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1

Johnson, Richard. "Black democrats in white America : racial campaign strategies in majority-white contexts, 1989-2013." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d6e978b4-0ad3-4924-9933-656e2f6e5000.

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Black electoral politics has undergone a profound transformation in the half century since African Americans statutorily secured equal voting rights with whites. Once confined to a small number of exceptional cases, the population of black elected officials has multiplied dramatically. The genre which studies African American politics has, likewise, vigorously proliferated, but theoretical deficiencies persist. In particular, the dominant model used to explain the choice of racial campaign strategies by African American candidates in jurisdictions where most of their voters are white is incomplete. The model's underlying hypothesis is premised on limited and increasingly outdated assumptions. Commentators continue to argue that successful black candidates must discard their racial identity in order to win white votes, yet a careful examination of the actual practices of black politicians in majority-white jurisdictions demonstrates that this argument is not substantiated empirically. As a result, scholars are mischaracterising the potential for black candidates to win elections in majority-white contexts. This thesis is an attempt to advance the scholarship through a theoretical reconceptualisation of racial campaign strategies underpinned by original, empirical research. The thesis sets out to achieve two goals. The first goal is to provide a rich, analytical account based on primary research of the range of campaign strategies available to office-seeking African American candidates outside of majority-black election contexts. The thesis demonstrates the capacity for black candidates to embrace their racial identity and champion policies which redress racial inequality while still seeking support from white voters. The second objective is to offer plausible explanations as to the strategic decision-making process in these campaigns. The thesis highlights the shifting importance of three sets variables which candidates face when choosing their racial campaign strategies: racial context and history, the racial attitudes of supportive and opposing elite actors, and candidates' own racial biographies.
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陳錦榮 and Jin-Rong Chen. "Political Beliefs, Strategies Choice, and Campaign Effectiveness:A Comparative Analysis of Campaign Strategies of the Three Candidates in the 1994 Election for the Mayor of Taipei." 碩士, 東吳大學, 1985. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/cgi-bin/gs32/gsweb.cgi/login?o=dnclcdr&s=id=%22085SCU04227002%22.&searchmode=basic.

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Prince, David W. "TIMING OF CAMPAIGN CONTRIBUTIONS IN STATE LEGISLATURES: AN EXAMINATION OF THE MOTIVES AND STRATEGIES OF CONTRIBUTORS." Lexington, Ky. : [University of Kentucky Libraries], 2006. http://lib.uky.edu/ETD/ukyposc2006d00487/PrinceDissertation2006.pdf.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Kentucky, 2006.
Title from document title page (viewed on November 1, 2006). Document formatted into pages; contains: xi, 189 p. : ill. (some col.) Includes abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 179-186).
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Wells, William T. "An analysis of attacking, acclaiming, and defending strategies in the 1976, 1980, and 1984 presidential debates /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9974711.

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Ayankoya, Kayode A. "A framework for the implementation of social media marketing strategies in political campaigning." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020118.

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The concept of social media has grown rapidly in the last years. This can be attributed to the rate of adoption and the penetration of social media around the world. Currently, there is an estimate of over two billion people that are actively using social media. The increased usage of social media has changed the way people interact and communicate. Literature suggests that Internet-enabled social networks (relationship between or among individuals and groups) are developing faster than offline relationships. Previous studies have linked social media to the social network theories that define social relationships based on the actors, the ties that exist and the flow of resources among them. This is made possible by social networking sites and other Internet enabled services that allow friends to meet, connect and interact. Social media allow for individuals, groups or organisations to build their social network of friends and followers. It also facilitates the formation of communities with common interest. Social media facilitate the creation and exchange of content such as text messages, images, audio and video formats among individuals or communities that share a common interest or belong to the same social network. Social capital theorists suggest that the ties that exist in social interaction like on social media have the ability to create benefit for the actors in the networks. This provides the foundation to study the benefits that individuals and organisations can obtain from social media. The opportunity to target and communicate directly with the target market and potential customer qualifies social media as a valuable marketing tool and an important component of the integrated marketing communication. As a marketing communication tool, social media introduces a completely new paradigm into marketing communications. Therefore marketing professionals and academics are continuously seeking how to take advantage of social media for different industries. In the field of politics, the use of marketing concepts to engage voters and drive collective participation in political processes has become critical due to stiff competition. The use of social media for political campaigning and engagement could be beneficial, but politicians and political organisations are not taking full advantage of the concept. Previous studies show that organisations are aware of the opportunities that social media could provide for their organisations. However, they are reluctant because they are faced with the problems of lack of information on how to implement social media for business purposes. This treatise investigates the approach and critical success factors for the use of social media for political campaigning and engagement. To evaluate the conceptual framework that was suggested by this study based on the literature review and case studies, an empirical study was conducted among the members of the Democratic Alliance in the Eastern Cape. A survey was conducted among the members of the Democratic Alliance in the Eastern Cape using a questionnaire and 92 responses were received. The questionnaire measured the respondents’ social media usage, level of political engagement, perception on the use of social media for political engagement and the level of political activities on social media. Also, hypotheses were tested to examine the assumption that there might be an association between the respondents’ gender, population group and level of political activities on social media. The findings of this study indicate that a structured approach, a strong emphasis of engaging followers socially and micro-targeting are critical to effective implementation of social media for political campaigning and engagement. Other factors include the direct involvement of leadership, listening and encouragement of user generated contents. This study concludes that political organisations can use social media to establish multi-levelled social networks that provide access to their target audience and also reach potential audience through their friends. This social connectedness can then be translated into political social capital for campaign and engagement purposes.
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Johnson, Jason Adam Rabinowitz George. "Theory versus practice an analysis of the beliefs, strategies and practices of political consultants in a dynamic campaign environment /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,2323.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Jun. 26, 2009). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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Reitz, Annika. "Political Campaign Strategies of the party Alternative for Germany : A qualitative Study of Posters for the 2017 Federal Election." Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Högskolan i Jönköping, HLK, Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-44369.

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During the past ten years, European politics experienced a rise of far right-wing parties because of intensified levels of insecurity among the public (Falasca & Grandien, 2017). These parties organize their political discourse around topics of nationalism and a strong opinion against immigration, the Euro and the European Union (Breeze, 2019; Häusler, 2018). One of these parties is the Alternative for Germany (AfD) which celebrated a major success in the federal elections in 2017 where it became the third largest party in the German Bundestag.   The present study aims to analyze the campaign posters of the AfD as one element of their strategic political communication for the 2017 election period in the context of the party’s growing popularity among German society. To accomplish that goal, the qualitative method of multimodal critical discourse analysis (MCDA) is applied. The MCDA analyzes written and visual content. The study seeks to identify the narratives implemented by the party and analyze them by drawing on the concept of nationalism. Furthermore, the analysis aims to identify the frames created around the main issues addressed in the party’s political agenda by discussing them in relation to the concepts of ontological security and existential anxiety by Giddens (1991) and the framing theory by Goffman (1974).   The study reveals that the AfD highlights in its political communication one main conflict: The German public versus the immigrants. The immigrants are framed as the threatening strange other whose cultural values, and religious beliefs contradict with those of the Germans who are depicted as the victims. This is achieved through the posters which seek to elicit fear and hatred towards the strange new to increase the insecurities perceived by the public. The party, on the contrary, represents itself as the savior of the German nation, its traditions, and values which they aim to maintain and protect from Muslim influence.
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Hoston, William T. "African-American Legislators Post-Katrina: Race, Representation, and Voting Rights Issues in the Louisiana House." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2007. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/608.

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Since the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (VRA), the number of African- Americans competing for and holding state legislative offices has increased significantly. Their growth is most notable in southern state legislatures. A growing number of studies have been devoted to African-Americans in these state legislatures. Absent from previous studies is a comprehensive analysis of African-Americans in the Louisiana state legislature. In 2007 there were a total of 32 African-American legislators. Louisiana ranks among other states with the highest number, 32, and percentage, 22, of African-American legislators. Yet, despite their relatively large presence few scholarly studies have examined their legislative behavior. This study focused primarily on the substantive representation of African-Americans, especially during the post-Hurricane Katrina period. In this dissertation, the following questions were examined: Have the growing number of these legislators resulted in greater influence in state policy-making? Have they chaired any important, policy-relevant committees in the state legislature? Have they articulated and advocated a race-based legislative agenda for African-American constituents? Using a multi-methodological approach including the analysis of voting rights legislation introduced in the post-Hurricane Katrina legislative sessions and qualitative interviews, evidence was found to conclude that African-American House members have provided substantive representation to their constituents, obtained key institutional leadership positions, and campaigned in biracial terms, which has contributed to there ability to have a notable impact in the chamber.
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Stručovská, Hana. "Marketing českých politických stran v roce 2010." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-71894.

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The Master Thesis Political Marketing in the Czech Republic 2010. Campaigns for Chamber of Deputies election aims to reveal the political marketing of the most important Czech political parties foregoing the Chamber of Deputies election. The thesis is focused on marketing campaigns of parties and their most marked moments, which had an impact on the election results. The thesis is set in the concrete political situation. Firstly the political marketing is theoretically described, than the thesis targets particular parties and their campaigns. Content analysis, analysis of media instruments and the interview with election manager are used in the thesis. Primary and secondary information are processed in the thesis. The most important moments of campaigns are analyzed linking to marketing tools as well as consequences for election results.
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Day, Jonathan Paul. "The strategy of presidential campaigns." Diss., University of Iowa, 2010. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/661.

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Do campaigns have an effect on the outcome of elections? This question is usually answered using one of two methods. The first method is when political pundits examine the two opposing campaigns and judge which one had a greater impact on the polls. The second method is when political scientists use statistical methods to analyze whether a campaign had an effect on the election outcome. Both methods fail to consider the factors influencing campaign strategies and the effect these campaign strategies have on the election outcome. A third method, which I present in this dissertation, uses a formal model. This formal model treats the presidential election as a game between the two candidates competing for electoral votes in fifty-one locations. The model incorporates the assumption that the two candidates can have different prior probabilities of winning each state and can have different degrees of effectiveness at getting votes. The solution to this model is straightforward, but interesting. Candidate strategies are determined by the effectiveness of the candidates, the competitiveness of the state, and the state's electoral value. Candidates will allocate more resources 1) to states with higher electoral value, 2) to more competitive states, and 3) when they are more effective at getting votes. The structure of the model also provides an answer of when candidates can have an effect on the election outcome. When one candidate is more effective at getting votes, then that candidate will allocate more resources and receive a greater marginal return on each unit of resource than their opponent, resulting in an effect on the election outcome in their favor. To test the model, I examine the historical record of the campaigns and candidate strategies in the nine presidential elections from 1976 to 2008. These historical accounts provide qualitative support for the assumptions and predictions of the model. I also statistically analyze data from five of these presidential elections and show quantitative support for the assumptions and predictions of the model. Finally, I conclude by showing that the model is useful in answering other questions regarding campaigns in general, such as how candidates should allocate resources in governor and senate elections; how third party candidates should allocate resources; what happens if candidate effectiveness varies across state or time; and what happens if the cost varies across state? The model's ability to answer these questions shows that it can have a broad and substantial influence in the study of campaigns and elections.
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Carlson, Matthew Malachi. "New rules, old politics : electoral laws and campaign strategies in Japan /." For electronic version search Digital dissertations database. Restricted to UC campuses. Access is free to UC campus dissertations, 2003. http://uclibs.org/PID/11984.

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Dumitrescu, Delia. "Spatial Visual Communications in Election Campaigns: Political Posters Strategies in Two Democracies." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1251837832.

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Brummer, Kevin Clarence. "School bond elections in Iowa : an analysis of factors, strategies, and policies that influence outcomes /." Des Moines, Ia : Drake University, 1997. http://0-www.umi.com.garfield.ulv.edu/pqdweb?did=727692861&sid=2&Fmt=2&clientId=11819&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Pambou, Renestine Itoumba. "A comparison of public relations principles applied by political parties in campaign communication during a democratic election." Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/3093.

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Thesis (MTech (Public Relations Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2017
In popular opinion political public relations practitioners have long been regarded as spin doctors. Their lane of actions is mostly viewed as propaganda and they are perceived as spin doctors who manipulate power-relations. The pervasive role of public relations in political campaigns cannot be denied as political actors rely on communication to reach their key stakeholders. While it can be used as an important tool that can mediate in these power relations, the facts remain in the case of this study that the political party campaign communication was rather reactive than strategic. The answer lays in the accurate application of the strategic nature and role of public relations. I believe that there is a strategic public relations role that is evident and has to be played in political party campaign communication. As a matter of fact, public relations strives to ensure an effective and efficient communication on behalf of its organisation. The purpose of this study was to explore the application of public relations principles in political parties’ campaign communication of the Democratic Alliance, in the context of three other political parties in a regional newspaper during the build-up to the 2014 South African general elections. Four distinct political parties were at the centre of this research, namely African National Congress, Democratic Alliance, Economic Freedom Fighters and Agang. Particular attention was given to the elite parties, African National Congress, and Democratic Alliance; the main environment of the study. It is true that political parties ‘communication with stakeholders reflects in essence public relations. Managing communication to promote the organisational agenda is to talk about issues important to both the public and the political party. This suggests that an effective political organisation will act on a two-way operation to build a common political position that influences public attitudes. Hence, a comparative case study was used as the strategy of inquiry. I conducted a content analysis of the political party campaign communication of the Democratic Alliance, covered in the Cape Times newspaper; as well as their election manifesto, to identify the public relations principles and strategies that were used. The daily newspapers were surveyed from January 8 to May 7, 2014. An overall of one hundred and forty-four related newspapers articles were analysed and formed the data for analysis. A close reading and counting of frequencies of varieties of themes in the newspaper revealed that the Democratic Alliance, as well as the African National congress, took a tactical and responsive approach, rather than a strategic and proactive approach, to their political party campaign communication. News coverage indicated that there was extensive counterpunching to other political parties ‘statuses, but very little promotion or management of the issues included in their election manifesto. Nkandla was the most controversial issue covered in the pre-election media coverage; while the proposed merger with AGANG; and the subsequent fall out was damaging to both political parties ‘reputation and relationship with voters. Therefore, more research on this topic needs to be undertaken, as public relations is crucial in translating public opinions to the organisation. In the political scope, this can serve as an attempt to adjust the socio-political environment to suit the political principles, as well as to help the political principles adjust to the environment by creating the right balance to mutual benefit an organisation and its publics that further ensures a real participatory democracy. Further studies should be done to investigate whether, the advocacy of the two-way symmetrical, as a way to central route to persuasion, along with the dialogical approach can impact on more effective decisions making, and ultimately create a more dynamic public sphere that seeks the resolution of socio-political conflicts. This new knowledge will lead to guidelines for public relations practitioners and can provide useful insights for political communication specialists.
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Flores, Daniel. "Shaping ethos a perspective of the Hillary Rodham Clinton presidential campaign's online rhetorical strategies, January-December 2007 /." To access this resource online via ProQuest Dissertations and Theses @ UTEP, 2007. http://0-proquest.umi.com.lib.utep.edu/login?COPT=REJTPTU0YmImSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=2515.

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Bachmeier, Andreas. "Wirtschaftspopulismus die Instrumentalisierung von Arbeitslosigkeit in Wahlkämpfen." Wiesbaden VS, Verl. für Sozialwiss, 2006. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2833704&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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Zugl.: Göttingen, Univ., Diss., 2006 u.d.T.: Wirtschaftspopulismus : die Instrumentalisierung von Arbeitslosigkeit in Bundestagswahlkämpfen. Eine Analyse der Bundestagswahlkämpfe 1994, 1998 und 2002 am Beispiel des Themas Arbeitslosigkeit.
Literaturverz. S. 165 - 172
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Fernandes, Luiz Carlos do Carmo. "O Twitter nas campanhas eleitorais: novos desafios para os atores políticos em Goiás." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2014. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/3622.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
This thesis aims to understand the changes occurring in the political and electoral communication from the adoption of Law No. 12.034/2009 - which regulates in detail the use of the Internet as a political communication tool in Brazilian electoral process , through a regional crop . Ie , understand how political actors of Goiás are facing the challenges , primarily through the use of on-line social networks in the election campaigns – the object of study is Twitter , whose use was analyzed in the election campaigns of 2010 and 2012. Therefore , traditional techniques of sociology and new possibilities brought by the analysis of on-line social networks were used , gathering ethnographic research on-line , qualitative on-line interviews , content analysis of tweets and search with the use of internet tools . The final results of this study suggest that the use of on-line social networks in political campaigns expanded the agenda and ways to communicate with society and started require political actors , a presence on social networks on-line increasingly attentive and lasting .The topics covered during the election period were extended , while still prevailing own campaign and public policy proposals . In relation to the speech was possible to observe a major change : information / news, thanks and request for a vote / support , virtually ruling on Twitter in 2010 and 2012 , were not important discursive strategies by 2006 in electioneering . Therefore , policies arising the use of the Internet and on-line social networks in election campaigns in Goiás transformations can be perceived in the subject in the discourse strategies . But not in the behavior of actors and political institutions . Only during the next campaigns will be possible to verify whether the requirements of the new tool of political communication and political actors affect organizations in order to force them to change their behavior during election campaigns , but also outside them.
A presente tese tem como objetivo entender as transformações ocorridas na comunicação política-eleitoral a partir da aprovação daLei n°12.034/2009 — que regulamentou de forma detalhada o uso da internet como ferramenta de comunicação política no processo eleitoral brasileiro, por meio de um recorte regional. Ou seja, entender como atores políticos de Goiás estão enfrentando os desafios impostos, principalmente pelo uso das redes sociaison-line nas campanhas eleitorais – o objeto de estudo é o Twitter, cujo uso foi analisado nas campanhas eleitorais de 2010 e de 2012. Para isso, foram utilizadas técnicas tradicionais da sociologia e novas possibilidades trazidas pela análise de redes sociaison-line, reunindo pesquisa etnográficaon-line, entrevistas qualitativas on-line, análise de conteúdo de tuitesepesquisa com a utilização de ferramentas da internet. Os resultados finais deste estudo sugerem que o uso das redes sociais on-line em campanhas políticas ampliou a agenda e as formas de se comunicar com a sociedade e passou a exigir, dos atores políticos, uma presença nas redes sociais on-linecada vez mais atenta e duradoura. Os temas abordados no período eleitoral foram ampliado, embora continue prevalecendo a própria campanha e as propostas de políticas públicas. Já em relação ao discurso foi possível verificar uma maior alteração: informação/notícia, agradecimentos e pedido de voto/apoio, praticamente dominantes no Twitter em 2010 e 2012, não eram estratégias discursivas importantes até 2006 na propaganda eleitoral. Portanto, as transformações políticas decorrentes o uso da internet e das redes sociais on-line nas campanhas eleitorais em Goiás podem ser percebidas na temática, no discurso, nas estratégias. Mas não ainda no comportamento dos atores e das instituições políticas. Somente no decorrer das próximas campanhas será possível verificar se as exigências da nova ferramenta de comunicaçãopolíticaafetarão os atores e as organizações políticas de modo a obrigá-los a mudar suas condutas durante as campanhas eleitorais, como também fora delas.
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Garcia, Lemos Alejandro. "A Tale of Two Campaigns: Political Crises and Electoral Strategies in Colombia During the Elections of Presidents Cesar Gaviria in 1990 and Ernesto Samper in 1994." FIU Digital Commons, 2002. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3840.

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This study holds that recurring political crises prior to Colombian elections broadly shape electoral strategies. Through reviewing the history of Colombia, political crises emerge as a salient characteristic that precedes most elections and affects electoral strategies. To measure the impact of political crisis on electoral strategies, two Colombian presidential campaigns were analyzed: that of César Gaviria in 1990 and of Ernesto Samper in 1994. The examination of descriptive data, from both case studies and interviews with key political consultants, were used to identify how political crises have resulted in the modifications of the campaigns. The findings showed that the electoral strategies for the two cases were adapted or modified due to the extreme conditions resulting from crises, such as the assassination of three presidential candidates before the 1990 election. The study concludes that crises led to the modification of electoral strategies in three specific areas: preparation of the campaigns, organization of the strategies, and in campaign themes and advertising images.
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Focke, Sandra. ""Politik-Marketing" : die Marketing-Strategien der beiden großen Volksparteien (CDU, SPD) im Bundestagswahlkampf 2002 mit Schwerpunkt auf Materialien der CDU." Frankfurt, M. [u.a.] Lang, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&docl̲ibrary=BVB01&docn̲umber=016230761&linen̲umber=0001&funcc̲ode=DBR̲ECORDS&servicet̲ype=MEDIA.

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Assmann, Gabriela. "POLÍTICA E PARTICIPAÇÃO: ANÁLISE DAS ESTRATÉGIAS COMUNICACIONAIS UTILIZADAS PELA CANDIDATA MANUELA D ÁVILA NA CAMPANHA À PREFEITURA DE PORTO ALEGRE EM 2012." Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, 2014. http://repositorio.ufsm.br/handle/1/6352.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
This dissertation starts from the notion that we live in a mediatized and networked society, factor that modifies social relations and the logics of various fields, including communication and politics. In this sense, the present research purposes to investigate in which way certain communication strategies applied in the campaign of the candidate Manuela D‟Ávila for Mayor of Porto Alegre, in 2012, affect political participation. So, our search problem is: in what measure and in which manner the communication strategies used by candidate Manuela D‟Ávila‟s campaign enabled political participation? Therefore, the main objective of the study is to inquire the relation between the communication strategies of political participation promotion undertaken by the campaign and the participation that, effectively, was achieved. The specific objectives consist in: to analyze the communication strategies applied by candidate Manuela D‟Ávila in Porto Alegre‟s municipal elections‟ campaign of 2012 to promote political participation; to comprehend the specificities of the strategies that seek to encourage political participation on the internet; to observe, comparatively, the distinct types of strategies: conventional and for internet. To achieve these goals, we did, at first, a bibliographic review from the notions that guide the research. Afterwards, we worked in a case study of candidate Manuela D‟Ávila‟s campaign, embracing, as developer units of analysis, the strategies from Bairro a Bairro and the website Novas Ideias POA. The data that compose the corpus of study were collected by in-depth interviews, documentations and observation.
Esta dissertação parte da noção de que vivemos em uma sociedade midiatizada e em rede, fator que modifica as relações sociais e as lógicas dos mais diversos campos, inclusive da comunicação e da política. Nesse contexto, a presente pesquisa se propõe a investigar de que maneira determinadas estratégias comunicacionais empregadas pela campanha da candidata Manuela D‟Ávila à prefeitura de Porto Alegre, em 2012, afetam a participação política. Assim, nosso problema de pesquisa é: em que medida e de que modo as estratégias comunicacionais utilizadas na campanha da candidata Manuela D‟Ávila possibilitaram a participação política? Portanto, o objetivo geral do estudo é averiguar a relação existente entre as estratégias comunicacionais de promoção à participação política empreendidas pela campanha e a participação que, efetivamente, foi alcançada. Os objetivos específicos consistem em: analisar as estratégias comunicacionais de promoção à participação política empregadas pela candidata Manuela D‟Ávila na campanha de 2012 à prefeitura de Porto Alegre; compreender as especificidades das estratégias que buscam fomentar a participação política na internet; observar, comparativamente, os tipos distintos de estratégias: convencional e para internet. Para alcançar essas metas, fizemos, primeiramente, uma revisão bibliográfica a partir das noções que movimentam a pesquisa. Depois, realizamos um estudo de caso da campanha da candidata Manuela D‟Ávila, adotando, como unidades incorporadas de análise, as estratégias do Bairro a Bairro e do website Novas Ideias POA. Os dados que compõem o corpus do estudo foram coletados por meio de entrevistas em profundidade, documentação e observação.
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Snell, Brandon Charles. "The Origins of Ethno/National Separatist Terrorism: A Cross-National Analysis of the Background Conditions of Terrorist Campaigns." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1244481182.

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Jesus, Rosane Martins de. "Jornalismo, literatura e engajamento: direcionando o olhar para as estratÃgias discursivas praticadas pelo jornal Folha de S.Paulo, durante a cobertura da Campanha Diretas JÃ." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2011. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=5824.

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FundaÃÃo Cearense de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento Cientifico e TecnolÃgico
Considerando Kovach e Rosenstiel (2004) para quem os jornalistas devem fornecer informaÃÃes por meio de uma escrita atraente e envolvente, esta pesquisa reflete sobre as estratÃgias discursivas aproximativas, usadas pelo jornal Folha de S. Paulo, durante a cobertura da Campanha pelas Diretas JÃ. Tendo como referÃncia metodolÃgica a anÃlise do discurso, da tradiÃÃo francesa, foram analisadas 88 reportagens da editoria de polÃtica da Folha de S. Paulo, publicadas entre 13/01/1984 e 26/04/1984. Com esta pesquisa, objetivou-se, especificamente: identificar as estratÃgias discursivas aproximativas utilizadas durante a cobertura; ver como essas estratÃgias ajudaram a despertar o interesse pela temÃtica, popularizando a Campanha e por fim, verificar como a escolha por essas estratÃgias ajudaram a estabelecer laÃos de cumplicidade entre o jornal e o seu leitor, durante as Diretas JÃ. Ao final da anÃlise, inferiu-se, dentre outros resultados, que: a Folha de S. Paulo priorizou as reportagens escritas sob uma perspectiva literÃria; a sentimentalidade foi enfatizada em praticamente todas as reportagens analisadas; a presenÃa explÃcita do repÃrter nos textos ajudou a construir um laÃo de cumplicidade entre os leitores e a Folha; e o destaque dado Ãs histÃrias de vida de pessoas comuns, na grande maioria moradores das periferias das grandes cidades, contribuiu para que o cidadÃo-comum se reconhecesse como participante-ativo da Campanha. Concluiu-se, tambÃm, que as estratÃgias discursivas utilizadas contribuÃram para estimular a participaÃÃo da sociedade brasileira contribuindo para que a mobilizaÃÃo fosse adotada como uma manifestaÃÃo popular e nÃo puramente polÃtica.
Considering Kovach and Rosenstiel (2004) for whom the journalists must supply information by an attractive and involving writing, this research reflects on the aproximant discursive strategies used for the periodical Folha de S. Paulo, during the covering of the Campaign for the Diretas JÃ. Having as metodological reference the analysis of the speech, of Freench tradition, 88 news articles of the editorial of politics of the Folha de S. Paulo, published between 13/01/1984 and 26/04/1984, was analized. With this research, it was objectified, specifically: to identify the use of the aproximant discursive strategies during the covering; to know how these strategies helped to arouse the interest for the thematic, popularizing the Campaign and finally, to verify as the choice for these strategies had helped to establish complicity ties between the periodical and its reader, during the Diretas JÃ. At the end of the analysis, it was inferred, amongst other results, that: Folha de S.Paulo prioritized the new articles written under a literary perpective; the sentimentality was emphasized in practically all the new articles analyzed; the explicit presence of the reporter in the texts helped to construct to a complicity ties between the readers and the Folha; and the prominence given to histories of life of common people, most of them living of the peripheries of the big cities, contributed so that the citizen-common recognized himself as an active participant in the Campaign. It was also concluded, also, that the use of the discursive strategies had contributed to stimulate the participation of the Brazilian society contributing to the mobilization was adopted as a popular manifestation and not politics only.
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Chen, Chin-Jung, and 陳錦榮. "Political Beliefs, Strategies Choice, and Campaign Effectiveness:A Comparative Analysis of Campaign Strategies of the Three Candidates in the 1994 Election for the Mayor of Taipei." Thesis, 1996. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/07908068373978571313.

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Felker, Elizabeth. "Running as Women Online: Partisanship, Competitiveness, and Gendered Communication Strategies in Congressional Campaign Websites." 2015. http://scholarworks.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/66.

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Many studies have noted that the conflict between gender and party stereotypes may disadvantage Republican female candidates among some voters. On the other hand, gender and party attachment may also prove advantageous for Republican women in competitive races where moderate and independent voters play an important role. In this paper, the author examines how partisanship and race competitiveness impact how, and if, female candidates choose to emphasize their gendered identity, highlight women’s interests, and pursue a feminine trait strategy on their campaign websites. The author gives special attention to Republican female candidates running in competitive races, and argues that these candidates may have an extra incentive and ability to connect with voters by emphasizing gender. This study uses data collected through a content analysis of the campaign websites of 162 female candidates in the 2014 Congressional midterm election.
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Chen, Hsiu-hsu, and 陳秋旭. "An Assessment on the 1992 Clinton on Presidential Campaign Strategies: Ideology and Practices of Political Marketing." Thesis, 1998. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/13492514374964154078.

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碩士
淡江大學
美國研究所
86
In the old times, candidates used to run their campaigns with the help of grassroot efforts and party bosses, and doubtlessly this is not very efficient. The concept of political marketing was first used in the United States in 1952, and it has played a very important role in the past four decades. Political marketing is a new way for political candidates to run their campaigns; that is to say, they are marketed by the same sophisticated techniques that experts use to sell legal and medical services. Byusing the methods of commerical marketing, such as positioning, polling, target search and television advertising, candidates will know the voters'' real demands. By running a voter-oriented campaign, candidates will have higher possibility to win. The 1992 presidential election is an extremely typical one which was driven by the political marketing concept. Bill Clinton ran his campaign with the concept of political marketing which helped him take over the White House. Clinton positioned himself as a candidate from the middle class,who understood what people thought and what they felt. Besides, he selected economy and health insurance as his main campaign appeals, and by doing so, he successfully piled up voters'' anger against George Bush. Most important of all, Clinton was very good at using television, especially the talk shows, which gained him lots of supports. In addition, the purpose of this thesis is to provide a new academic viewpoint for people to study on U.S. presidential elections. Chapter One is the introduction in this study. Chapter Two discusses the concept and characteristics of political marketing, and its importance in modern elections. Chapter Three analyzes how Clinton used political marketing to solve his scandals and positioned himself as an agent of change from the middle class. In Chapter Four, I discuss how Clinton selected the two most important issues, economy and health insurance, to attract supports from the voters. Chapter Five introduces how Clinton used talkshows, TV advertisements, and TV debates to market himself to the voters successfully. Chapter Six is the conclusion.
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Chou, Yi Luen, and 周怡倫. "T.V. Political Advertising Strategies Research -- A Content Ana- lysis of Politcial Parties'''' T.V. Advertising in the 2nd Nationl Assembly Delegates Campaign Period." Thesis, 1993. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/74460566602975763757.

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Groß, Cimberley Catherine. "Corporate Sociopolitical Involvement : pressure, performance or self-fulfilment? : an insight into Starbucks’ racetogether campaign." Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.14/31193.

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Building upon established theories, the Corporate Sociopolitical Involvement view emerged as an attempt to extend existing theories on companies increasing involvement in non-market activities, extending the dimensions of corporate social responsibility and political involvement. Companies have a growing involvement in political issues that are not salient through their general company’s objectives. This dissertation includes a developed teaching case that aims to illustrate the fundamentals of the Sociopolitical Involvement approach by Nalick et al. (2016) and its real-life implications. The company selected for this matter is the American Corporation Starbucks, which launched a nationwide, highly criticized marketing campaign in the US in 2015, intended to take a stand against racial tensions. The Starbucks case intends to assess the underlying reasons for the company’s decisions to engage in a highly polarizing issue and expose its subsequent impact and effects it had afterward. It will lay the groundwork for an overall discussion if the evolving trend of CEO activism in polarizing topics benefits the progress of overall legislative and political change or bears a tendency of the top management’s self-fulfillment and company’s reputation goals.
Com base nas teorias estabelecidas, a visão do Envolvimento Sociopolítico das Empresas surgiu como uma tentativa de ampliar as teorias existentes sobre o envolvimento das empresas em actividades não mercantis, alargando as dimensões da responsabilidade social das empresas e do envolvimento político. As empresas têm um envolvimento crescente em questões políticas que não se destacam através dos objectivos gerais da empresa. Nesta dissertação optei por desenvolver um caso de estudo que pretende ilustrar os fundamentos da abordagem de Envolvimento Sociopolítico da Nalick et al. (2016) e as suas implicações na vida real. A empresa que seleccionei para este estudo é a empresa americana Starbucks que lançou uma campanha de marketing a nível nacional destinada a tomar uma posição contra as tensões raciais e que foi altamente criticada nos EUA em 2015. O caso da Starbucks pretende avaliar as razões subjacentes às decisões da empresa de se envolver numa questão altamente polarizadora, assim como expor o impacto e os efeitos que esta teve posteriormente. Além disso, este estudo lançará as bases para uma discussão global sobre se a tendência evolutiva do ativismo dos CEO em tópicos polarizadores beneficia o progresso da mudança legislativa e política global ou se tem uma tendência para a auto-realização da gestão de topo e para os objectivos de reputação da empresa.
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(6581261), Christa L. Jennings. "Social Media in Politics: Exploring Trump's Rhetorical Strategy During the 2016 U.S. Presidential Campaign Within Twitter's Discursive Space." Thesis, 2019.

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The prevalence of social media in political campaigns are changing the face of politics in the United States and abroad. The rapid pace at which this change is occurring demands inquiry into the previously unexplored area of unconventional political campaign messaging practices on social media. Investigation of Donald Trump’s use of tweets as rhetorical strategy in the discursive space of Twitter during the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign revealed a bypass of traditional media and its source verification processes. This circumventing of mainstream media channels facilitated Trump’s deployment of an unchecked ‘broken system’ narrative alleging government corruption

and a rigged system. Trump’s tweet discourses tapped into existing feelings of disenfranchisement and disaffection felt by a self-identified politically marginalized segment of society. This study

investigates how social media use in political campaigns can serve as a public sphere for contestation of social and political norms. An interdisciplinary theoretical frame comprised of Feenberg’s critical theory of technology, McLuhan’s media ecology, Fraser’s counterpublic spheres, and Iser’s implied reader offer new understandings about the power of anti-establishment discourses and a hybrid discursive space to destabilize governing institutions and redefine social and political identities. Study of Trump’s tweets as rhetorical strategy granted insights into the social and political capacity of alternative truth to undermine the political process. Further, it uncovered the power of social media to awaken and leverage existing political identities for personal political gain.

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Baptista, Abigail Oliveira. "A estratégia de marketing político da Federação Distrital do Porto do Partido Socialista nas redes sociais: a análise das eleições legislativas de 2019." Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1822/70735.

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Relatório de estágio de mestrado em Ciência Política
O presente relatório de estágio tem como objetivo analisar as funções comunicativas presentes na estratégia de comunicação da Federação Distrital do Porto do Partido Socialista (FDP PS) nas redes sociais Facebook, Instagram e Twitter, durante o período oficial de campanha eleitoral para as eleições legislativas de 2019 em Portugal, que decorreu entre 22 de setembro e 4 de outubro desse ano. Partindo de um modelo de análise próprio inspirado nos contributos de Schneider e Foot (2005) e de Massuchin e Tavares (2016), e mediante a aplicação de uma análise de conteúdo qualitativa das 346 publicações feitas nas redes sociais durante o período de análise, este estudo procurou identificar as funções comunicativas informar, envolver, conectar e mobilizar, e as respetivas características, utilizadas na comunicação da FDP PS nas suas redes sociais. Os resultados mostram que as funções com mais expressão em todas as redes sociais analisadas são conectar e/ou envolver, devido à predominância de publicações de agenda sobre as ações de campanha, que são complementadas com características de inclusão de links, menção de candidatos a deputados e apoio de eleitores. O peso das funções informar e mobilizar foi pouco significativo no total das publicações das três redes sociais.
This internship report aims to analyse the political marketing strategies used by the Socialist Party Porto District Federation (FDP PS) on social networks during the Portuguese legislative election campaign of 2019. More particularly, by means of a qualitative content analysis of 346 publications made on social networks (Facebook, Instagram and Twitter), and drawing on the theoretical model of Schneider and Foot (2005) and Massuchin and Tavares (2016), the purpose of this research is to assess the production practices employed by the Socialist Portuguese Party to perform the communicative functions, (i.e, inform, involve, connect and mobilize) as part of their communication characteristics on online social networks. The findings show that connect and/or involve functions are the most prominent functions across all social networks due to the predominance of calendar publications. Moreover, the latter were complemented with characteristics of including links, mention of candidates and voter support. Conversely, this research demonstrates that the presence of information and mobilizing functions were almost insignificant in the overall publications across all social networks.
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Park, Cheol Hee. "Electoral strategies in urban Japan how institutional change affects strategic choices /." 1998. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/43656141.html.

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Przybysz, Łukasz. "Komunikowanie polityczne 2.0 - zarys koncepcji. Analiza amerykańskiej (2008) i polskiej (2010) kampanii prezydenckiej." Doctoral thesis, 2012. http://depotuw.ceon.pl/handle/item/88.

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W pracy zaprezentowano analizę komunikowania politycznego w amerykańskiej (2008) i polskiej (2010) kampanii prezydenckiej. Określono determinanty nowoczesnego komunikowania politycznego, omówiono rodzaje strategii w nim wykorzystywanych, przeprowadzono dogłębną analizę kanałów komunikowania wykorzystanych w okresie badanych wyborów w USA i Polsce. Wnioski posłużyły do opracowania zarysu oryginalnej koncepcji komunikowania politycznego 2.0, opartej na idei dwustronnym symetrycznym komunikowaniu, public relations w funkcji zarządzania oraz wiodącej roli strategii w procesach komunikacyjnych. Poddano ocenie uniwersalność proponowanego rozwiązania. Pracę oparto na badaniach przeprowadzonych w USA i Polsce. Wskazano także kierunki rozwoju koncepcji oraz propozycje dalszych badań dziedzinowych. Praca wpisuje się w nurt publikacji z zakresu politologii i medioznawstwa, dotyczących w głównej mierze związków między środkami komunikowania i polityką, sposobami dotarcia do wyborców i pozyskania ich poparcia.
The dissertation presents an analysis of political communication during presidential campaigns in the USA (2008) and Poland (2010). It identifies components of contemporary political communication, discusses its strategies, analyses communication channels used in election cycles in the USA and Poland. The conclusions allowed to elaborate an outline of an original idea of political communication 2.0, based on the notion of a two-way symmetric communication, management role of public relations and the leading role of strategy in all communication processes. The dissertation also evaluates the versatility of the solution. The thesis is based on the research done in the USA and Poland. It also suggests the ways of development of the concept and further field research. The dissertation enters the set of publications in the fields of political science and media studies dealing primarily with the relationships between means of communication and politics, ways of reaching the voters and gaining their endorsement.
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Šťastný, Tomáš. "Politický marketing v ČR: možnosti, moderní nástroje, volební optimalizace a rozpočty voleb." Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-312534.

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This thesis is devoted to the election and political marketing topics. I analysed different types of political marketing tools and guerilla marketing tools. Guerilla marketing is a special marketing form suitable for some campaign situations. Moreover we can use it for campaign optimization. This optimization is the core of this topic. It is important to find the best tools, with the lowest expenses for our preferred voters. In addition to that, I introduced several kinds of campaign tactics useable in the Czech politics. There are also election campaign proposed budgets for different types of the Czech elections.
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Kapuciánová, Aneta. "Předvolební strategie malých politických stran: Případová studie TOP 09, Věcí veřejných a Strany práv občanů - Zemanovci pro volby do PS PČR 2010." Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-312409.

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Diploma thesis Election Strategy of Small Political Parties: Case Study on TOP 09, Public Affairs Party and Party of Civic Rights - Zemanovci before Czech Parliamentary Elections 2010 assesses the election campaign of mentioned political parties, their personal, communication and financial strategy as well as their strategy of inter-parties relations. The author assumes that the small political parties, which all of the examined ones were at the time of this research, lead the campaign in a similar way - avoiding the negative campaign, they are led by a strong and well-known personality who can attract the attention not only of the voters but also of the media, and they have a large number of supporters who sympathize with the particular political entity. The theoretical concept of the text is based on the similarity of political and economic approach of marketing - therefore the author reckons the small political parties as the nichers of the political market. They can be characterized by occupying only a small niche of the political market which is ignored by the bigger political parties for those it is place of peripheral importance. Hence the basis of electoral campaign of any small political party is delineation unoccupied part of the market. Nevertheless it is crucial to simultaneously...
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Hlungwani, Trevor. "Investigating South African political parties' communication strategies and how they influence voters' decision-making process." Diss., 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/27421.

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Abstracts in English and Venda
This study was an investigation of the effect of political communication strategies on voting behaviour. The area of study was Diepsloot in the north of Johannesburg. Various questions were explored such as; what kind of communication strategies have the top three South African political parties (ANC, DA & EFF) used in the past South African general elections in 1999, 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2019, do political parties pre-election communication strategies influence Diepsloot voters voting decision and lastly how do Diepsloot voters relate to domestic political parties' communications and messages during elections period? The study followed a qualitative research paradigm with the use of interviews to gather information. At an aggregate level, it is often said that what political organisations do, say or do not say have a bearing on their supporters when election time arrives. Voting behaviour theories were also utilised as a theoretical foundation for understanding voters' psychic. Broadly, this study aimed to investigate the effects of political communications on voters' decision-making process. The focus was on the top three political parties in South Africa being the African National Congress, The Democratic Alliance and the Economic Freedom Fighters. Using thematic analysis, this study identified a variety of issues that influence voting behaviour. Among other findings, the study revealed that while political communication affects voters' choice, some voters continuously vote for a political party that has some historical importance. Other findings suggest that political communication alone is not enough to lure voters; voters are looking for material benefits when considering who to vote for. The study also revealed that the young generation of voters, mostly referred to as 'born-frees,' are much more engaging before choosing a party of their choice. This is compared to the old block of voters who consider historic achievements when voting; they vote based on what a party is delivering at a particular epoch.
Ndzavisiso lowu wu lavisisa mbuyelo wa tindlela leti mavandla ya tipoliki ya titirhisaka ku gangisa no wonga nseketelo wa vahlawuri. Ndzavisiso lowu wu endliwile endhawini ya Diepsloot, n’walungu wa Joni. Swivutiso swo hambana-hambana swi xopaxopiwile leswi katsaka leswi; Hi tihi tindlela to gangisa tivhoti leti mavandla ya tipolitiki yanharhu lamakulu laha Afrika-Dzonga (ANC, DA & EFF) ya ti tirhiseke ku gangisa tivhoti eka mihlawulo ya mani na mani leyi hundzeke laha Afrika-Dzonga, xana magangiselo ya tivhoti ya mavandla ya tipoliti loko nhlawulo wu nga se fike ya kucetela swiboho swa vahlawuri, xo hetelela, xana vahlawuri va le Diepsloot va khumbeka njhani hi magangiselo ya mavandla ya tipolitiki ya la kaya na marungula ya wona hi nkarhi wa nhlawulo? Ndzavisiso lowu wu landzelele maendlelo ma nxopaxopo wa vundzeni bya hungu kumbe ku kuma vuxokoxoko bya ndzavisiso, leswi vuriwaka ‘qualitative research’ ku ri nkarhi ku tirhisiwa nkambelovutivi ku hlengeleta vuxokoxoko. Ku tala ku vuriwa leswaku leswi mavandla ya tipolitiki va swiendlaka, ku swi vula kumbe va nga swi vuli swi na nkucetelo swinene eka vaseketeri va vona loko nkarhi wa nhlawulo wu fika. Tithiyori ta matikhomelo ya nhlawulo na tona ti tirhisiwile tanihi hi ndlela yo sungula yo twisisa mianakanyo ya vahlawuri. Hi ku angarhela, ndzavisiso lowu wu kongomisiwe eka ku xopaxopa nkucetelo lowu mimbhurisano ya mavandla ya tipolitiki ya va ka na wona eku tekeni ka swiboho hi vahlawuri. Ku langusiwile ngopfu mavandla yanharhu ya tipolitiki eAfrika-Dzonga ku nga African National Congress, The Democratic Alliance and the Economic Freedom Fighters. Hi ku tirhisa vuhleri bya thematetiki, ndzavisiso lowu wu kumile swilo swo hambanahambana leswi kucetelaka matikhomelo ya vahlawuri. Eka swin’wana swa leswi wu nga swikuma, ndzavisiso wu humesele handle leswaku loko migangiso yi khumba swiboho swa vahlawuri, van’wana vahlawuri va ya emahlweni va hlawula vandla leri ri nga na matimu ya nkoka. Swin’wana leswi wu swi kumeke wu bumabumerile leswaku migangiso ya mavandla yi ri yoxe a yi enelanga ku wonga nseketelo wa vahlawuri, vahlawuri va lava na swa le mandleni loko va fanele va vona ku va hlawula vandla rihi. Ndzavisiso lowu wu tlhele wu boxa leswaku vantshwa, vo tala va vona lava vitaniwaka ti ”born-frees” va njhekajhekisa loko va nga se hlawula vandla leri va ri lavaka. Leswi swi hambanile na vanhulavankulu lava va langutaka matimu na leswi vandla ri nga swi fikelela loko vahlawula; va hlawula ku ya hi leswi vandla ri nga eku swiendleni nkarhi lowo leha
Communication Science
M.A. (Communication Science)
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35

Hlungwani, Trevor. "Investigating South African poliical parties' communication strategies and how they influence voters' decision-making process." Diss., 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/27421.

Full text
Abstract:
This study was an investigation of the effect of political communication strategies on voting behaviour. The area of study was Diepsloot in the north of Johannesburg. Various questions were explored such as; what kind of communication strategies have the top three South African political parties (ANC, DA & EFF) used in the past South African general elections in 1999, 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2019, do political parties pre-election communication strategies influence Diepsloot voters voting decision and lastly how do Diepsloot voters relate to domestic political parties' communications and messages during elections period? The study followed a qualitative research paradigm with the use of interviews to gather information. At an aggregate level, it is often said that what political organisations do, say or do not say have a bearing on their supporters when election time arrives. Voting behaviour theories were also utilised as a theoretical foundation for understanding voters' psychic. Broadly, this study aimed to investigate the effects of political communications on voters' decision-making process. The focus was on the top three political parties in South Africa being the African National Congress, The Democratic Alliance and the Economic Freedom Fighters. Using thematic analysis, this study identified a variety of issues that influence voting behaviour. Among other findings, the study revealed that while political communication affects voters' choice, some voters continuously vote for a political party that has some historical importance. Other findings suggest that political communication alone is not enough to lure voters; voters are looking for material benefits when considering who to vote for. The study also revealed that the young generation of voters, mostly referred to as 'born-frees,' are much more engaging before choosing a party of their choice. This is compared to the old block of voters who consider historic achievements when voting; they vote based on what a party is delivering at a particular epoch.
Ndzavisiso lowu wu lavisisa mbuyelo wa tindlela leti mavandla ya tipoliki ya titirhisaka ku gangisa no wonga nseketelo wa vahlawuri. Ndzavisiso lowu wu endliwile endhawini ya Diepsloot, n’walungu wa Joni. Swivutiso swo hambana-hambana swi xopaxopiwile leswi katsaka leswi; Hi tihi tindlela to gangisa tivhoti leti mavandla ya tipolitiki yanharhu lamakulu laha Afrika-Dzonga (ANC, DA & EFF) ya ti tirhiseke ku gangisa tivhoti eka mihlawulo ya mani na mani leyi hundzeke laha Afrika-Dzonga, xana magangiselo ya tivhoti ya mavandla ya tipoliti loko nhlawulo wu nga se fike ya kucetela swiboho swa vahlawuri, xo hetelela, xana vahlawuri va le Diepsloot va khumbeka njhani hi magangiselo ya mavandla ya tipolitiki ya la kaya na marungula ya wona hi nkarhi wa nhlawulo? Ndzavisiso lowu wu landzelele maendlelo ma nxopaxopo wa vundzeni bya hungu kumbe ku kuma vuxokoxoko bya ndzavisiso, leswi vuriwaka ‘qualitative research’ ku ri nkarhi ku tirhisiwa nkambelovutivi ku hlengeleta vuxokoxoko. Ku tala ku vuriwa leswaku leswi mavandla ya tipolitiki va swiendlaka, ku swi vula kumbe va nga swi vuli swi na nkucetelo swinene eka vaseketeri va vona loko nkarhi wa nhlawulo wu fika. Tithiyori ta matikhomelo ya nhlawulo na tona ti tirhisiwile tanihi hi ndlela yo sungula yo twisisa mianakanyo ya vahlawuri. Hi ku angarhela, ndzavisiso lowu wu kongomisiwe eka ku xopaxopa nkucetelo lowu mimbhurisano ya mavandla ya tipolitiki ya va ka na wona eku tekeni ka swiboho hi vahlawuri. Ku langusiwile ngopfu mavandla yanharhu ya tipolitiki eAfrika-Dzonga ku nga African National Congress, The Democratic Alliance and the Economic Freedom Fighters. Hi ku tirhisa vuhleri bya thematetiki, ndzavisiso lowu wu kumile swilo swo hambanahambana leswi kucetelaka matikhomelo ya vahlawuri. Eka swin’wana swa leswi wu nga swikuma, ndzavisiso wu humesele handle leswaku loko migangiso yi khumba swiboho swa vahlawuri, van’wana vahlawuri va ya emahlweni va hlawula vandla leri ri nga na matimu ya nkoka. Swin’wana leswi wu swi kumeke wu bumabumerile leswaku migangiso ya mavandla yi ri yoxe a yi enelanga ku wonga nseketelo wa vahlawuri, vahlawuri va lava na swa le mandleni loko va fanele va vona ku va hlawula vandla rihi. Ndzavisiso lowu wu tlhele wu boxa leswaku vantshwa, vo tala va vona lava vitaniwaka ti ”born-frees” va njhekajhekisa loko va nga se hlawula vandla leri va ri lavaka. Leswi swi hambanile na vanhulavankulu lava va langutaka matimu na leswi vandla ri nga swi fikelela loko vahlawula; va hlawula ku ya hi leswi vandla ri nga eku swiendleni nkarhi lowo leha
Communication Science
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36

Conway, Judith (Jude). "The Newcastle women’s movement in the 1970s and 1980s through the lens of Josephine Conway’s activism and archives." Thesis, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/1430745.

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Abstract:
Research Doctorate - Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
From the late 1960s, women in the Australian industrial city of Newcastle, New South Wales (NSW), joined women around the world in agitating for a broader role in all areas of society and Josephine Conway was one of those women. Josephine raised awareness of, and campaigned on, many of the feminist causes of the 1970s and 1980s. She was passionate about women’s healthcare, protested against women’s objectification in the media, and lobbied for legislation that offered legal parity for women. She fought never-ending battles for the right to legal and affordable pregnancy terminations; and campaigned for equal employment opportunities and the provision of childcare services. Josephine supported women’s activism in the peace movement and for women’s ordination; and was involved in the blossoming of feminist spirituality and creativity in Newcastle. Using Josephine’s extensive archives as a lens, supplemented with oral histories from campaign allies, the thesis explores their pathways to feminism and shared activism. It dissects the women’s groups which Josephine joined, and the modes of operation and relationships within them, as well as the actions that were carried out in pursuing their feminist causes. The themes that emerge are, first that Josephine’s role in the women’s movement was that of the ‘committed individual’ posited by Gerda Lerner as necessary for social change. Second, the thesis demonstrates the wide range and value of the macro and micro-actions undertaken by Josephine and her cohorts in mounting and maintaining effective campaigns. Third, this study reveals the web of relationships and the flow of ideas, tactics and artefacts along transnational and national feminist pathways, and between the capital cities and the regions, which were essential for bringing about nationwide change. In doing so it reveals an important regional story which has not previously been included in histories of the Australian women’s movement.
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