby Kempton Park, Gauteng; die Jeugdag insident op 16
Junie 2001, die voortgaande dispuut tussen die ANC en sy vennoot, Kongres van Suid-
Afrikaanse Werkers Unie (COSATU) oor strategiese regeringsbeleid; en Tony Yengeni se
ge-adverteerde weerspreking van bevoordeling uit die Wapenkontrakte, vorm die
hooffokus van hierdie studie.
Hierdie verduidelikings is ondersoek deur die toepassing van Benoit (1995) se
geïntegreerde beeld-herstel strategieë teorie, wat ontwikkel het vanuit 'n verskeidenheid
teorieë ontwikkel om te verstaan waarom bepaalde uitinge in bepaalde kontekste gemaak
word. Die grondliggende benadering in die ontwikkeling van Benoit se teorie het as
oorsprong die belangstelling van taalkundiges en kommunikasie-teoretisie in die besonder,
en sosiaal-sielkundiges in die algemeen, om die dinamika te verstaan van beleefdheid in
sosiale konteks.
Hoofstuk 2 van hierdie studie bied die teoretiese agtergrond van die ontwikkeling van
beleefdheidsteorie. Hoofstuk 3 gee 'n opsomming van die ontwikkeling van geïntegreerde
beeld-herstel teorie in openbare en sosiale kontekste. Hoofstuk 4 doen 'n toepassing van
Benoit se beeld-herstel strategieë teorie deur die kritiese analise van die bogenoemde
verduidelikings vanaf die Weeklikse Internet bulletin, 'ANC Today' vol. 1 no. 1, 2001, wat
as 'n mondstuk dien vir die ANC om 'n teenstand te bied teen die algemeenheid van
politieke skandaal in Suid-Afrikaanse politiek. Tony Yengeni se koerantadvertensie het
groot belangstelling uitgelok omdat dit die eerste onafhanklike en persoonlik-betaalde
openbare verklaring was wat deur 'n Suid-Afrikaanse politikus gemaak was sedert die
instellingvan die demokratiese bestel.
Deur die kritiese analise van hierdie verduidelikings is bevind dat Suid-Afrikaanse politici
openbare verklarings maak waarin hulle verdedigende en oorredende strategieë
implementeer ten einde hul beeld te beskerm en te herstel.<br>USHWANKATHELO : Olu phando luphonononga ukusebenziseka nokukhuthazeka kokusetyenziswa kobuciko
bezopolitiko kwimeko yaseMzantsi Afrika. Idiskhosi yezopolitiko ithande ukubaluleka
eMzantsi Afrika ukusukela ngokumiselwa kwenkqubo yolawulo ngedemokrasi. Olu phando
lukhuthazwe ziziganeko ezenzeke ukusukela ngo-1998 nezinyanzelise ukunikwa kweeakhawunti
ngabo bachaphazelekayo.
lintetho neempendulo ezayamene neziganeko ezinjengokurhwaphilizwa komhlaba
ngabantu abakhokelwe ngamalungu aphambili e-Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) eBredell
ngaseKempton Park, eRhawuntini; isiganeko soSuku loLutsha - 16 Juni 2001;
ukuxambulisana phakathi kwe-African National Congress (ANC) kunye nehlakani layo i-
Congress of South African Trade Union (Cosatu) ngezicwangciso-nkqubo; kunye
nentengiso kaTony Yengeni yokuphika ukufumana izinyobo kuThengo Iwezixhobo, zibe
ngumxholo ophambili wolu phando.
Ezi akhawunti zenze kukwazeke ukusebenzisa ithiyori ehlangeneyo yobugcisa
bokubuyekeza umfanekiso kaBenoit (1995) nayiphuhlise kwiithiyori ezahlukeneyo
ezaphuhliselwa ukuqonda kuba kutheni kusenziwa iintetho ezithile ngokweemeko ezithile.
Esona siseko singumvulandlela ekuphuhlisweni kwale thiyori kaBenoit sivela kumdla
osoloko ukho kwiingcali zolwimi nezonxibelelwano, kunye neesayikholojisti zasekuhlaleni
wokufuna ukuqonda ubuchukubhede ngentlonelo kwimeko yasekuhlaleni.
Isahluko 2 solu phando sinika imvelaphi yethiyori yokuphuhliswa kwethiyori yentlonelo.
Isahluko 3 sishwankathela ukuphuhliswa kwethiyori yobuyekezo lomfanekiso kwimeko
yasesidlangalaleni neyasekuhlaleni. Isahluko 4 sijongene nokusetyenziswa kwethiyori
yobuyekezo lomfanekiso kaBenoit ngohlalutyo Iwee-akhawunti ezixelwe apha ngentla,
nezivela kupapasho Iweveki olukwi-Internet, ANC Today, vol 1, no: 1, 2001 nesebenza
njengeqonga le-ANC lokunika izimvo ngeziganeko namanyundululu ezopolitiko eMzantsi
Afrika. Intengiso kaTony Yengeni kumaphephandaba yatsala amehlo nanjengoko ibe
kokuqala ukwenziwa kwengxelo eloluhlobo ngumpolitiki kweloMzantsi Afrika kweli lixa
ledemokrasi. Ngohlalutyo Iwezi akhawunti, kufumaniseke ukuba abapolitiki boMzantsi Afrika bayazenza
iingxelo neentetho ezisebenzisa ubugcisa bokuzikhusela nobolukuhlo ngeenjongo
zokuzikhusela okanye ukubuyekeza umfanekiso wabo.
13
Ng, Kwok-keung Zachary, and 吳國強. "The construction of colonial subjectivity in the Chinese language and literature lessons in Hong Kong secondary schools." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31951168.
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De, Kock Tarryn Gabi. "Linguistic identity and social cohesion in three Western Cape schools." Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/2501.
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Thesis (MEd (Education))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2016.<br>Language is foundational to issues of belonging in contemporary South Africa. The
country’s colonial and apartheid history facilitated the differential development and
privileging of particular languages alongside the project of racial capitalism
(Alexander, 1989). Educational arrangements were affected by these developments
because of how black South Africans were economically and socially limited by
rudimentary exposure to the primary languages of access (English and Afrikaans).
This study argues that this history is what currently influences the movement of black
South Africans into the schools they were historically excluded from in former
coloured, Indian and white areas, and further that this movement is also encouraged
by the promise of greater access to and development in the English language
(Fataar, 2015). It suggests that the persisting status of English as lingua franca
across state, educational and cultural communications and products requires
teaching that is sensitive to the historical relationship of the language to the
underdevelopment and undervaluation of local linguistic forms. Moreover, the subject
English and its embedded values and norms (included in the compulsory texts and
textbook) is a critical area of enquiry for thinking through issues of social cohesion
and belonging. Through case studies of three Cape Town teachers, this study
argues that a range of influences affect how language and meaning are constructed
in English classrooms, and that learners experience these influences to their own
identities in different and often conflicting ways.
15
Mendel, Yonatan Yoni. "Arabic studies in Israeli-Jewish society : in the shadow of political conflict." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609996.
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Wong, Ngar-chu Mary, and 黃雅珠. "English language policies in Hong Kong and Singapore in the Post-war period: circa 1965-1998." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42574870.
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Boberg, Per. "Translating Political Text : Cultural and Stylistic Aspects of Translating the American Republican Party's 2004 Political Platform." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Humanities, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-2375.
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<p>The present paper discusses the cultural and stylistic issues in the translation of a part of the 2004 Republican Party Platform. Political text in American English and Swedish is in focus, and translation examples are accounted for and categorised according to Vinay & Darbelnet’s (1995) system theory of translation procedures. The conclusion is that cultural issues caused fewer problems than stylistic ones when the Republican Party Platform 2004 was translated.</p>
18
Lo, Bianco Joseph. "Officialising language : a discourse study of language politics in the United States." View thesis entry in Australian Digital Theses Program, 2001. http://thesis.anu.edu.au/public/adt-ANU20020902.101758/index.html.
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Lunsford, Sharon. "Language Policy, Protest and Rebellion." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2001. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2790/.
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The hypothesis that language discrimination contributes to protest and/or rebellion is tested. Constitutional language policy regarding administrative/judicial, educational and other matters is measured on three separate scales developed for this study; the status of each minority group's language under its country's policy is measured by another set of scales. Protest and rebellion variables are taken from Gurr's Minorities at Risk study. Findings include an indication that group language status contributes positively to protest and rebellion until a language attains moderate recognition by the government, at which point status develops a negative relationship with protest and rebellion, and an indication that countries with wider internal variations in their treatment of language groups experience higher levels of protest and rebellion on the part of minority groups.
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Fong, Yiu Tung James. "Post-war language policy in Hong Kong : an investigation of legitimacy crises and control." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2009. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/988.
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Puzey, Guy Edward Michael. "Wars of position : language policy, counter-hegemonies and cultural cleavages in Italy and Norway." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/7544.
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This thesis investigates the development of the present-day linguistic hegemonies within Italy and Norway as products of ongoing linguistic ‘wars of position’. Language activist movements have been key actors in these struggles, and this study seeks to address how such movements have operated in attempts to translate their linguistic ideologies into de facto language policy through mechanisms such as political agitation, propaganda and the use of language in public spaces. It also reveals which other extra-linguistic values and ideologies have become associated with or allied to these linguistic causes in recent years, how these ideologies have affected language policy, and whether such ideological alliances have been representative of language users’ ideologies. The study is informed by an innovative methodological framework combining the theories and metaphors of Antonio Gramsci (including hegemony and wars of position as well as his linguistic writings) with the theories of Stein Rokkan on cultural-political cleavage structures and the relationships between centres and peripheries. These constructs and relationships are thereafter documented as ideologically defining strands running through the history of the movements studied, through reference to activist periodicals and party newspapers. In Italy, the focus of the research is on the Lega Nord (Northern League), a far-right populist autonomist political movement. The Lega has sought to legitimise its imagination of a northern nation (‘Padania’) by portraying the dialects of northern Italy as minority languages, emphasising the hegemonic relationship between the Italian national language and northern dialects. The movement has also used this perception of northern dialects as peripheral and suppressed by Italian to bolster its depiction of ‘Padania’ as a wealthy periphery allegedly held back by central and southern Italy. Although this campaign has achieved some successes in increased visibility of dialects in public spaces, dialects largely remain restricted to ‘low’-status domains. In Norway, the thesis devotes special attention to the post-war efforts of the counter-hegemonic campaign for the Nynorsk standard of Norwegian, which was devised as a common denominator for Norwegian dialects, as opposed to the hegemonic standard Bokmål, which is a Norwegianisation of written Danish. In opposing the challenges of globalisation and centralisation, the Nynorsk movement has retained a radical character and is generally associated with a left-wing variant of nationalism, a key part of the Norwegian cultural cleavage structure. The social argumentation of the Nynorsk movement was instrumental in its successful promotion of dialects, now seen as an unstigmatised means of spoken communication in all social contexts.
22
Guan, Qiu Yao Amber. "Repositioning of political stance in news trans-editing :a case study of E-C news reports on the THADD issue." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954323.
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Chan, Ling-ling Clare, and 陳玲玲. "Language policy and the Hong Kong Government in the post-1997 period." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31952938.
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Chow, Pok-man Susanna, and 周博汶. "The study of Hong Kong English vocabulary, with particular reference to the study of official and political discourse in the HKSAR." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31952987.
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Lok, Mai-chi Ian, and 樂美志. "Cultural understanding in English studies: anexploration of postcolonial and world Englishes perspectives." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2006. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B35804749.
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Jackson, David Lee. "ESL for political action : a critical evaluation of the farmworkers ESL crusade and its Freire-inspired philosophy." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26841.
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This thesis evaluates the first three years of the Canadian Farmworkers Union ESL Crusade and the Freire-based philosophy which inspired it. Based on the author's three years of participant-observation, it pursues the following question: In the context of the union, is it possible to operate an ESL program which will both teach basic ESL and further the union's goal of organizing Punjabi farmworkers?
The thesis begins by summarizing Freire's educational/ political philosophy, and continues by examining the program's context: conditions of farmwork in British Columbia, the role of CFU in improving them, and the dynamics of the Punjabi community which affect this process. This is followed by a detailed description and evaluation of the Crusade: its objectives, recruiting and training of volunteer tutors, teaching methods and materials, curriculum topics, organizing strategies, results in terms of both teaching ESL and organizing, and finally analysis of the program's limitations.
The following section re-evaluates Freire's philosophy in view of three years experience in a North American setting. Key issues include the relationship between students' concerns and the union's agenda, dialogue versus banking, the complex nature of oppression for North American immigrants, the distinction between a realistic and idealistic frame of reference in operating and evaluating a program, and the importance of organizers reflecting on their own vested interests. All these issues proved salient to the daily operation of the program and have ramifications for other programs.
In the course of three years, the Crusade was able to develop methods and materials which had good potential both for ESL instruction and organizing, and which approached the Freirian ideal. However, a number of limitations prevented the program from fulfilling this potential. Some of these could be overcome with changes in the Crusade's format, such as using full-time Punjabi tutors rather than Anglo volunteers. The study concludes by outlining these changes plus directions for further research.<br>Education, Faculty of<br>Graduate
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Monis, Alicia. ""If you have lied about me, you have lied about everything" : Huis Gideon Malherbe : a discussion of the Afrikaans Taal Museum." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/22238.
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Bibliography: pages 184-192.<br>Within academia it is now accepted that personal experiences, as well social construction influence the way people perceive the world, and thus the research process and findings. Research, no matter how empirical, is not immune to personal quess work and conclusions. The same however, can be said for the establishment of museums and monuments which are meant to commemorate events, or epochs in the history of a nation. For in the establishment of the museum or monument the curators and researchers do choose those events which are deemed important enough as history to be preserved for prosperity. The following thesis is an investigation of the Afrikaans Taal museum, or Afrikaans Language Museum situated in Paarl, Cape Province. The museum aims to reproduce a history of the Afrikaans language, culminating in the eventual recognition of Afrikaans as an official language. In the thesis though, I argue that by choosing to represent certain events in the history of the language, and excluding others, the museum becomes a symbol of/for Afrikanerdom. If South Africa is to heal its wounds caused by Apartheid and the Armed Struggle, all monuments and museums established during the reign of the National Party will have to be investigated, and the feasibility of their existence called into question.
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Wu, Po-ling, and 胡寶玲. "Chinese subject teachers' perceptions: the impacts of the 1997 changeover on the teaching of Chinese subject insecondary schools in Hong Kong during the transitional period." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31959131.
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Mackay, Murdo. "The language problem and school board reform on the island of Montréal /." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66181.
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Wang, Jiayan. "A study of speech acts in U.S. presidential candidate." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2013. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1367.
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Bojabotseha, Teboho Pankratius. "The use of language by the African National Congress in its 1999-2009 national election manifestos." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86198.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: There is more to language than just its formal structural properties and, similarly, more to language function than just its communicative and naming function. Language does not exist independent of society. As a part of society, it is used in a diversity of functions: it influences thought processes, constitutes what people perceive as reality, and produces, reproduces and denies prejudices. It is in pursuit of its ideological function that language plays a significant role in the establishment and maintenance of systematically asymmetrical power relations. This study focuses on the role that language plays in efforts to position the African National Congress (ANC) as more fit to govern than other political parties in South Africa. Adopting a qualitative research strategy, the study provides an analysis of the discourse that is constructed in the ANC’s 1999, 2004 and 2009 national election manifestos. The analysis is presented within the framework of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and is performed in terms of linguistic devices, techniques and strategies such as genre and its sequential structure, pronouns, contrasting expressions, intertextuality, grounding and elision, statistics and numerical figures, and discourse. It is demonstrated that the three election manifestos are situated within a specific socio-economic and political context defined by poverty, unemployment and inequality, which are rooted in the South African history of colonialism and race-based capitalism. The texts draw from resources of the genre of manifesto and show common structural features. It is shown that ambiguous pronouns are used to build up affinities between the ANC and the reader/listener with respect to the achievements of the ANC-led government, what work still needs to be done, and to position the ANC’s vision as one that is generally shared by the people. Contrasting expressions are used to disparage the apartheid system and to extol the post-1994 democratic system. In all three texts the ANC is foregrounded as the organization which not only brought freedom to South Africa, but which in fact led the struggle for freedom and change. At the same time, there is an omission of other political organizations and the role they played in this struggle. It is also demonstrated that the three texts constituted by elements of other texts such as the Freedom Charter (1955), the Reconstruction and Development Programme (1994) and the Constitution (1996) use statistics and figures to bestow the ANC with a systematic and scientific gravitas. Lastly, the three manifestos reflect a discourse of “complete” or “total” freedom, which is inclusive of the social, economic and political aspects of the reality of South Africans’ lives. It is argued that these linguistic devices, techniques and strategies are used in the 1999, 2004 and 2009 national election manifestos to position the ANC as more fit to govern South Africa than other political parties.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Taal behels meer as net formele strukturele eienskappe, en die funksies van taal behels eweneens meer as net benaming en kommunikasie. Taal bestaan nie onafhanklik van die gemeenskap nie. As ’n deel van die gemeenskap, word taal in ’n verskeidenheid funksies gebruik: dit beïnvloed denkprosesse, bepaal wat mense beskou as die werklikheid, en dien om vooroordele te skep, te verhoog en te ontken. Dit is in die uitoefening van sy ideologiese funksie dat taal ’n beduidende rol speel in die vestiging en handhawing van sistematies asimmetriese magsverhoudings. Hierdie studie fokus op die rol wat taal speel in pogings om die African National Congress (ANC) te posisioneer as meer geskik om te regeer as ander politieke partye in Suid-Afrika. Met ’n kwalitatiewe navorsingstrategie as uitgangspunt, bied die studie ’n analise van die diskoers wat gekonstrueer word in die ANC se onderskeie manifeste vir die 1999, 2004 en 2009 nasionale verkiesings. Die analise word aangebied binne die raamwerk van Kritiese Diskoersanalise (“Critical Discourse Analysis”) en word uitgevoer in terme van taalkundige meganismes, tegnieke en strategieë soos genre and sy sekwensiële struktuur, voornaamwoorde, teenstellende uitdrukkings, intertekstualiteit, opstelling en weglating (“grounding and elision”), statistieke en getalle, en diskoers. Daar word aangetoon dat die drie verkiesingsmanifeste ingebed is in ’n spesifieke sosio-ekonomiese en politieke konteks van armoede, werkloosheid en ongelykheid, wat gegrond is in die Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis van kolonialisme en rasgebaseerde kapitalisme. Die tekste benut die middele van die manifes-genre en vertoon gemeenskaplike strukturele kenmerke. Daar word aangetoon hoe dubbelsinnige voornaam-woorde gebruik word om ’n affiniteit tussen die ANC en die leser/hoorder tot stand te bring ten opsigte van die ANC-regering se prestasies, die werk wat nog gedoen moet word, en ook om die ANC se visie voor te hou as een wat algemeen deur die mense gedeel word. Teenstellende uitdrukkings word gebruik om die apartheidstelsel te verdoem en die post-1994 demokratiese stelsel op te hemel. In al drie tekste word die ANC vooropgestel as die organisasie wat nie net vryheid na Suid-Afrika gebring het nie, maar wat in feite die stryd om vryheid en verandering gelei het. Terselfdertyd word geen melding gemaak van ander politieke organisasies en die rol wat hulle in dié stryd gespeel het nie. Daar word ook aangetoon dat die drie tekste wat verskeie elemente insluit van ander tekste soos die Freedom Charter (1955), die Heropbou- en Ontwikkelingsprogram (“Reconstruction and Development Programme”, 1994) en die Grondwet (1996) gebruik maak van statistieke en getalle om die ANC te bedeel met ’n sistematiese en wetenskaplike gravitas. Die drie manifeste vertoon, laastens, ’n diskoers van “totale” of “volledige” vryheid, wat die sosiale, ekonomiese en politieke aspekte van die werklikheid van Suid-Afrikaners se lewens omvat Daar word geargumenteer dat dié taalkundige meganismes, tegnieke en strategieë in die 1999, 2004 en 2009 verkiesingsmanifeste gebruik word om die ANC te posisioneer as meer geskik om te regeer as ander politieke partye.
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Poon, Jeanya Chermainea, and 潘君雅. "The role of English language teaching in Hong Kong: linguistic imperialism or linguistic empowerment?" Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2003. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B26815655.
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Au, Yong Tan-fung, and 歐陽丹鳳. "The changing roles of English in two key public sectors in post-colonial Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2003. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B26777885.
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Ntshalintshali, Dlezakhe Simon. "Uhlahlelo-mhlahlandlela lwemibhalo yegeneri yezepolitiki ephephandabeni lesiZulu." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53703.
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In-depth analysis of genre-texts of political articles in newspapers.<br>In-depth analysis of genre-texts of political articles in newspapers.<br>Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The purpose of this study is to do an in-depth analysis of genre-texts of political articles in
newspapers. The genre theoretical approach is employed as framework for analysing the
linguistic, rhetorical and discourse properties of isiZulu texts, giving a demonstration of a
more general theory of genre analysis in writing, advanced by different writers. The genrebased
approach to literacy and language teachingwas explored. A general overview was
given of genre in folklore, genre in linguistics, genre in rhetoric and general description of
genres was provided.
The parameters of writing, that is the "who writes, what, to whom, where, when, why and
how", were utilised in each text under investigation. These parameters were used to
assess the communicative writing competence of the author of each text. Aspects of the
text analysis such as information structuring, topic structuring, coherence and cohesion,
cognitive move structure and structural description have been employed.
This study presents the findings of the analysis of the lIanga newspaper texts by
describing the critical analysis of textlinguistic aspects through the examination of genre
text and outcomes-based language teaching in Curriculum 2005.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie is om 'n in-diepte analise te maak van genre tekste van
koerantartikels in isiZulu wat handeloor politieke aangeleenthede. Die genre-teoretiese
benadering is gebruik as raamwerk vir die analise van die taalkundige, retoriese en
diskoerseienskappe van isiZulu tekste, en te demonstreer hoe, vir die doeleindes van
teksanalise, 'n meer algemene teorie van genre analise in skryfwerk gebruik kan word. Die
genre-benadering tot geletterdheid en taalonderrig is eerstens ondersoek. 'n Algemene
oorsig is gegee van genre in folklore, genre in die taalkunde, genre in retoriek en 'n
beskrywing van die kenmerke van genres is gedoen.
Die parameters van skryf, naamlik wie skryf wat aan wie, waar, waarom, en hoe, is gebruik
om elke koerantartikel te ondersoek. Hierdie parameters is aangewend om die
kommunikatiewe skryfvaardigheid van die skrywer van elke teks te assesseer. Aspekte
van teksanalise, naamlik inligtingstrukturering, onderwerpstrukturering, koherensie en
kohesie, kognitiewe skuifstruktuur en strukturele beskrywing is aangewend in die analise
van die tekste.
Die studie bied die bevindinge van die analise van die lIanga koerantartikels in isiZulu deur
die kritiese analise te beskryf van tekslinguistiese aspekte met verwysing na genre-tekste
en uitkoms-gebaseerde taalonderrig in Kurrikulum 2005.
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Aylward, Louise. "Imperialist subtexts? : cultural assumptions and linguistic imperialism in Hong Kong ELT textbooks /." Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1998. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B20272686.
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Krapf, Elizabeth Maria. "Euthanasia, the Ethics of Patient Care and the Language of Propaganda." PDXScholar, 2012. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/606.
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This thesis is an examination of euthanasia, eugenics, the ethic of patient care, and linguistic propaganda in the Second World War. The examination of euthanasia discusses not only the history and involvement of the facility at Hadamar in Germany, but also discuss the current euthanasia debate. Euthanasia in World War II arose out of the Nazi desire to cleanse the Reich and was greatly influenced by the American eugenics movement of the early 20th century. Eugenics was built up to include anyone considered undesirable and unworthy of life and killed many thousands of people before the invasion of allied troops in 1944. Paramount to euthanasia is forced sterilization, the ethic of patient care, and how the results of the research conducted on euthanasia victims before their deaths should be used. The Nazis were able to change the generally accepted terms that researchers use to describe their experiments and this change affected how modern doctors and researchers use the terms in current research. This thesis includes research conducted in Germany and the United States from varied resources.
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Ribeiro, Alexandre do Amaral. "Quando negar e legitimar : reflexões sobre preconceito e politicas linguisticas." [s.n.], 2006. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/270857.
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Orientador: Kanavillil Rajagopalan<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-07T07:12:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2006<br>Resumo: A pesquisa apresentada nesta tese aponta para a necessidade de se rever metodologias, princípios e pressupostos que sustentam a
Lingüística, considerando o seu papel e função em uma sociedade, reconhecidamente, de identidades e saberes fluidos. Tomando como
objeto de estudo o Preconceito Lingüístico, entendido no contexto da condição pós-moderna e de um mundo globalizado, procura repensar
a Lingüística e as políticas lingüísticas, na perspectiva dos traços de ambivalência que marcam a pós-modernidade. Dentre suas hipóteses, formula que as políticas lingüísticas podem ser tão preconceituosas quanto quaisquer formas de preconceito, correndo mesmo o risco de ratificá-los, de legitimá-los. A luta contra o preconceito pode não passar de um engodo ideológico. Formas de preconceito podem estar implícitas, portanto, no discurso em defesa de uma língua, assim como nos discurso que admitem a pluralidade lingüística. Por isso, ao mesmo tempo em que reúne elementos para entender a inserção da Lingüística e do preconceito lingüístico na pósmodernidade, reivindica a proposição futura de uma Crítica da Razão Lingüística como uma base necessária para ampliação dos estudos da linguagem<br>Abstract: The research for this thesis points to the necessity of reviewing methodologies, principles and presuppositions which sustain the
mainstream Linguistics, considering its role and function in a society seen as society of fluid identities and knowledges. Taking Linguistic
Prejudice as study object and understanding it in the context of postmodern society and of a globalized world, we try to rethink Linguistics
and politics of language in the perspective of post modern typical ambivalent characteristics. Among our hypotheses, we suggest that linguistic politics may have as much prejudice as any other forms of prejudice, so that it is possible to ratify and legitimate them through these politics. The struggle against prejudice may be nothing but a mistake, an ideological fantasy. Therefore, at the same time this thesis puts together elements which allow to understand the insertion of Linguistics in the post-modernity, it claims for a future proposition of a Critique of Linguistic Reason as a necessary base to broaden up language studies<br>Doutorado<br>Doutor em Linguística
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Rodrigues, Carolina Cantarino 1977. "Entre corpos, tempos e sujeitos = ciências, políticas e artes improvisando identidades." [s.n.], 2011. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281012.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Suely Kofes<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-18T04:09:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2011<br>Resumo: A proposta dessa tese é pensar a ciência e a arte em suas criações de políticas que se efetuam por entre corpos, tempos e sujeitos. A ciência será discutida através do modo como ela mobiliza e é mobilizada numa política de identidades, tomando-se como horizonte o tema da raça e do racismo no Brasil, e as estratégias adotadas no jogo de forças que colocam esse tema sob disputa. Nela, uma identidade negra, arquitetada através de evidências científicas, será acionada na denúncia e combate às desigualdades. A reação virá na figura de um Homo brasilis que torna a miscigenação, através de mapeamentos genéticos, a natureza da sociedade brasileira à qual somente os cientistas teriam acesso. Uma estratégia de despolitização da disputa. O pressuposto será o de que, a despeito dessas controvérsias, todos estão a se emaranhar enquanto linhas de um dispositivo pele-rosto-DNA marcado pela cientificidade, identificação e por uma política da representação que toma o corpo como realidade orgânica e visível a ser usado como parâmetro de julgamento e testemunho da autenticidade das identidades. Será possível operar uma resistência política desde dentro do dispositivo? Saíremos dele, então, para, com a arte, montar um outro jogo. O conceito de "romance histórico" criado pela literatura de Toni Morrison será explorado, em suas propostas de tensão entre o real e a ficção que problematizam a representação e a noção de autenticidade e testemunho. Por sua vez, as canções e o universo da música serão levados à sério como resistência política que abre mão da identificação. A literatura e a música serão convocadas para rachar os conceitos de representação, história, verdade, política, identidade e diferença, esvaziando-os dos sentidos que o dispositivo pele-rosto-DNA insiste em lhes fixar. Ciência e Arte serão tomadas enquanto duas políticas distintas e reunidas, nas condições criadas por essa tese, para pensar, de modo mais geral, a relação entre a linguagem e a vida<br>Abstract: This dissertation concerns the ways that science and art are responsible for the creation of politics that have an effect on bodies, times and subjects. Science is discussed in so much as it mobilizes and is mobilized in a politics of identity, taking as a point of departure the topic of race and racism in Brazil; and the strategies adopted by the forces of power responsible for putting these topics under dispute. Within science, a black identity, is constructed with scientific evidence, which is then used in an effort to denounce and combat inequality. A reaction will come on the configuration of a Homo brasilis which becomes miscegenated, by way of genetically mapping the nature of Brazilian society and giving only scientists access. This strategy is also used to depoliticize the debate. This work proposes that in spite of these controversies, everyone is becoming entangled along lines of a skin-face- DNA apparatus which is being determined by scientific theories, identities and by a politics of representation, which assume that the body is an organic and visible reality that should be used as the parameter of judgment and the means for certifying the authenticity of identities. Is it possible to operate a political resistance from within skin-face-DNA apparatus? Moving away from a scientific perspective, this work will use art as yet another force. The concept of "historical romance," such as that used in the literature of Toni Morrison, will be explored because it proposes a tension between that which is real and that which is fiction, allowing us to problematize the representation and the notion of authenticity and certification. Furthermore, song and the universe of music will be taken into consideration as a form of political resistance that cut identification. Literature and music will be evoked as a way of breaking open the concepts of representation, history, truth, politics, identity and difference, emptying them of the fixed meanings that the skin-face-DNA apparatus tries to prescribe them with. In order to think in a more general way about the relationship between language and life, this thesis creates conditions in which science and art will be seen as two forms of politics that are both distinct and connected<br>Doutorado<br>Ciências Sociais, Antropologia da Ciência e Antropologia Afro-Brasileira<br>Doutor em Ciências Sociais
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Hensley, Colton Dwayne. "Maximal Proposition, Environmental Melodrama, and the Rhetoric of Local Movements: A Study of The Anti-Fracking Movement in Denton, Texas." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1062840/.
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The environmental problems associated with the boom in hydraulic fracturing or "fracking," such as anthropogenic earthquakes and groundwater contamination, have motivated some citizens living in affected areas such as Denton, Texas to form movements with the goal of imposing greater regulation on the industry. As responses to an environmental threat that is localized and yet mobile, these anti-fracking movements must construct rhetorical appeals with complicated relationships to place. In this thesis, I examine the anti-fracking movement in Denton, Texas in a series of three rhetorical analyses. In the first, I compared fracking bans used by Frack Free Denton and State College, Pennsylvania to distinguish the argumentative claims that are dependent on the politics of place, and affect strategies localities must use in resisting natural gas extraction. In the second, I compare campaign strategies that use local identity as a way of invoking legitimacy, which reinforces narrative frameworks of environmental risk. In the third, I conduct and analyze interviews with anti-fracking leaders who described the narrative of their movement, which highlighted tensions in the rhetorical construction of a movement as local. Altogether, this thesis traces the rhetorical conception of place across the rhetoric of the anti-fracking movement in Denton, Texas, while seeking to demonstrate the value of combining rhetorical criticism with rhetorical field methods.
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Annas, Rolf. "Zur Darstellung Sudafrikas in der uberregionalen presse der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Eine textwissenschaftliche Untersuchung." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49304.
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Zaidan, Junia Claudia Santana de Mattos 1972. "Por um inglês menor : a desterritorialização da grande língua." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/270842.
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Orientador: Kanavillil Rajagopalan<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T01:33:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2013<br>Resumo: Nesta tese, discute-se a difusão mundial do inglês, apresenta-se uma crítica da base conceitual sobre a qual se constitui o discurso a respeito deste fenômeno, bem como uma proposta de conceituação articulada entre a Nova Pragmática (RAJAGOPALAN, 2010) e a filosofia da linguagem. O objeto deste estudo é o World English (WE, RAJAGOPALAN, 2004), utilizado por falantes de línguas nativas diversas. Com o objetivo de apontar a insuficiência da base epistemológica para o WE, volta-se primeiramente para a sociolinguística (JENKINS, 2003, SCHNEIDER, 2007) que, embora reconheça a inerente variabilidade da língua, produz discursos comprometidos com o universalismo ao insistir na busca de padrões constantes no uso e ao furtar-se a tratar a língua como categoria política e não ontológica. Na Linguística, o falante nativo idealizado e a língua como estrutura (BLOOMFIELD, 1933; CHOMSKY, 1965) também produzem um WE que fortalece o fundacionismo, mantendo as práticas linguageiras (uso, descrição e ensino) atreladas aos padrões anglo-americanos. Na Linguística Aplicada, apesar das contribuições de Kachru (1985), com a proposição dos Círculos Concêntricos; de Phillipson (1992), com a crítica ao 'imperialismo linguístico', e de Jenkins (2003), com o estudo da variação do WE, mantém-se o centramento, privilegiando supostas essências. Valorações de desempenho linguístico, segregação de profissionais, políticas de publicação restritivas - todas referendadas pelo eurocentrismo - são discutidas como efeitos materiais das invenções naturalizadas por este regime metadiscursivo (MAKONI & PENNYCOOK, 2007) criticado nesta investigação em face da demografia do inglês, que hoje inclui apenas um falante nativo entre quatro não nativos. Ilustra-se este estudo com dados do International Corpus of English, e com as regularidades detectadas por Seidlhofer (2004) no Vienna-Oxford International Corpus of English e aquelas propostas por Jenkins (op.cit.) através do Common Core. A partir do conceito de literatura menor (DELEUZE & GUATTARI, 1977), ancoramos a tese de um inglês menor no postulado da Nova Pragmática, segundo o qual a linguagem e a ação humana pressupõem-se reciprocamente (AUSTIN, 1962), o que expõe i- a indissociabilidade entre a linguagem e a metalinguagem e, portanto, a intervenção da teorização na ontologia que a tradição platônica fez crer como existente a priori; e ii- a natureza ético-política da teorização, uma vez que este exame do WE assume sua inscrição no social. Tem-se, pois, que o inglês menor, ao invés de apontar para um quantitativo reduzido de usuários, indica um uso não amparado pelo poder das instituições, um uso que se detecta como potência de variação e não como poder das constantes; um uso que não opera como raiz de árvore, mas por rizoma, a desterritorializar-se em seu devir, escapando à palavra de ordem ratificadora de fundacionismos e universais. Como micropolítica linguística, propõem-se os seguintes princípios para uma pedagogia menor do WE: privilegiar o híbrido, o repertório de línguas - incluída a língua mãe - e de estratégias; rejeitar toda sorte de prescrição metodológica; fomentar a consciência metalinguística, a noção de opacidade do texto e de gramática como epifenômeno, o pertencimento provisório a comunidades de prática, o uso da língua como ação política e a negociação interacional<br>Abstract: This thesis discusses the spread of English worldwide and presents both, a critique of the conceptual framework on which the discourse about this phenomenon rests, and an alternative theoretical proposal grounded on New Pragmatics (RAJAGOPALAN, 2010) and on the philosophy of language. Our object of study is, thus, the English used by speakers of distinct native languages, i.e., World English (WE, RAJAGOPALAN, 2004). Sociolinguistic accounts of WE are revised (JENKINS, 200, SCHNEIDER, 2007) and presented as evidence of a resilient universalist orientation reflected on the insistent quest for and reification of patterns of use. Both, the idealized native speaker and the construct 'language', as defined by Linguistics (BLOOMFIELD, 1933; CHOMSKY, 1965) are examined as part and parcel of the foundationism which keeps language practices (use, description and pedagogy) still attached to angloamerican standards. As for Applied Linguistics, even though contributions from several studies (KACHRU, 1985; PHILLIPSON, 1992; and JENKINS, 2003) have shed light on the phenomenon, thus providing a more pluralistic view of the spread and an increasing political awareness in its study, centralization and the pervasive essentialism in the field are still strong, as the analysis shows. Value judgments of linguistic performance, restrictive publishing policies and the segregation of professionals are, it is argued, the material effects of the naturalized inventions perpetrated by the metadiscursive regimes (MAKONI & PENNYCOOK, 2007) criticized in this research. This enterprise is undertaken mainly in view of the demography of English in the contemporary scenario, which displays native speakers and nonnative speakers in a ratio of 1 to 4, respectively. Data from The International Corpus of English, as well as from the patterns identified by Seidlhofer (2004) in the Vienna-Oxford International Corpus of English, and by Jenkins (op.cit.) in the Common Core are used as a resource for the investigation we set out to pursue. The precept of New Pragmatics (Cf. AUSTIN, 1962), namely that language and human action are mutually inclusive, is understood as implying that i- since language and metalanguage cannot be set apart, theory-building is but neutral in affecting ontology, which contradicts the platonic tradition; ii- theory-building is ethical-political by nature, thus compelling us to acknowledge the study of WE as inscribed in social reality. Our proposal of minor English is based on the concept of minor literature, as put forward by Deleuze and Guattari (1977). Minor does not refer to the quantity of users, but to the use they make of language. In other words, by distancing itself from the rigid standards of institutionalized power, a minor English escapes from the constraints of supposedly permanent regularities and induces an imbalance in its components, taking advantage of its rhizomatic design to deterritorialize the major uses of language through its ongoing process of becoming. Not subject to an arborescent structure, a minor English is rid of the order word that ractifies universalism and purism, thus calling for a minor pedagogy for WE, which involves: privileging hybridity and the repertoire of strategies/languages - including the mother tongue; rejecting methodological prescriptivism; raising metalinguistic awareness; fostering interactional negotiation, an understanding of texts as opaque, of grammar as epiphenomenal, of language use as political action, and of communities as practice<br>Doutorado<br>Linguistica<br>Doutora em Linguística
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Sebraoui, Ahmed. "Approche sociolinguistique de la langue française au Maroc." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212755.
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Castineira, Benítez Teresa Aurora. "Exploring political, institutional and professional discourses in Mexico: a critical, multimodal approach." Australia : Macquarie University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/70422.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Faculty of Human Sciences, Department of Linguistics, 2009.<br>Bibliography: p. 210-223.<br>General introduction -- A multimodal analysis of the 2006 Mexican presidential campaign billboards -- Study 2: Discourses of obligation and prohibition within an institutional setting -- Study 3: Gatekeeping practices at the LEMO: a multimodal analysis -- General conculsions.<br>This is a thesis composed of three studies linked by a common critical multimodal approach to the analysis of the data. Fairclough's (1992, 1995) three-dimensional framework was drawn on in order to explore the social practice, discursive practice and text dimensions of the discourses in question. The first two studies focus on printed texts in Mexican Spanish, whereas the third study addresses spoken interaction in English with occasional code switching to Spanish. -- Study 1: A Multimodal Analysis of the 2006 Mexican Presidential Campaign Billboards - This is a joint study (with my colleague Michael Witten and approved by my supervisor and the Department of Linguistics at Macquarie) which analyzes the political discourse of the multimodal and multisemiotic texts that the three major political parties involved in the 2006 Mexican presidential elections produced and extensively distributed through the medium of public billboards. We investigate how these parties express their particular ideologies, construct and convey social identities and relationships, and construct relations of power between themselves and the readers/viewers of these texts, through the medium of billboards. As indicated in the preamble, the methodological framework addresses these issues drawing on Fairclough's (1992, 1995) three-dimensional model of analysis while employing a variety of qualitative techniques, tools, and approaches. -- Study 2: Discourses of obligation and prohibition within an institutional setting - Following the theme of multimodal critical discourse analysis, this study examines the institutionalized discourses of obligation and prohibition at the Library of the Language Faculty (LEMO)*of a public university in Mexico. Six different texts pertaining to various genres ranging from a protocol to notices were examined. Multiple qualitative methodologies and tools such as those drawn from ethnography, critical discourse analysis, and systemic functional linguistics are utilized in the analysis of the data. Power relations between the institution and the library users are examined as well as the conditions of text production and reception, the latter through an ethnographic component. An emphasis is placed on the linguistic text. -- Study 3: Gatekeeping practices at the LEMO - This study investigates one of the gatekeeping practices at the Language Faculty of a public university in Mexico (see above). The particular practice concerned consists of the professional examinations (vivas) that students have to take in order to obtain their degrees of 'Licenciatura en Lenguas Modernas' (BEd in Modern Languages) in the English Teaching section of the university. This study focuses on the professional discourse(s) utilized by both candidates and examiners by means of analyzing the texts of four recorded professional examinations. This study chiefly draws on Goffman's (1959) dramaturgical concepts of 'frontstage' and 'backstage', where the analysis of the frontstage work addresses the Question-and-Answer section of the examinations, and the analysis of the backstage work addresses the subsequent deliberations among the examiners concerning the performance of the candidates. Multiple qualitative methodologies and tools are again drawn upon, such as ethnographic analysis, interactional sociolinguistics and critical discourse analysis. (* Facultad de Lenguas)<br>Mode of access: World Wide Web.<br>xii, 233 p. : ill. (some col.)
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Pole, Tlou Gilbert. "A genre-theoretic analysis of texts of government speeches in Sepedi." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50251.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2005.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study assumes the theoretical framework of text construction as advanced by Grabe
and Kaplan (1996) for the analysis of Sepedi texts of government speeches from the
magazine: ANC TODAY. The theory that is used in this study invokes the linguistic
elements that can be used by both the teachers and learners to critically analyse texts in
classrooms.
This genre-theoretic approach is employed as framework, for analysing the linguistic,
rhetorical and discourse properties for Sepedi texts. It also addresses the parameters of
the ethnography of writing advanced by Grabe and Kaplan: "who writes what to whom, for
what purpose, why, when and how?'
The text construction analysis executed in the study enable the learners to acquire skills,
knowledge and values of outcomes-based language teaching. The information structuring
of text analysis and construction enables learners to write, read and use language
structure and conventions for learning and career pathways. The textlinguistic strategies
for analysing written texts in language teaching enables learners to analyse texts
successfully and gain an awareness of language use in texts.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie aanvaar die teoretiese raamwerk van tekskonstruksie soos voorgestaan
deur Grabe en Kaplan (1996) in die analise van Sepedi tekste van regeringstoesprake uit
die tydskrif ANC TODAY. Die teorie wat aanvaar word, gebruik die linguistiese elemente
wat aangewend kan word deur taalonderwysers sowel as taalleerders om tekste krities te
ontleed.
Die genre-teoretiese benadering word ingespan as raamwerk vir die analise van die
linguistiese, retoriese, en diskoerskenmerke van Sepedi tekste. Dit spreek ook die
etnografie van skryf, soos voorgestaan deur Grabe en Kaplan, aan: wie skryf wat aan
wie, vir watter doel, wanneer, waarom, en hoe.
Die tekskonstruksie analise uitgevoer in hierdie studie stel leerders in staat om
vaardighede, kennis en waardighede van uitkoms-gebaseerde taalonderrig te verwerf. Die
informasie strukturering in teksanalise stel leerders in staat om te lees, skryf en praat in
hulle toekomstige beroepe. Die tekslinguistiese strategieë vir die analise van geskrewe
tekste in taalonderrig stel leerders in staat om tekste suksesvol te ontleed en 'n bewussyn
te ontwikkel van taalgebruik in tekste.
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El, Couri Mostapha. "Histoire externe de la langue française au Maroc de 1912 jusqu'à nos jours." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211738.
Full text
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Nkashe, Esther. "Language and social services in rural North West the status of Setswana." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002165.
Full textAbstract:
This study seeks to support the thesis that African indigenous languages in South Africa should enjoy equal treatment in terms of the South African Constitution. Therefore, it will explore and find ways and means of how the South African government can reach out to rural communities with inadequate English proficiency, in an English-dominated South Africa, by breaking down the existing language barriers and curbing social inequalities. Language rights, like any other human rights, should be protected, as enshrined in the new democratic Constitution of South Africa.
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Siebörger, Ian. "Literacy, orality and recontextualization in the parliament of the Republic of South Africa : an ethnographic study." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1016140.
Full textAbstract:
In parliaments, the tasks of drafting legislation and conducting oversight are accomplished by means of complex chains of spoken, written and multimodal texts. In these genre chains, information is recontextualized from one text to another before being debated in sittings of the houses of parliament. This study employs the point of view afforded by linguistic ethnography to investigate critically the ways in which meanings are recontextualized in one section of such a genre chain, namely the process by which committees of South Africa's National Assembly oversee the budgets of government departments and state-owned entities. It does this to identify possible sources of communication difficulties in this process and suggest ways in which these can be minimized. In so doing, it develops a theoretical model of the discursive effects of recontextualization informed by Latour's (1987) notion of black-boxing as well as Maton's (2011) Legitimation Code Theory. This model uses Interactional Sociolinguistics and elements of Systemic Functional Linguistics, including APPRAISAL and Transitivity as tools to describe the realization of these effects in language. This study finds that ideational and interpersonal meanings are condensed and decondensed at particular points in the genre chain in ways that lead to some MPs’ voices being recontextualized more accurately than others’. It also shows that common sources of communication difficulties in the committee process include differences in political background and understandings of committee procedure and participant roles. It recommends that representatives of departments and entities reporting to the committees should receive a fuller prebriefing on their roles; that MPs should receive training on asking clear, focused questions; and that the role of committee secretaries as procedural advisors should be strengthened.
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Arroyo, de Romano Jacqueline Elena. "The policy implications of the No Child Left Behind Act for English language learners." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2004. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2589.
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Borges, Julie Kellen de Campos 1974. "As denominações do imigrante nas políticas de imigração no Estado de São Paulo : a produção da diferença." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/269837.
Full textAbstract:
Orientadores: Carolina Maria Rodríguez Zuccolillo, Christian Puech<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T01:54:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2013<br>Resumo: As complexas relações com o estrangeiro são constitutivas de nossa história social e política de modo particular, seja no período da colonização portuguesa, seja após a Independência (1822), quando se intensificaram os fluxos de imigrantes para o Brasil. Este trabalho de tese, inscrito na perspectiva teórica da Análise de Discurso, visa compreender quais sentidos foram produzidos para o imigrante e a imigração no Estado de São Paulo, considerando que na segunda metade do século XIX estes sentidos não se desvinculam das políticas nacionais de imigração. Analisamos os processos de significação do sujeito imigrante e, no mesmo movimento de sentidos, do brasileiro, em discursos da/sobre a imigração textualizados em verbetes de dicionários de língua portuguesa, periódicos franceses, relatórios produzidos por órgãos públicos responsáveis pela imigração e o antigo acervo do Memorial do Imigrante/Museu da Imigração do Estado de São Paulo. Ao tratarmos dos discursos produzidos pelas diversas instituições destacadas, pensamos a língua como instituição que funciona, discursivamente, estabilizando sentidos, produzindo regiões de significância para o sujeito no espaço numa formação social dada. Considerando que as instituições produzem arquivo, ou seja, memória institucional, analisamos como as projeções imaginárias para o imigrante e a imigração recobrem sentidos já-ditos sobre a história social brasileira. Concluímos observando que o sentido de imigrante sempre desliza, as palavras "imigrante" e "imigração" enquanto efeito de discurso e investida do político não referem universos semânticos logicamente estabilizados, podendo o sujeito, no processo político e social de partilha dos espaços ser denominado/significado estrangeiro no seu próprio país.<br>Abstract: The complex relations with the foreigner are particularly constitutive of our social and political history, whether during the Portuguese colonization or after gaining independence (1822), when flows of immigrants to Brazil intensified. This thesis work, written from the theoretical perspective of discourse analysis, aims to understand what meanings were produced for the immigrant and immigration in São Paulo state, considering that in the second half of the 19th century these meanings are not detached from the national immigration policies. We have analyzed the significance of the immigrant and, in the same way, the significance of the Brazilian, in the discourses of / on immigration textualized in entries of Portuguese language dictionaries, French newspapers, reports produced by government agencies responsible for immigration, and the former collection of the Immigrant Memorial/Immigration Museum in São Paulo state. In addressing the discourses produced by the highlighted institutions, we think of language as an institution that works discursively, giving a sense of stability, and producing regions of significance for the subject in the space in a determined social formation. Considering that the institutions produce archive, i.e., institutional memory, we analyze how the imaginary projections for the immigrant and immigration overlie the sense of the Brazilian social history. We conclude by observing that the sense for the immigrant is always shifting, the words "immigrant" and "immigration" as an effect of discourse and invested with the politics do not refer to logically stabilized semantic universes, so the subject, in the political and social process of sharing spaces, may be classified as a foreigner in his own country.<br>Doutorado<br>Linguistica<br>Doutora em Linguística
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Oliveira, Danilo Ricardo de 1987. "Política de línguas, política de Estado : história, sentido e espaço de enunciação internacional." [s.n.], 2014. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/270577.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Eduardo Roberto Junqueira Guimarães<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T23:22:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2014<br>Resumo: Este trabalho tem por objetivo fazer uma história das ideias linguísticas nas relações internacionais do Estado brasileiro. Na constituição dessa história, espera-se dar visibilidade específica à categoria interpretativa "espaço de enunciação", sobretudo pela análise de um corpus constituído a partir do Arquivo Histórico e Diplomático do Itamaraty, com documentos do período entre 1930-1950, momentos em que a designação da língua oficial esteve no centro das discussões no Brasil. É nosso objetivo analisar as possíveis implicações que a polêmica quanto ao nome da língua do Brasil teria nas políticas de línguas no cenário internacional. Grosso modo, considera-se o cruzamento das discursividades sobre o nome da língua e sobre a expansão dessa língua como objeto de especial interesse para compreender como, historicamente, o Estado pôde constituir uma política de sua língua justamente quando a identidade dessa língua estava, então, se construindo. Dar visibilidade a esse impasse histórico abre terreno para uma leitura particular quanto aos meios e objetivos da "expansão do idioma", permitindo interpretar uma história de sentidos para a língua nacional do Brasil e uma história das políticas de língua enquanto políticas do Estado brasileiro nas relações internacionais. Os materiais de pesquisa são aqui tomados enquanto textos e analisados com base no quadro teórico-metodológico do programa História das Ideias Linguísticas e da Semântica do Acontecimento. Nosso procedimento de análise de textos fundamenta-se em recortes dos materiais de pesquisa, recortes esses que respondem a dois interesses: de um lado, constituir uma história pelos sentidos que o texto tem sobre um objeto específico, a língua; de outro, marcar decisiva e explicitamente essa pesquisa e leitura do corpus enquanto prática política e, consequentemente, constituir uma história que, ao admitir seu caráter interpretativo, realça uma posição ética na pesquisa linguística. O interesse pela história das políticas de língua, na sua relação com o conceito de espaço de enunciação, e os dispositivos de análise do corpus posicionam este trabalho de modo especial entre os estudos da língua e da linguagem. Confiamos, porém, que o diálogo com as relações exteriores e com a própria história possa indicar também outros domínios disciplinares nos quais este trabalho venha potencialmente a se constituir enquanto objeto de interesse acadêmico<br>Abstract: This paper aims to make a history of linguistic ideas in international relations from Brazilian State. In that history, it is expected to give special visibility to the linguistic concept of "space of enunciation". We analyze a corpus, constituted from Itamaraty¿s Historic and Diplomatic Archive, with documents from the period between 1930-1950, moment in which the name of official language was at the center of discussions in Brazil. It is our aim analyzing the possible implications that the controversy about the name of the language would have on language policies in the international scenario. In short, we consider the intersection of discourses on the name of the language and on the expansion of the language as a subject of special interest to understand how the State could elaborate a policy of one language whose identity was being built. Giving visibility to this historical stalemate allows a particular reading on the means and objectives of the "expansion of language", allowing to interpret a history of senses to the national language of Brazil and a history of language policies as policies of Brazilian State in the international relations. In this work, the research materials are taken as texts and analyzed based on the theoretical and methodological framework of the program History of Linguistic Ideas and of the Semântica do Acontecimento (Semantics of the Utterance Event). Our procedure of analysis of text is based on clippings of research materials. These clippings correspond to two interests: on one hand, to constitute a history by the meanings of a text about a specific object, the language; on the other hand, to define decisive and explicitly this research and reading as political practice. By this procedure we are highlighting an ethical position in linguistic research. The interest in the history of language policies, in its relation to the concept of space of enunciation, as well as the device of analysis, position this job especially between studies of language. We trust, however, that the dialogue with the international relations and with history itself can also indicate other subject areas in which this work will potentially be constituted as an object of academic interest<br>Mestrado<br>Linguistica<br>Mestre em Linguística