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1
Muraoka, Taishi. "Political Dynasties and Particularistic Campaigns." Political Research Quarterly 71, no. 2 (December 9, 2017): 453–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917745163.
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Although many studies agree that electoral systems shape campaign strategies that candidates employ, there is important variation in their focuses and rhetoric even among those who face the same institutional constrains. To solve this puzzle, I argue that the dynastic status of candidates, defined as coming from a family with a history of involvement in politics, is an important individual-level predictor of campaign strategies. Dynastic candidates inherit personal support bases from their family members who have previously served in congress, and the special ties with these support bases provide them strategic incentives to adopt particularistic appeals in their campaigns. Analyzing the electoral manifestos of legislative candidates in Japan, I show that dynastic candidates are more likely to emphasize the distribution of particularistic goods than nondynastic candidates. I also find that the link between dynastic status and a particularistic campaign is especially strong among candidates with relatively short political careers. This study contributes to literature on the determinants of campaign strategies by offering a micro-level explanation for why some candidates rely more heavily on targeted and particularistic appeals than others.
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Malabar, Fahria. "Persuasive Language in Political Campaign." Jambura Journal of English Teaching and Literature 1, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): 76–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.37905/jetl.v1i2.7284.
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This study is aimed at exploring the persuasive language strategies used by the candidates of mayor of Gorontalo in the mayoral electoral campaign of 2018. The data, in form of utterances, were taken from the speeches of their political campaign by using video recording. After the data were collected, those were firstly classified into the types of persuasive language strategies, then analyzed and interpreted regarding the function and the way the speaker used those strategies to persuade the audience. The result showed that the three candidates used the similar strategies to influence the audience of their political campaign. Those strategies are reason and logic, evidence, attack, appeal to a sense of justice, appeal to the hip-pocket nerve, appeal to patriotism, repetition, and colloquial language. However, based on the interpretation, the different political background of the candidates influenced the way they used the strategies.
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Moekahar, Fatmawati, Fitria Ayuningtyas, and Fitri Hardianti. "Social media political campaign model of local elections in Pelalawan Regency Riau." Jurnal Kajian Komunikasi 10, no. 2 (December 29, 2022): 242. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/jkk.v10i2.41680.
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The modern rise of social media has altered the strategies used in political campaigns. Compared to traditional advertising, social media may lower the cost of a campaign. The Zukri-Nasar team effectively used social media for political campaigns for the 2020 local elections in Pelalawan Regency, Riau. Social media generated 30% of the vote because it can spread messages rapidly, widely, and interactively. Political actors utilize social media to develop their self-image. This study is descriptive-qualitative, and the sampling method used was purposive sampling. The informants comprised seven important informants who were part of the winning side in the municipal election in Pelalawan. An informant is someone with reliable knowledge regarding a political campaign. According to the study, Facebook is the most widely used platform for political campaigns because it is the most popular social networking platform in Pelalawan Regency, Riau. Political advertisements featuring 3D caricatures and political orientation are used as social media political campaign techniques. This tactic is a component of a unique, awareness-raising, and personal branding campaign. The candidate’s personal character is presented as accurately as possible on their social media campaign. Furthermore, the political campaign model found in the research was called The Integrative and Collaborative Model of the political campaign.
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Abramson, Paul R., and Alon P. Kraitzman. "Using a Gaming Site to Teach Campaign Strategies in the 2012 US Presidential Election." PS: Political Science & Politics 47, no. 02 (April 2014): 502–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096514000456.
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ABSTRACTDuring the six weeks before the 2012 elections, we conducted a contest for the 54 students enrolled in an upper-division political science course on campaigns and elections. We modified and improved on a similar contest conducted by the first-named author (Abramson 2010) during the 2008 election campaign. Using contract prices posted byIntrade.com, an electronic gaming market in Dublin, we asked students to choose among 10 political outcomes. The contest was designed to help students learn about campaign strategies, understand how electoral rules affect political outcomes, and encourage them to talk about the campaign. We discuss ways we improved on Abramson’s 2008 contest and show that student participation increased substantially.
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Steffan, Dennis, and Niklas Venema. "New medium, old strategies? Comparing online and traditional campaign posters for German Bundestag elections, 2013–2017." European Journal of Communication 35, no. 4 (February 17, 2020): 370–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323120903681.
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Election campaigns in hybrid media systems are characterised by the integration of newer and older media. With the rise of social media platforms, newer tools of political communication emerge, such as online campaign posters, complementing older tools, such as traditional campaign posters. This raises the question whether the newer medium online campaign posters replicates strategies of professionalised political communication (i.e. personalisation, de-ideologisation and negative campaigning), and whether major and minor parties differ in their use of these strategies in online campaign posters. Against this background, we conducted a quantitative content analysis of visual and textual elements of online campaign posters and traditional campaign posters ( N = 1,069) for the 2013 and 2017 German Bundestag elections. The results indicate that online campaign posters are significantly more negative than traditional campaign posters. Moreover, the use of online campaign posters tends to moderate the inter-party competition in the social media environment.
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Weisskircher, Manès. "The European Citizens’ Initiative: Mobilization Strategies and Consequences." Political Studies 68, no. 3 (July 30, 2019): 797–815. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321719859792.
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Research on the European Citizens’ Initiative has neglected the crucial role of social movements. This article contributes to the study of mobilization strategies and campaign consequences through two novel arguments: First, in explaining successful mobilization, I argue that the European Citizens’ Initiative as a political opportunity structure incentivizes the organization of nationally focused campaigns centred in at least one large, that is, populous state, instead of Europe-wide activism. Second, in explaining the multiple consequences of European Citizens’ Initiative mobilization, I show that a campaign may have important, often unintended, effects beyond (the failure to achieve) policy change, including disappointment with the democratic process leading to European Citizens’ Initiative reform and a renewed focus on national politics. This article provides an in-depth analysis of one of the only five European Citizens’ Initiative campaigns that have been able to collect the required one million signatures, while referring to other campaigns as shadow cases. The findings have important implications for debates on EU democracy.
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Widayat, Rossi Maunofa, Achmad Nurmandi, Yeni Rosilawati, Zuly Qodir, Sunyoto Usman, and Tawakkal Baharuddin. "2019 Election Campaign Model in Indonesia Using Social Media." Webology 19, no. 1 (January 20, 2022): 5216–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.14704/web/v19i1/web19351.
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The presence of social media platforms, especially Twitter, in Indonesia since the 2014 and 2019 elections have been used as a campaign media used by political parties to change conventional campaign strategies into virtual campaigns that are more informative, interactive, and participatory. This paper will analyze Twitter social media used by political parties, including @PDI_Perjuangan, @Gerindra, @DPP_PPP, @PKSejahtera during the campaign from January to April in the 2019 General Election, with analysis tools using Nvivo 12Plus. Using big data analysis from the Twitter of political parties, we found several things: first, the various news posted during the campaign with the amount and intensity of the news and becoming a trending topic will affect the number of followers owned by political parties, the more often political parties post news it will affect voter segmentation, the number of likes for the message content, the number of followers, and the number of retweets. Second, the popularity of public figures can also be a measure of the success of the campaign strategy made through the news on Twitter social media. Third, the 2019 election campaign produced an effective campaign model when compared to previous campaigns on social media.
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Herman, Achmad. "POLITICAL MARKETING STRATEGIES USING A POSITIONING APPROACH AMONG YOUNG VOTERS." International Journal of Education Humanities and Social Science 05, no. 06 (2022): 101–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.54922/ijehss.2022.0460.
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This study aims to identify the implementation of political marketing strategies using a positioning approach performed by the Regional Campaign Team of ‘Koalisi Indonesia Maju’ for Central Sulawesi Province to gain votes among young voters. This study used a qualitative method and data were collected from observation and in-depth interviews. The informants were the secretary, the head of media, young politicians, and young volunteers of the campaign team. The results of the study showed that the Regional Campaign Team of ‘Koalisi Indonesia Maju’ for Central Sulawesi Province used a positioning approach in building a certain image for Jokowi-Ma'aruf by depicting the figure of Jokowi as a young leader who is honest and close to young people. The campaign team also showed various differentiating factors owned by Jokowi-Ma'aruf to young voters. The Regional Campaign Team of ‘Koalisi Indonesia Kerja’ for the Central Sulawesi Province did not only use positioning actions for the Jokowi-Ma'aruf but also for the Regional Campaign Team itself.
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Abramson, Paul R. "Using Intrade.com to Teach Campaign Strategies in the 2008 U.S. Presidential Election." PS: Political Science & Politics 43, no. 01 (January 2010): 139–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510990707.
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AbstractDuring the six weeks before the 2008 elections, I conducted a contest for the 72 students enrolled in my upper-division course Campaigns and Elections. Using contract prices posted by Intrade.com, an electronic gaming market based in Dublin, I asked students to choose among 10 political outcomes. The “contracts” earned by each choice were determined by the Intrade “bid” prices as of September 24, 2008, the day the contest began. The contest helped teach students about campaign strategies, the way electoral rules affect electoral outcomes, provided a reference point to discuss the campaign, and was designed to stimulate interest in the election.
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Gyasi, Rexford Boateng, and Kwabena Sarfo Sarfo-Kantankah. "functional analysis of Ghanaian presidential debates." Drumspeak: International Journal of Research in the Humanities 5, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.47963/drumspeak.v5i3.843.
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Scholars of the functional theory of campaign discourse have explored the nature of political campaign discourse, particularly presidential campaign discourse. This paper adds to the exploration and the data by analysing Ghanaian presidential debates using Benoit’s functional theory. The analysis reveals that the presidential candidates acclaimed more than they attacked and defended. Two additional functional categories – appeal and recommendation – are identified. Contrary to the assumptions of the functional theory that incumbents acclaim more than challengers, the paper finds that challengers acclaimed more than the incumbent, and that the candidates discussed more future plans/deliberative rhetoric. The study concludes that even though most of the assumptions of the theory were confirmed, there are additional persuasive strategies of presidential candidates in Ghanaian political debates such as appeal and recommendation. Thus, the study recommends that further studies extend the theory to accommodate the discourse strategies in multi-candidate campaigns since the theory emerged from several studies of two-candidate campaigns in the United States.
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Pöyry, Essi, and Salla-Maaria Laaksonen. "Opposing brand activism: triggers and strategies of consumers’ antibrand actions." European Journal of Marketing 56, no. 13 (October 11, 2022): 261–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ejm-12-2020-0901.
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Purpose In brand activism, a brand promotes contested sociopolitical causes to highlight its values. Brand activism also alienates those consumers who disagree with the cause, who might, consequently, target the brand with critical, negative or even aggressive actions. This paper aims to study the triggers and strategies of consumers’ antibrand actions given in response to brand activism. Design/methodology/approach Qualitative content analysis and multiple correspondence analysis were used to study consumer responses directed at a chocolate brand’s campaign that advocated civilized online conversions and opposed hate speech, a politically heated topic. In total, 1,615 messages were collected from social media platforms. Findings Field infringement, political accusations and questioned impact of the campaign triggered consumers to turn against the campaign. Strategies to undermine it included boycotting, discrediting the brand and trapping. Trapping – creatively using technological affordances to create harm to the brand – was typically triggered by political associations. Research limitations/implications Findings relate to the critical responses regarding one campaign only. Practical implications By understanding the political discussion around the chosen cause, including the opponents’ typical triggers and strategies, brand activism can more credibly advocate for contested social causes and communicate brand values. Originality/value Political antibrand actions are distinct from the previously identified functional and ethical antibrand actions, and they are noninstrumental by nature. Practices that are native to social media are central to political antibrand actions, and social media platforms contribute to how such disappointment is articulated and acted upon.
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Meifilina, Andiwi, and Sulistyo Anjarwati. "STRATEGY OF THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN MODEL." JOSAR (Journal of Students Academic Research) 4, no. 1 (May 13, 2019): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.35457/josar.v4i1.678.
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The problems faced when approaching the election are many, one of which is the problem related to how to lobby politics to the public to use their voting rights so that they do not abstain. This problem that is often encountered can be solved by implementing the right political campaign model strategy. The strategy in political campaigns is a careful plan for activities to achieve specific goals where the activities carried out are carried out by political organizations or competing candidates to compete for positions in parliament in order to get the support of the mass of voters (voters) in voting. In line with Law No. 10 of 2008 concerning elections for members of the DPR, DPD and DPRD loaded with 30 percent quota for women in article 53, coupled with article 8 paragraph 1 mentioned regarding statements of at least 30 percent quota of women's representation in central party political party management as one of the requirements political parties to be able to become participants in the election. The purpose of this study was to find out in depth about the strategy of the political campaign model of female candidates in Blitar Regency as a method used by legislative candidates to attract their voters. This way of lobbying politics to the community has the aim of introducing candidates to the public through political campaigns that bring up the positive image of legislative candidates by involving the community. One way in which legislative candidates take to attract attention and get votes from various communities is starting from giving promises when campaigning. The subject of this research is that all the people and female candidates in Blitar Regency and the object of their research are the political campaign model strategies in Blitar Regency. The type of research used is qualitative research using the phenomenology approach. The phenomenology approach aims to describe the meaning of life experiences experienced by some individuals about certain concepts or phenomena by exploring the structure of human consciousness. So here the researcher wants to know the meaning of the experience experienced by the community and female candidates related to the political campaign model strategy through this phenomenology study. This research method uses a qualitative approach with interviews, observation, and documentation studies. This research produced a strategy model for political campaigns related to the phenomenon of female candidates in Blitar District.
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Rhodes, Jesse H., and Zachary Albert. "The transformation of partisan rhetoric in American presidential campaigns, 1952–2012." Party Politics 23, no. 5 (October 19, 2015): 566–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068815610968.
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What are the dynamics of partisan rhetoric in presidential campaigns? (How) has presidential candidate partisanship changed over time? Analyzing a comprehensive dataset of party-related statements in presidential campaign speeches over the 1952–2012 period, we show that Democratic and Republican candidates have taken distinctive approaches to partisanship. Overall, Democratic candidates have been partisans, while Republicans have largely refrained from partisan rhetoric on the campaign trail. However, this difference has narrowed substantially over time, due to a dramatic decline in the partisanship of Democratic presidential candidates. We argue that Democratic and Republican candidates have adopted different campaign strategies that reflect both enduring party differences and changing political contexts. Though naturally inclined to partisanship, Democratic candidates have adopted more conciliatory strategies primarily in response to growing public antipathy toward partisan rancor. In contrast, Republicans’ tendency toward more conciliatory rhetoric has been reinforced by political developments discouraging partisan campaigning.
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Enli, Gunn. "Twitter as arena for the authentic outsider: exploring the social media campaigns of Trump and Clinton in the 2016 US presidential election." European Journal of Communication 32, no. 1 (February 2017): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323116682802.
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In the 2016 US presidential election campaign, social media platforms were increasingly used as direct sources of news, bypassing the editorial media. With the candidates’ millions of followers, Twitter has become a platform for mass communication and the candidate’s main online information channel. Likewise, social media has provided a platform for debating and critiquing the mainstream media by the campaigns and their networks. This article discusses the Twitter strategies of the democratic candidate Hillary Clinton and republican candidate Donald Trump during their US 2016 presidential election campaigns. While the Clinton campaign’s strategy confirms theories regarding the professionalisation of election campaigns, the Trump campaign’s more amateurish yet authentic style in social media points towards de-professionalisation and even amateurism as a counter-trend in political communication.
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Windett, Jason Harold. "Gendered Campaign Strategies in U.S. Elections." American Politics Research 42, no. 4 (November 7, 2013): 628–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x13507101.
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Evendi, Farkhan, and Denny Arinanda Kurnia. "STRATEGI KAMPANYE POLITIK PEMILIHAN KEPALA DESA DALAM UPAYA MENGGIRING OPINI PUBLIK." Translitera : Jurnal Kajian Komunikasi dan Studi Media 9, no. 2 (April 27, 2020): 12–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.35457/translitera.v9i2.965.
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This research aims to find out how the strategy of political campaign was conducted in the selection of village heads to lead public opinion. This research is a descriptive study using a qualitative approach. The primary Data of the study is interview with informants and observations conducted by researchers. Secondary data is in the form of reports and official documents. The results showed that candidates could implement a good political campaign strategy. The advantage of the political product approach focuses on its products such as notes of the events which done in the past, and personality characteristics before the Pilkades in 2019 was held. The campaign strategy is a direct political marketing strategy to prospective voters and campaign strategies through the group. The strategy of direct political campaigns to prospective voters is done by face to face, and also conducting social activities, one of them is a healthy walking activity. While political marketing is done by through community leaders who are members of the volunteer team from each neighbourhood (RT).
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Rudnik, Mariusz. "Political Marketing, or how to win elections?" Polityka i Społeczeństwo 19, no. 4 (2021): 130–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2021.4.10.
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The subject of the presented article is the problem of political marketing as a way to electoral victory. Marketing, promotion and advertising are useful instruments for achieving political goals. The ability to apply these means in practice is an expression of growing professionalism in the field of political knowledge. Marketing instruments are useful not only during election campaigns, but also in the everyday activities of political leaders, social institutions, political parties, trade unions and other participants in political life. This may concern the design and practical application of various political strategies, creating the image of a politician of a newly established political organisation, advertising to the public the government's policy of significant importance for the state or promoting the image of a country, city or region . In recent decades, election campaigns have taken on a permanent character, not being limited as before to the closed periods immediately preceding voting. Thus, knowledge of marketing has become more important in the political environments of modern countries. The adaptation of professional marketing techniques to the sphere of political action and the use of the potential of modern media have significantly influenced the way politics is conducted. The goals, methods and strategy of a political campaign are, in a sense, determined by the audience and the media. The American campaign model has become a model for many countries, especially those – like Poland – which have embarked on the path of democratic transformation after 1989.
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Mitchell, Gladys. "Campaign Strategies of Afro-Brazilian Politicians: A Preliminary Analysis." Latin American Politics and Society 51, no. 03 (2009): 111–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2009.00058.x.
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Abstract Racial politics in Brazil have changed dramatically: the nation-state that once denied racism now enacts racial policies for Afro-Brazilians. The discourse of race has also changed: it is now common for the media to discuss Afro-Brazilians as a voting bloc. Using qualitative methods, this article tests the hypothesis that Afro-Brazilian politicians seek a racial vote from the Afro-Brazilian electorate. Analyzing campaign advertisements from select candidates in Salvador and São Paulo, this study finds that most Afro-Brazilian politicians use racial cues, and interviews show that most Afro-Brazilian politicians address racial issues during their campaigns. Not all of them seek racial votes, however: at the federal level, Afro-Brazilian politicians believe that this strategy would not get them elected. Many use campaigns nevertheless to raise racial consciousness among the electorate.
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Kayam, Orly. "Donald Trump’s rhetoric." Language and Dialogue 8, no. 2 (October 12, 2018): 183–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ld.00012.kay.
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Abstract The paper explores the rhetorical strategies Donald Trump employed during the 2016 U.S. presidential primary campaign. The study shows that Trump aimed at garnering public support by defining himself as an anti-politician or anti-political establishment candidate. His rhetorical strategies were aimed at building the depiction of his character as a successful businessman who came from outside the political realm to save America and restore it to its former greatness. He denounced the traditional rules of politics, avoided calculated, logical and politically correct utterances, and modeled himself as the only candidate who was fit for the presidency. The analysis reveals Trump’s prominent rhetorical strategies, and shows how each one of them fulfilled what I refer to as the ultimate “Anti-Political Rhetorical Strategy”, from an anti-politically correct strategy, which is by nature anti-political, to more common strategies such as negativity, simplicity, repetition and hyperbole.
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Osisanwo, Ayo. "Discursive Strategies in Selected Political Campaign Songs in Southwestern Nigeria." Communication and Linguistics Studies 6, no. 4 (2020): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.11648/j.cls.20200604.12.
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Norton, Michael I., and George R. Goethals. "Spin (and Pitch) Doctors: Campaign Strategies in Televised Political Debates." Political Behavior 26, no. 3 (September 2004): 227–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/b:pobe.0000043454.25971.6a.
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Adamik-Szysiak, Małgorzata. "Eurowybory 2019 w polskiej agendzie medialnej. Strategie komunikacyjne redakcji wybranych telewizyjnych programów informacyjnych na Twitterze." Zarządzanie Mediami 8, no. 4 (2020): 371–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23540214zm.20.040.12644.
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European election of 2019 on the Polish media agenda. Editorial communication strategies of selected TV news programs on Twitter The article presents the results of empirical research regarding the use of the main nationwide television news programs by the potential of the Twitter micro-blog in terms of publicizing the election campaign to the European Parliament in 2019. The main research questions concerned the degree of interest of the editors of public television programs (“Wiadomości” TVP1) and commercial television (“Fakty” TVN) in European elections and the manner in which the campaigns of individual political entities were publicized. The results of the research allowed not only to identify and analyze the communication strategies used by the both editorial boards, but also to deduce about their degree of political bias during the campaign.
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Adamik-Szysiak, Małgorzata. "Eurowybory 2019 w polskiej agendzie medialnej. Strategie komunikacyjne redakcji wybranych telewizyjnych programów informacyjnych na Twitterze." Zarządzanie Mediami 8, no. 4 (2020): 371–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23540214zm.20.040.12644.
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European election of 2019 on the Polish media agenda. Editorial communication strategies of selected TV news programs on Twitter The article presents the results of empirical research regarding the use of the main nationwide television news programs by the potential of the Twitter micro-blog in terms of publicizing the election campaign to the European Parliament in 2019. The main research questions concerned the degree of interest of the editors of public television programs (“Wiadomości” TVP1) and commercial television (“Fakty” TVN) in European elections and the manner in which the campaigns of individual political entities were publicized. The results of the research allowed not only to identify and analyze the communication strategies used by the both editorial boards, but also to deduce about their degree of political bias during the campaign.
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Wilson, Angelia R. "Southern Strategies: Preaching, Prejudice, and Power." American Review of Politics 34 (November 1, 2013): 299–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-779x.2014.34.0.299-316.
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This paper considers how 'preaching prejudice' builds a constituency of like-minds by marginalizing others-on grounds of race and sexuality, for example-and then instructs this constituency regarding political behavior. This discussion is part of a larger project on the construction of social values for political gain but here I specifically draw attention to the historical racism marking much of Protestant messaging in the American South and to how this racism became the foundation for the Republican Southern Strategy from the 1970s onwards. In doing so, I take as a case study the well documented racism associated with the history of the Southern Baptist Convention. The SBC historical narrative exemplifies the racism which underpinned the Southern Strategy. This is interesting because the SBC continues to be a key political actor among social conservatives in the South. This historical narrative indicates how 'preaching prejudice' became a political tool fueling the racism of Nixon's campaign and seasoning subsequent campaigns. The paper then suggests that the most recent innovation of this familiar, well honed political tool can be located in contemporary discourse on same-sex marriage.
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Darweesh, Abbas Deygan, and Manar Kareem Mehdi. "Persuasive Strategies in Hillary Clinton’s Presidential Campaign Speeches." Education and Linguistics Research 5, no. 2 (September 20, 2019): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/elr.v5i2.15489.
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This paper aims to explore how a political leader can propagate ideology through the tactful use of language. It has been investigated how different linguistic tools have been used to project or achieve political objectives. Therefore, the paper is devoted to the exploration of persuasive and manipulative strategies utilized by the democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton in her campaign speeches. This paper is framed under the scope of discourse analysis wherein three speeches of Hillary Clinton are highlighted to fathom the ways in which she mesmerizes her audience through the use of certain linguistic and rhetorical devices and crafts to inject her ultimate goal of persuading people and indoctrinate her ideology so as to gain as many voters as possible .The selected speeches have been analyzed qualitatively using analytical framework of Barbra Johnstone's work (2008) about persuasive strategies.
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Pont-Sorribes, Carles, Sergi Cortiñas-Rovira, Marcel Mauri, and Felipe Alonso-Marcos. "Is There Americanization in Catalan Election Campaigns? A Decade of Electoral Communication Strategies From Postmodernist Perspective." American Behavioral Scientist 62, no. 3 (May 3, 2017): 375–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217707625.
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We examine how Catalan election campaigns have evolved to postmodernization, a concept coined by Pippa Norris to refer to the current political scenario and how this is reflected in different electoral phases. We analyzed four electoral campaigns covering a decade (2003-2012) through 27 face-to-face in-depth interviews conducted with campaign managers for nine political parties. The results indicate that, although Catalan politics is progressing toward the postmodern phase, there are still aspects that are far from fully adapted to the changes affecting all levels of society. Catalan political parties seem to be more comfortable with modern or classical political approaches—such as control over traditional media—and are but slowly reacting to other issues such as citizen demands for more access to, and prominence in, politics.
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John, Fredrick Friday, Mathew Kayode Akano, and Adegbembo Toluwanimi Oyinlola. "Aggression and Banter as (de)legitimisation Strategies in Political Debate." Randwick International of Social Science Journal 3, no. 3 (July 31, 2022): 492–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.47175/rissj.v3i3.418.
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Political debate is an emerging culture in Nigerian politics, aimed at fostering popular democracy, and presenting candidates to electorates to make their choice. But it is likewise a platform for exchanging cynic comments and banters, especially between the contestants, most of the two dominant political parties in Nigeria, the All-Progressive Congress (APC) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). This has not been sufficiently researched in studies on political discourse. Extant studies have focused on campaign speeches, acceptance, and concession speeches, among others, using speech acts, socio-stylistics, and critical discourse analysis. This study investigates the comments and rebuttals of Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu of the APC, and Governor Godwin Obaseki of the PDP, in the 2020 Edo Governorship Debate. It adopts implicature, explicature and pragmatic acts as theories to, qualitatively, analyse the downloaded and transcribed excerpts from Channels Television’s website, where they were televised to reach millions of people, both in local and international spaces. The results show that both conventional and conversational implicature, and explicature were employed by both aspirants to achieve party and self legitimisation, supremacism, cynicism, and criticism. These are used as campaign strategies. The study concludes that the contestants in the Edo 2020 political debate made it about themselves and their parties. Aggression is initiated and managed as a debate-campaign strategy to canvas for the electorates’ votes.
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S. Roberts, Brent, and Cheryl L. Hoover. "Waging a successful library funding campaign: a case study." Library Management 35, no. 3 (March 4, 2014): 164–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/lm-02-2013-0016.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to identify common arguments and points of resistance to library development projects, and to outline effective political and communication strategies, which can be used by library administrators and supporters when pursuing funding campaigns. Design/methodology/approach – This study analyzed media messages from local newspaper and radio stations, including open comments posted in online discussion threads, over a one-year period. Interviews were also conducted with the library's director and foundation development officer. Findings – Analysis of media coverage drew out primary points of resistance, while the interviews provided strategies utilized to counteract anti-library rhetoric. Research limitations/implications – Further comparison with other library funding campaigns is needed. Particular areas to be studied include the relationship between the tone of online discussion forum posts and actual voting results; also, the impact of strongly opinionated posters on other participants. Practical implications – Library administrators seeking public support should strongly consider the following points which contributed to the success of the campaign analyzed in this article: The need to understand common public responses and points of resistance to proposed library projects. The importance of a supportive city council. The need to reduce uncertainty about potential physical locations. Understanding the distinction between political vs marketing campaigns. Identifying potential supporters, regardless of whether they were library users. Originality/value – This study is important because in seeking public support for major projects, administrators must be prepared to counter common anti-library messages. Strategies undertaken in this campaign may be generalized to libraries of other types.
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Nyarko, Jacob, Michael Yao Wodui Serwornoo, and Benedine Azanu. "Communication lapses to combating COVID-19 pandemic: Evaluating Ghana’s COVID-19 campaign." Journal of African Media Studies 13, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 159–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams_00041_1.
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COVID-19 is described as ‘novel’ largely because the virus has rarely been studied. Without any vaccine, the key to containing the virus was the timely delivery of educative public health information to people. With a population of 29 million composed of small urban segments, Ghana has enormous rural enclaves where most of her citizens live. This study seeks to explore the nature of Ghana’s COVID-19 campaign, focusing on the communication strategies and the extent to which indigenous communication tools (ICTs) have been employed. Relying on document analysis, Ghana’s COVID-19 campaign rarely deployed ICTs but rather paid lip service to the country’s indigenous resources in public addresses to the nation. It also found that the fight against the virus metamorphosed into political campaigns making WHO’s vital information subservient to images of political figures and political iconography in general. We argue that the nature of the campaign created generalized awareness of the pandemic, but did less to educate the masses on the WHO preventive protocols.
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Baldwin-Philippi, Jessica. "The technological performance of populism." New Media & Society 21, no. 2 (September 7, 2018): 376–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444818797591.
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This article investigates the Trump campaign’s strategic use of digital platforms and their affordances and norms that contribute to a technological performance of populism. To do so, I build on theories of populism as a performance, rather than a set of identifiable qualities, and make a theoretical intervention calling for the need to add a material and technological focus to how scholars approach the concept in our contemporary media environment. This article presents a model for understanding populist affordances as those that center “the people” to various degrees, and applies that model in a case study of how campaigns in the 2016 US presidential race engaged in a technological performance of populism across a variety of platforms, including email, Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, and campaign-created mobile apps. Central to this analysis are campaign strategies of controlled interactivity, amateurism, participatory/user-generated content, and data-driven campaigning.
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Cunningham, Kathleen Gallagher. "Understanding strategic choice." Journal of Peace Research 50, no. 3 (May 2013): 291–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343313475467.
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What determines why some self-determination disputes develop into mass nonviolent campaigns, others turn into civil wars, and still others remain entirely in the realm of conventional politics? A great deal of work has addressed the factors that lead to violent mobilization, but less attention has been paid to understanding why disputes become violent or nonviolent, comparing these two as strategic choices relative to conventional politics. This article examines the determinants of strategy choice in self-determination disputes by analyzing how a variety of factors affect the costs and benefits of conventional political strategies, mass nonviolent campaign, and civil war. I find that civil war is more likely, as compared to conventional politics, when self-determination groups are larger, have kin in adjoining states, are excluded from political power, face economic discrimination, are internally fragmented, demand independence, and operate in states at lower levels of economic development. I find that nonviolent campaign is more likely, as compared to conventional politics, when groups are smaller, are less geographically concentrated, are excluded from political power, face economic discrimination, make independence demands, and operate in non-democracies. Examining the full set of strategies available to self-determination groups allows us to more accurately understand why these groups engage in mass nonviolent campaign and civil war.
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Mureșan, Marius. "Negative Campaigns between Strategy and Political Opportunism in Romania. Case Study: Ion Iliescu’s Electoral Campaigns in the First Post-Communist Decade." Hiperboreea 9, no. 2 (December 1, 2022): 240–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.9.2.0240.
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Abstract In an electoral competition, campaign teams choose strategies that can most easily decide their own candidate’s victory. The present study aims at an incursion into the field of negative campaigns, having two components: the debates of specialists in political science on the subject and the way in which this direction was reflected in the electoral campaigns in Romania during 1990–2000. The article diachronically follows the evolution of Ion Iliescu during the four electoral rounds, highlighting the degree to which the negative campaign was imposed as the main strategy, against whom it was carried out, what topics were promoted, and to what extent it determined the success or failure of the candidate. In the analysis, the first part presents the views of sociologists, historians, and specialists in communication and political science, whereas the case study on the Romanian political environment is based on the written press of the period and the statements of politicians, reflected through the media.
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Aylott, Nicholas. "Lessons Learned, Lessons Forgotten: The Swedish Referendum on EMU of September 2003." Government and Opposition 40, no. 4 (2005): 540–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2005.00164.x.
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AbstractSweden's referendum on whether to join EMU produced an emphatic No. The murder of one of the Yes side's leading representatives thus appeared not to have affected the result. Cleavages exposed in the referendum on EU membership nine years previously were even more apparent this time; yet No-voters were also to found across the political, regional and social spectrums. As well as describing the campaign and explaining the outcome, this article focuses on the campaign strategies adopted by parties and other actors. Lessons from previous campaigns had been learned by the opponents of EMU, but largely forgotten by its supporters.
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Longhi, Julien, Claudia Marinica, and Zakarya Després. "Political language patterns’ dissemination between a political leader and his campaign community: a CMC corpora analysis." European Journal of Applied Linguistics 7, no. 2 (September 2, 2019): 281–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/eujal-2019-0009.
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AbstractPolitical campaigns are important moments for a political personality, but for their campaigners as well. During this period, ideas flow between the two, and one can wonder how the discourse of a political personality is constructed and how they use what the campaigners say. This way, one can understand the rhetorical strategies of the political personalities during campaigns.To answer these questions, in this paper we discuss the dissemination of political language patterns between a political personality and a campaign community, as a way to access political representations and ideological issues. In particular, this involves evaluating the polyphonic dimension of the discourse, widely described in enunciative linguistics, but rarely used in NLP works seeking to measure these phenomena. In this paper, we put forward an analysis methodology based on statistical computations which provides encouraging results. We tested our methodology on the case of Jean-Luc Mélenchon, a French political personality, head of the France Insoumise party and candidate in the 2017 French presidential elections. We used two corpora: one composed of a set of tweets from Jean-Luc Mélenchon, and a second composed of two sets of data coming from two different forums used by the campaign community. In the study, we compare the results from both corpora to provide answers to the political question of the construction and circulation of political ideas, studying a movement with a charismatic leader and an important campaign community. From a linguistic point of view, we discuss the links between language elements, themes, ideologies, and the rhetoric dimensions of political discourse.
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Kim, Andrew Eungi. "Citizens' Coalition Movement and Consolidation of Democracy: 2000 General Elections in South Korea." Journal of East Asian Studies 1, no. 2 (August 2001): 243–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000515.
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For the General Elections in 2000, nearly one thousand civic groups in South Korea joined forces to stage so-called “defeat campaign” against allegedly corrupt, incompetent or “ill-mannered” politicians. While sociologists and political scientists are still engaged in debates as to the success of the campaign, there is no denying that it played a significant role in thwarting many politicians from getting nominated or elected. It is also true that the defeat campaign has heralded a new era of Korean politics in which civic groups have emerged as a major political force, capable of challenging government or party policies and pending bills as well as influencing agenda setting in a diverse array of policy areas. The paper shows that the enthusiastic public support, effective strategies of the campaign and attentive mass media, among others, contributed to the campaign's “success.” The paper also shows that a complex political calculation was involved in the parties' differing reaction to the alliance's effort, which increasingly constrained the latter's manoeuvrability. It is also argued that greater political involvement by civic groups is likely to lead to more pluralistic, open and competitive form of democracy in which voters become more aware of political issues and participate more actively in political processes.
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Ramanathan, Renugah, Shamala Paramasivam, and Tan Bee Hoon. "Discursive Strategies and Speech Acts in Political Discourse of Najib and Modi." Shanlax International Journal of Education 8, no. 3 (June 1, 2020): 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/education.v8i3.3168.
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Election campaigns are constantly regarded as a persuasive campaign to convince the nation to vote for the leader of a country. Being said such, this study investigates the discourse of twitter of two political premiers in Asia: Former Prime Minister of Malaysia, Najib Tun Razak (henceforth, Najib) and Prime Minister Narendra Modi (henceforth, Modi), in the aspects of discursive strategies and speech acts during election campaigns. The discourse of Najib and Modi are selected due to their active participation on Twitter throughout election campaigns. The data were collected over 3 months throughout the national elections of both the countries, which were from February to April 2013 in Malaysia and January to March 2014 in India. This qualitative study employs Wodak’s discursive strategies to analyze the lexical choices utilized in the election tweets and Searle’s speech act taxonomy to analyze the speech acts used. The presence of two major speech acts was highlighted during the elections: commissives and directives. These two speech acts collaborated under the hood of discursive strategies of predication and perspectivation that empowered Najib and Modi to establish a strong contact with citizens while creating a sense of integrity and oneness. This study is significant as it creates political and language awareness to citizens by denoting how political figures establish power through mutual consent with citizens using Twitter. Furthermore, this study enlightens citizens on how the 140-character tool can influence the political decisionmaking of a community.
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Brierley, Sarah, and Eric Kramon. "Party campaign strategies in Ghana: Rallies, canvassing and handouts." African Affairs 119, no. 477 (October 1, 2020): 587–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adaa024.
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ABSTRACT Political parties use different methods—such as holding rallies, door-to-door canvassing, and distributing gifts—to mobilize voters during election campaigns across Africa. But how do parties choose which approach to use in each constituency? We propose that parties prefer to hold rallies in core constituencies, and to use targeted strategies—canvassing and handouts—in swing and opposition districts. However, opposition parties may not have sufficient resources to pursue such a strategy. Ruling parties have the dual advantage of being in a strong financial position, and having the ability to target core voters with state benefits between elections. Using post-election survey data from Ghana’s 2012 election, we show that the ruling party canvassed the most in districts where they were electorally weak and concentrated rallies in their home constituencies. In contrast, the opposition party focused all of its efforts in its home districts. The results highlight how incumbency status shapes parties’ campaign behaviour. They also suggest that ruling parties can combine core and swing voter targeting in different stages of the electoral cycle.
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García Hípola, Giselle, Javier Antón Merino, and Sergio Pérez Castaños. "The use of emotions in 2019 European Elections campaign materials." Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej, no. 15 (December 31, 2021): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/rie.2021.15.4.
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This research analyses three fundamental questions to determine how, when and by whom emotions are used in campaign materials (political propaganda). Focusing on the 2019 European elections we carry out a three-phase analysis. Firstly, we check the use of rational content against content that appeals to voters’ emotions. Secondly, we observe which of these emo tions are channelled towards the use of negative strategies and, therefore, identifying who is the object of this attack. And lastly, we determine which party families make the most use of humorous content since this resource is believed to be part of an appeal to voter’s feelings and, therefore, it is essential to know if there are differences between political groups. Considering this analytical strategy, the structure of the work begins with the contextualisation of the 2019 European elections to focus, later, on highlighting the importance of electoral campaigns as a given time when communicative activity intensifies. Once the importance of electoral campaigns has been defined the article analyses how campaign materials, in a general context of political propaganda, are one of the most powerful tools. In this sense, the analytical strategy of political parties’ campaign materials can be said to focus on the use of emotions. Data from the European Elections Monitoring Center (EEMC) has been used not only for theoretical contextualization, but throughout the whole paper.
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Barber, Michael, and Mandi Eatough. "Industry Politicization and Interest Group Campaign Contribution Strategies." Journal of Politics 82, no. 3 (July 2020): 1008–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/707493.
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Giasson, Thierry, Gildas Le Bars, and Philippe Dubois. "Is Social Media Transforming Canadian Electioneering? Hybridity and Online Partisan Strategies in the 2012 Quebec Election." Canadian Journal of Political Science 52, no. 2 (January 22, 2019): 323–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423918000902.
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AbstractThis article investigates the extent to which provincial political parties made use of social media in their strategy, organization and communication in order to achieve their electoral goals during the Quebec 2012 general election. Using data from a series of 19 interviews conducted with online strategists and campaign directors from the five leading parties active in the 2012 election, we identify the strategic objectives these organizations followed when developing their social media campaigns. The strategists' narratives reveal that social media became a central component of electioneering and that parties were carrying out, in various forms, hybrid campaigns that combined traditional and emergent communication technologies and employed both old and new types of organizational principles.
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Priyowidodo, Gatut. "Social Media and Political Campaign Political Communication Strategies in the 2018 East Java Governor Election." International Journal of Psychosocial Rehabilitation 23, no. 1 (March 30, 2019): 124–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.37200/ijpr/v23i1/pr190220.
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Engström, Robin. "(De)legitimizing Scottish independence on Twitter: A multimodal comparison of the main official campaigns." Discourse & Communication 14, no. 6 (August 3, 2020): 580–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750481320939703.
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The Scottish independence referendum in 2014 saw the breakthrough of online political campaigning in the UK. Despite the outcome, research and media alike concluded that the main pro-independence campaign, Yes Scotland (YS), outdid the main pro-union campaign, Better Together (BT), in the online battle. This article addresses this discrepancy by exploring how YS and BT used social media affordances in order to legitimize their own and de-legitimize their opponents’ positions. The material consists of multimodal tweets published by YS and BT in the run-up to the referendum. The article employs a model for multimodal legitimation that takes into consideration the construction of authority, moral evaluation and the construction and justifications of means and goals. The findings show that both campaigns made extensive use of de-legitimating strategies, although YS was more balanced. The article also shows that the campaigns’ communicative choices had implications for the construction and justification of goals and means, with YS running a more visionary campaign than BT.
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King, James D., and Helenan S. Robin. "Political Action Committees in State Elections." American Review of Politics 16 (April 1, 1995): 61–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1995.16.0.61-77.
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While the number o f state PACs and their campaign contributions have increased substantially over the past decade, much remains unknown regarding their organization and activities. From a survey o f PACs in three states we develop a portrait o f political action committees, which extends beyond contributions. State PACs form around both economic and ideological issues; have very modest organizational structures; solicit funds primarily by direct mail and personal contacts; typically delegate responsibility for making campaign contributions to committees, which adopt accommodationist strategies; and have extended their activities to include voter education and mobilization. A number o f differences among the various types o f PACs are also evident.
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Felicia, Oamen. "Discursive strategies in Nigeria’s 2015 Facebook campaign discourse." Discourse & Society 29, no. 5 (August 1, 2018): 471–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926518770266.
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This article examined the discursive strategies employed in Facebook feedback comments which were circulated during Nigeria’s 2015 general elections’ campaigns. This was done with a view to revealing citizens’ calculated struggle for access to state resources. Data for the study comprise 2000 selected comments posted on the Facebook walls of Jimi Agbaje of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and Akinwunmi Ambode of the All Progressives Congress (APC) from January to April 2015. The data were analyzed using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) approach, with emphasis on Fairclough’s discourse as social practice and notions from sociolinguistics and Computer-Mediated Discourse (CMD). The study reveals that commenters employed discursive strategies in the form of categorization of social groups, code switching for inclusive/exclusive discourse and representation of political groups through party symbols to characterize the in-group and others positively/negatively, respectively. Viewed against Nigeria’s challenging socio-cultural background, it could be argued that the comments though deployed to persuade reflect unequal power relations among the country’s citizenry.
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Dwi Natalia, Desi, Fajar Subekti, and Ni Ketut Mirahayuni. "TURN TAKING STRATEGIES IN POLITICAL DEBATES." ANAPHORA: Journal of Language, Literary and Cultural Studies 2, no. 2 (March 9, 2020): 56–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.30996/anaphora.v2i2.3365.
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This article reports on two separate studies—Natalia (2019) and Subekti (2019)—on communication mechanism in political debates. Specifically these studies focus on turn taking strategies adopted in political debates by political figures during their campaign for presidency or in dealing with specific issues. Both studies adopted Stenstrom’s (1994) classification of turn taking strategies which include three main strategies: taking the turn, holding the turn, and yielding the turn, each of which was further specified into more specific strategies. The data were two Youtube videos: first, Trump and Clinton First Presidential Debate 2016 (36 minutes 22 seconds [Natalia, 2019]) and second, BBC World Debate “Why Poverty”November 30,2012 (47 minutes 16 seconds, [Subekti, 2019]). Employing descriptive qualitative, with the aim of analyzing turn taking strategies adopted in the debates, both studies found interesting points: first, Stenstrom’s three strategies appeared in the debates; second, taking the turn strategy was the dominant strategy, followed by holding the turn strategy and the least used one was yielding to turn; and third, interruption which was a specific type of taking the turn strategy seems to be most often used in the debater’s attempt to maintain the turn and present their points and thus dominate the debate.
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Gloyd, Stephen, Jose Suarez Torres, and Mary Anne Mercer. "Immunization Campaigns and Political Agendas: Retrospective from Ecuador and El Salvador." International Journal of Health Services 33, no. 1 (January 2003): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/25bv-jw2p-22cn-wnrr.
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Since the mid-1980s international donors have promoted vertical, campaign-based strategies to help improve immunization coverage in poor countries. National immunization days (NIDs) are currently in vogue and are prominent in the worldwide polio eradication efforts. In spite of their widespread use, campaigns that include NIDs have not been well evaluated for their effects on coverage, reduction in vaccine-preventable diseases, or effects on the health system. An assessment of the results of two such campaigns implemented in Ecuador and El Salvador shows limited impact on short-term coverage and questionable effects on long-term coverage and disease incidence. Although NIDs may have substantial short-term political benefits, the vertical approach can undermine provision of routine services by ministries of health and may be counterproductive in the long-term.
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Papp, Zsófia, and Burtejin Zorigt. "Political Constraints and the Limited Effect of Electoral System Change on Personal Vote-Seeking in Hungary." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 32, no. 1 (November 17, 2017): 119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417736809.
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This article aims at capturing how the recent changes in Hungary’s mixed-member electoral system altered the candidates’ personal vote-seeking strategies. Based on the literature, one might expect that strengthening the role of the Single-Member District (SMD) tier increases the incentives for personalisation. By utilizing the data from two consecutive waves of the Comparative Candidate Survey, we show that contrary to these expectations the average level of campaign personalisation decreased from 2010 to 2014. Semi-structured interviews with nine campaign staff members confirm that the political constraints were more important in determining campaign strategies than the institutional setting. Our findings challenge the dominating effect of electoral rules on personal vote-seeking.
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Klaus, Kathleen, and Jeffrey W. Paller. "Defending the city, defending votes: campaign strategies in urban Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 55, no. 4 (November 23, 2017): 681–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x17000453.
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AbstractRapid urbanisation in African democracies is changing the way that political parties engage with their constituents, shifting relations between hosts and migrants. This article examines the strategies that parties use to maintain and build electoral support in increasingly diverse contexts. Drawing on in-depth interviews and ethnographic research in Accra, Ghana, we find that some urban political parties rely on inclusive forms of mobilisation, promoting images of cosmopolitanism and unity to incorporate a broad grassroots coalition. Yet in nearby constituencies, parties respond to changing demographics through exclusive forms of mobilisation, using narratives of indigeneity and coercion to intimidate voters who ‘do not belong’. Two factors help explain this variation in mobilisation: incumbency advantage and indigene dominance. In contrast to most scholarship on ethnicity and electoral politics in Africa, we find that these varying mobilisation strategies emerge from very local neighbourhood-level logics and motivations.
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Wang, Kevin Y., Hyung Min Lee, David Atkin, and Cheonsoo Kim. "Mapping Web Interactivity." International Journal of E-Politics 4, no. 4 (October 2013): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijep.2013100104.
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This paper explores the use of interactive communication and dialogic relationship building strategies on political campaign Web sites. In contrast to presidential races that often feature substantially more sophisticated campaign Web sites, congressional candidates’ ability and willingness to use the Web as an electioneering tool has varied greatly. The present research sought to address two broad research questions: 1) how candidates from the same electoral districts used their Web sites during the 2006 and 2010 congressional elections; and 2) to what extent could several candidate and district level variables explain the differences in Web utilization. A typology was proposed to examine the first question, while content analysis was performed to collect empirical data that addressed the second question. Results indicate that while the use of interactive Web strategies may be concentrated among candidates with certain characteristics in 2006, the adoption of social media in political campaigns has trickled down from the presidential level, and that interactive tools have become a norm in the 2010 congressional election, with virtually no observable differences emerging among candidates. Theoretical and practical implication for online political public relations is discussed.
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Britt, Rebecca K. "Evaluation of a Rural Organ Donation Campaign Designed to Improve Health Promotion among Young Adults." Studies in Media and Communication 10, no. 2 (July 28, 2022): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/smc.v10i2.5377.
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A health communication campaign to promote organ donation was conducted in partnership with Donate Life America at a rural university campus. Materials included posters, flyers, and postcards, along with personal contact. Participants included university students located at a rural university campus in a survey in a pre-post intervention during National Donate Life Month. Data from research about the campaign included the target audience who completed surveys prior to and after the campaign about attitude and intent towards donation. Likewise, after pre-post intervention of the campaign, reported rates for donor registration increased, and findings indicate that registration rates in this rural university campus are similar to baseline rates in other regions. Based on the population, additional health communication strategies should address disparate groups develop appropriately tailored interventions. Local community health campaigns may be effective in promoting donor registration and increasing communication and beneficial outcomes surrounding organ donation.