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Journal articles on the topic 'Political clientelism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 26 July 2025

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1

Kelihu, Ardiman. "Political Clientelism, Family Power and Conflict Permanence in Pilkada." PCD Journal 10, no. 1 (2022): 69–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.v10i1.5417.

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This article examines the relationship between political clientelism and the establishment of family power in local elections. It argues that the use of clientelism networks impacts the creation of family power, the application of which results in the perpetuation of social conflict. Clientelism networks serve as ready-to-use networks which can be mobilised to support relatives during political events. This article uses the case of local elections in Central Maluku (2007–2017) to show the clientelist processes used by the relatives of Tuasikal. The use of alternate clientelism networks enabled

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2

Hu, Shulei, Jingyi Wang, and Xiaojin Zhang. "Religious Ideology and Clientelist Linkage in the Middle East and North Africa." Religions 15, no. 3 (2024): 326. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15030326.

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The literature on clientelism, the informal exchange of benefits for political support, has proliferated over the last three decades. However, the existing literature largely ignores the role of religion in shaping clientelism in contemporary politics. In particular, few attempts have been made to explore the relationship between religious ideology and clientelism at the party level: How does political parties’ religious ideology impact their clientelist linkages with citizens? This study uses cross-national data of parties in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) from the V-Party database (

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3

Holzner, Claudio A. "Clientelist Mobilization and Political Participation Outside of the Electoral Arena." Revista Latinoamericana de Opinión Pública 12, no. 1 (2023): 41–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.14201/rlop.31164.

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Scholarship on clientelist mobilization has focused almost exclusively on electoral clientelism, that is efforts by patrons and brokers to encourage turnout and participation in campaign rallies. What is less well understood is the impact of clientelist mobilization on other modes of political participation, like protest activity and citizen claim making. To fill this gap, I use LAPOP survey data from 2010 and 2014 to explore the relationship between vote-buying and nonelectoral forms of political activity. Despite the expectation by many that collective action and clientelist mobilization are

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4

Swamy, Arun R. "Can Social Protection Weaken Clientelism? Considering Conditional Cash Transfers as Political Reform in the Philippines." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 35, no. 1 (2016): 59–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341603500103.

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Since poverty is often believed to be a root cause of clientelism, government policies to reduce poverty should also help to reduce clientelism. However, scholars studying clientelism are more likely to view social policy as a potential resource for clientelist politicians. This article examines this paradox in the Philippine context by offering a general framework to identify when social welfare policies are likely to reduce clientelism, and by applying this framework to the Philippines, focusing on the Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino conditional cash transfer programme, or Pantawid. I argue that

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5

Hagene, Turid. "Political Clientelism in Mexico: Bridging the Gap between Citizens and the State." Latin American Politics and Society 57, no. 1 (2015): 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2015.00259.x.

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AbstractThis article explores practices of political clientelism in a native village in Mexico City during recent elections (2006, 2012), aiming to create more conceptual clarity and to demonstrate the usefulness of ethnographic approaches. Seen from the clients' and the brokers' perspective, political clientelism and vote buying are two different practices, carried out in different ways, with different degrees of legitimacy. The problem-solving network studied here bridges the gap between the citizen and the state, while the political operators hope to be rewarded with public employment. In t

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6

Seffer, Kristin. "Clientelism a Stumbling Block for Democratization?" Latin American Perspectives 42, no. 5 (2014): 198–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x14547511.

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Clientelism is a form of social conflict management and as such is more than mere vote buying or a way of undermining rational-legal systems. Integrating clientelism into the debate over the transition to democracy makes it possible to explain the outcomes of stagnating political transition processes. Under the condition of labor surplus, clientelism hinders political inclusion by undermining the class-based organizations that might challenge the privileged access of the elite to resources. Consideration of clientelism helps explain the case of Mexico, which has been classified as a deviant ca

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7

Yuriychuk, Yevheniya, and Dmytro Antoniuk. "Clientelism in the electoral process as a manifestation political corruption. Case of Ukraine." Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne 7, no. 1 (2021): 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/we.2021.7.1.101-118.

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Authors consider political corruption and clientelism in the electoral process as destructive phenomena that violate the normal principle of society and artificially create obstacles within the political system. The understanding of clientelism by different authors as a component of political corruption, the conditions of its existence, as well as the consequences and influence on political power are analysed. Basing on the achievements of foreign scientists, the content and the essence of the concept of “electoral clientelism” is determined, the main reasons and preconditions of this phenomen

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8

Yuriychuk, Yevheniya, and Dmytro Antoniuk. "Clientelism in the electoral process as a manifestation political corruption. Case of Ukraine." Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne 7, no. 1 (2021): 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/we.2021.7.1.101-118.

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Authors consider political corruption and clientelism in the electoral process as destructive phenomena that violate the normal principle of society and artificially create obstacles within the political system. The understanding of clientelism by different authors as a component of political corruption, the conditions of its existence, as well as the consequences and influence on political power are analysed. Basing on the achievements of foreign scientists, the content and the essence of the concept of “electoral clientelism” is determined, the main reasons and preconditions of this phenomen

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9

Masemola, Namane Dickson, and Mocheudi Martinus Selepe. "Assessing the conditions and ingridients of political clientelism within the South African context." EUREKA: Social and Humanities, no. 4 (July 29, 2022): 91–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2022.002515.

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The study examines the conditions, associated with political clientelism, as well as the ingredients of clientelism within the South African context. The study brings the understanding about the relationship between politicians who go out on a periodic basis to canvass for votes and then not much happens in the lives of ordinary people. Despite this, a large number of the same politicians is re-elected to another five-year term. The broad argument in this study is that there seems to be an observable patronage type of relationship between elected parties (politicians) and citizens, and that no

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10

Masemola, Namane Dickson, and Mocheudi Martinus Selepe. "Assessing the conditions and ingridients of political clientelism within the South African context." EUREKA: Social and Humanities, no. 4 (July 29, 2022): 91–102. https://doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2022.002515.

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The study examines the conditions, associated with political clientelism, as well as the ingredients of clientelism within the South African context. The study brings the understanding about the relationship between politicians who go out on a periodic basis to canvass for votes and then not much happens in the lives of ordinary people. Despite this, a large number of the same politicians is re-elected to another five-year term. The broad argument in this study is that there seems to be an observable patronage type of relationship between elected parties (politicians) and citizens, and that no

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11

Eiró, Flávio, and Martijn Koster. "Facing bureaucratic uncertainty in the Bolsa Família Program." Focaal 2019, no. 85 (2019): 84–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2019.850108.

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Clientelism is often analyzed along lines of moral values and reciprocity or an economic rationality. This article, instead, moves beyond this dichotomy and shows how both frameworks coexist and become entwined. Based on ethnographic research in a city in the Brazilian Northeast, it analyzes how the anti-poverty Bolsa Família Program and its bureaucracy are entangled with electoral politics and clientelism. We show how the program’s beneficiaries engage in clientelist relationships and exchanges to deal with structural precariousness and bureaucratic uncertainty. Contributing to understanding

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12

Xue, Shiyi. "Clientelism in Indonesia: An Intractable Political Norm." Journal of Asian Research 8, no. 2 (2024): p14. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jar.v8n2p14.

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When it comes to clientelism in southeast Asia, it occurs us that Indonesia has formed its own specialized tricky political norm on clientelism. For norm, with long history in Indonesia, clientelism has played an important role in agriculture and social stabilization. It has been a norm among the public and still makes a difference now. For intractability, since clientelism has been pervasive and inseparable from politics, it does do some harm to Indonesia, including the problem of corruption, the rights of freedom of election and democracy. In this article, I will concentrate on 2 words: norm

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13

Landini, Fernando. "Prácticas clientelares y control político en la experiencia campesina de Argentina." Perfiles Latinoamericanos 20, no. 40 (2012): 205–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.18504/pl2040-205-2012.

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Al partir de la democracia y la libertad como valores fundamentales, resulta de gran o interés para las ciencias sociales el estudio de las prácticas clientelares y las formas derivadas de control político. Atendiendo a que el tema muchas veces fue abordado desde J¡ presupuestos fuertemente ideológicos y desde miradas externas que oscurecen el modo í en que los propios actores perciben el fenómeno, se realizó una investigación cualitativa en una comunidad rural de la provincia de Formosa, Argentina, buscando recuperar la perspectiva de los campesinos. Se concluye que éstos encuentran en las pr

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14

Sommer, Jamie M. "Clientelism and Democracy." Comparative Sociology 19, no. 3 (2020): 415–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-bja10015.

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Abstract Carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions are rapidly increasing across the world. While national governments are usually seen as having the power, authority, and ability to make significant reductions in their CO2 outputs, cross-national research rarely focuses on the institutional structures of states that moderate their CO2 emissions. Previous research that focuses on internal state factors largely focus on democracy and find wildly conflicting results. This research argues that clientelism is a missing piece of the puzzle in explaining how democracy impacts CO2 emissions. Building on the ext

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15

Kusche, Isabel. "Political clientelism and democracy." Acta Sociologica 57, no. 3 (2013): 207–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0001699313506721.

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16

Frye, Timothy, Ora John Reuter, and David Szakonyi. "Vote Brokers, Clientelist Appeals, and Voter Turnout: Evidence from Russia and Venezuela." World Politics 71, no. 04 (2019): 710–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887119000078.

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AbstractModern clientelist exchange is typically carried out by intermediaries—party activists, employers, local strongmen, traditional leaders, and the like. Politicians use such brokers to mobilize voters, yet little about their relative effectiveness is known. The authors argue that broker effectiveness depends on their leverage over clients and their ability to monitor voters. They apply their theoretical framework to compare two of the most common brokers worldwide, party activists and employers, arguing the latter enjoy numerous advantages along both dimensions. Using survey-based framin

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17

Caciagli, Mario. "Clientelismo, corruzione e criminalità organizzata. Comparare per distinguere." SocietàMutamentoPolitica 12, no. 24 (2021): 193–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/smp-13237.

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This article focuses on the similarities and the differences of three degenerations of the political system. The author proposes the cultural political approach to define and to sign the boundaries between clientelism and corruption, clientelism and criminality, corruption and criminality. Clientelism and criminality are into a political culture; corruption on the contrary is out of a culture.

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18

Pellicer, Miquel, Eva Wegner, Lindsay J. Benstead, and Ellen Lust. "Poor people’s beliefs and the dynamics of clientelism." Journal of Theoretical Politics 33, no. 3 (2021): 300–332. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09516298211003661.

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Why do some poor people engage in clientelism whereas others do not? Why does clientelism sometimes take traditional forms and sometimes more instrumental forms? We propose a formal model of clientelism that addresses these questions focusing primarily on the citizen’s perspective. Citizens choose between supporting broad-based redistribution or engaging in clientelism. Introducing insights from social psychology, we study the interactions between citizen beliefs and values, and their political choices. Clientelism, political inefficacy, and inequality legitimation beliefs reinforce each other

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19

Hilgers, Tina. "Causes and Consequences of Political Clientelism: Mexico's PRD in Comparative Perspective." Latin American Politics and Society 50, no. 4 (2008): 123–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2008.00032.x.

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AbstractPRD politicians and officials widely use clientelism to structure their relationships with citizens. This is due not only to the entrenchment of clientelism in Mexican politics or to high rates of poverty and inequality, but also to the limited institutionalization of democratic rules inside the party. The last stems largely from the party's electoral strategy in its formative years, and has resulted in uncontrolled factional battles that play out through clientelism. The Brazilian PT faced external and internal conditions quite similar to those of the PRD, but its early focus on organ

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20

Busia, Kwaku Abrefa, Alice Amegah, and Francis Arthur-Holmes. "Pathways of Electoral Clientelism in University Student Elections in Ghana: An Exploratory Study." Journal for Students Affairs in Africa 9, no. 2 (2021): 153–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24085/jsaa.v9i2.2204.

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Recent studies on student politics and governance have shown that electoral clientelism (EC) in university student elections is often facilitated by clientelist relations between student leaders and political parties. However, there is a dearth of empirical research investigating the various forms of electoral clientelism, as manifested through vote-buying practices in campus electoral politics in African universities. This article, therefore, investigates the multifaceted and changing dynamics of vote-buying in student electoral processes in Ghanaian universities. The study adopted a qualitat

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21

Cvejic, Slobodan. "On inevitability of political clientelism in contemporary Serbia." Sociologija 58, no. 2 (2016): 239–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1602239c.

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This paper deals with the problem of political clientelism in Serbia broadly defined as the selective distribution of benefits (money, jobs, information, a variety of privileges) to individuals or clearly defined groups in exchange for political support. The main objective is to explain why political clientelism is widespread in Serbia and which key factors determine its shape and intensity. The explanation is based on the analysis of historical factors of development of clientelism in Serbia, as well as on analysis of data from a recent research on informal relations between political and eco

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22

Д, Бадамдаш, Сарантуяа Б та Бумдарь Д. "АЛБАН БУС УЛС ТӨР: КЛИЕНТЕЛИЗМ, ТӨР БОЛОН НАМЫГ БАРЬЦААЛАХ ТУХАЙ ОЙЛГОЛТЫГ ТАЙЛБАРЛАХ НЬ". Politology 22, № 593 (2024): 235–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22353/ps20241.23.

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This article aims to elucidate the distinct political development in post-communist countries after 1989, focusing on the deviations from democratic governance. Drawing upon the insightful analysis provided by Czech political scientist Michal Klima in his work titled "Informal Politics in Post-Communist Europe: Political Parties, Clientelism and State Capture", this review article aims to synthesize and present key findings related to clientelism, the challenges of countering the state, and the strategies employed in managing the state. The analysis encompasses elements such as clientelism, co

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23

Wantchekon, Leonard. "Clientelism and Voting Behavior: Evidence from a Field Experiment in Benin." World Politics 55, no. 3 (2003): 399–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2003.0018.

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The author conducted a field experiment in Benin to investigate the impact of clientelism on voting behavior. In collaboration with four political parties involved in the 2001 presidential elections, clientelist and broad public policy platforms were designed and run in twenty randomly selected villages of an average of 756 registered voters. Using the survey data collected after the elections, the author estimated the effect of each type of message by comparing voting behavior in the villages exposed to clientelism or public policy messages (treatment groups) with voting behavior in the other

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24

Allen Hicken. "Clientelism." Annual Review of Political Science 14, no. 1 (2011): 289–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.031908.220508.

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25

YOSHIKAWA, Yoko. "Political Clientelism in the Philippine." Southeast Asia: History and Culture, no. 16 (1987): 37–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5512/sea.1987.37.

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26

Robinson, James A., and Thierry Verdier. "The Political Economy of Clientelism*." Scandinavian Journal of Economics 115, no. 2 (2013): 260–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/sjoe.12010.

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27

Owen, David A. "Political clientelism in Thai provinces." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 1, no. 2 (2016): 190–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891116633535.

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28

Marantzidis, Nikos, and George Mavrommatis. "Political Clientelism and Social Exclusion." International Sociology 14, no. 4 (1999): 443–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580999014004004.

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29

Fujiwara, Thomas, and Leonard Wantchekon. "Can Informed Public Deliberation Overcome Clientelism? Experimental Evidence from Benin." American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 5, no. 4 (2013): 241–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.5.4.241.

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This paper studies the electoral effects of town hall meetings based on programmatic, nonclientelist platforms. The experiment involves the cooperation of leading candidates in a presidential election in Benin. A campaign strategy based solely on these meetings was assigned to randomly selected villages and compared to the standard strategy of clientelist rallies. We find that treatment reduces the prevalence of clientelism and does not affect turnout. Treatment also lowers the vote shares for the candidate with a political stronghold in the village and is more effective in garnering votes in

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30

Habibi, Muhammad. "A regional head election’s political corruption and new styles of clientelism." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 34, no. 4 (2021): 417. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v34i42021.417-430.

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Intense competition in the regional head election (Pilkada) has implications for the increasing costs that candidates have to prepare to win the competition. The high cost in the regional head election makes many regional heads, when elected, commit political corruption and practices that are more adapted to the situation, namely the new styles of clientelism. This study aims to determine the shift in the relationship between political corruption and clientelism and to see new forms of clientelism. The approach used in this research was a literature study. Documents were selected using an appl

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31

Braga Bastos, Gisele. "Resenha do livro A Gramática Política no Brasil: Clientelismo e Insulamento Burocrático." Revista Estudos Políticos 11, no. 22 (2021): 248–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/rep.v11i22.50433.

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Em análise dedicada a captar como a temática do clientelismo vem sendo tratada na Ciência Política brasileira, nos últimos trinta anos, realizamos um levantamento sobre o tema do clientelismo nos seis periódicos com melhor avaliação na área da CAPES de Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais no período de 1990 a 2017, disponíveis no Scielo.Nossas questões de partida foram: o tema do clientelismo vem recebendo a atenção dos cientistas sociais e políticos brasileiros? Em caso positivo, como o tema vem sendo abordado nas últimas três décadas? Os periódicos analisados foram: Brazilian Political

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32

Müller, Markus-Michael. "‘Public’ Security and Patron–Client Exchanges in Latin America." Government and Opposition 48, no. 4 (2013): 548–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2013.2.

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Notwithstanding the democratization processes that have taken place since the 1980s, clientelism continues to be an important political practice throughout contemporary Latin America. By offering an analysis of the changing patterns of patron–client exchanges in Mexico City, this article demonstrates how the repercussions of the local democratization process expanded clientelist practices to the realm of public security provision. This expansion, it is argued, is related to efforts of the local government to regain previous levels of political control over the local police forces that had been

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33

Anciano, Fiona. "Clientelism as Civil Society? Unpacking the Relationship between Clientelism and Democracy at the Local Level in South Africa." Journal of Asian and African Studies 53, no. 4 (2017): 593–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909617709487.

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This article, building on analyses from the global south, attempts to reframe democratic expectations by considering where previously maligned practices such as clientelism may hold moments of democracy. It does so by comparing the theory of civil society with that of clientelism, and its African counterpart neo-patrimonialism. It argues that clientelism as civil society may fulfil democratic tasks such as holding the (local) state accountable, strengthening civil and political liberties and providing channels of access for previously marginalised groups. Clientelism is not necessarily a refle

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34

Kettering, Sharon. "The Historical Development of Political Clientelism." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 18, no. 3 (1988): 419. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/203895.

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35

Rozaki, Abdur. "From Political Clientelism to Participatory Democracy." Engagement: Jurnal Pengabdian Kepada Masyarakat 6, no. 1 (2022): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.29062/engagement.v6i1.1185.

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The Act of Village has given many opportunities for villages in Indonesia to generate innovation in the local contexts. The governance for village development creates a new way to develop the rural area through visionary leadership innovation. This study showcases two villages that can encourage modernism in innovative leadership, namely Panggungharjo Village and Sayan Village. These villages have been able to promote local democratization from political clientelism to good governance. This study presented social change by the Most Significant Change (MOS) approach that involves two headmen in

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Roniger, Luis, Jean-Louis Briquet, Frederic Sawicki, Javier Auyero, and Simona Piattoni. "Political Clientelism, Democracy, and Market Economy." Comparative Politics 36, no. 3 (2004): 353. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4150135.

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Lande, Carl H. "Political Clientelism, Developmentalism and Postcolonial Theory." Philippine Political Science Journal 23, no. 1 (2002): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-02301005.

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Lande, Carl H. "Political Clientelism, Developmentalism and Postcolonial Theory." Philippine Political Science Journal 23, no. 46 (2002): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01154451.2002.9754237.

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Erturan-Ogut, Esin Esra, and Mustafa Yasar Sahin. "Political clientelism in Turkish sports federations." European Sport Management Quarterly 14, no. 5 (2014): 556–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/16184742.2014.950307.

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40

Roudakova, Natalia. "Media—political clientelism: lessons from anthropology." Media, Culture & Society 30, no. 1 (2008): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443707084349.

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41

Cruz, Cesi, and Philip Keefer. "Political Parties, Clientelism, and Bureaucratic Reform." Comparative Political Studies 48, no. 14 (2015): 1942–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414015594627.

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42

Grzymala-Busse, Anna. "Beyond Clientelism." Comparative Political Studies 41, no. 4-5 (2008): 638–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414007313118.

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In choosing strategies of state capture (the extraction of private benefits by incumbent officeholders from the state), rulers choose whether to share rents with popular constituencies and whether to tolerate competition. These choices are conditioned by existing organizational endowments, the costs of buying support, and the trade-off between the cost and probability of exit from office. In turn, both rent distribution and competition result in distinct configurations of state capture: clientelism, predation, fusion, exploitation, and the formation of specific state institutions and capacitie

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43

SHAMI, MAHVISH. "Collective Action, Clientelism, and Connectivity." American Political Science Review 106, no. 3 (2012): 588–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055412000251.

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Backed by studies finding only limited propensity for free-riding when communities have an interest in self-provision, the last few decades have seen a surge of interest in community-based development. A major caveat to the “second wave” of collective action studies, however, is that collective action often breaks down under hierarchical social relationships. This is unfortunate news for developing countries’ rural societies, which are often entrenched in patron-client networks. Using a natural experiment found in the construction of a motorway, the article finds that clientelist relationships

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Ufen, Andreas. "Clientelist and Programmatic Factionalism Within Malaysian Political Parties." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 39, no. 1 (2020): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103420916047.

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This article analyses factionalism within ruling and opposition parties in Malaysia, with a focus on party splits and/or the toppling or near-toppling of dominant factions at the national level. Political parties are either composed of clientelist or programmatic factions or represent hybrids that combine clientelist and programmatic factionalism. The strength and the type of factionalism depend upon policy space and the intensity of control over party groups. Programmatic factionalism is more probable if policy space is wide. Policy space is an effect of the positioning (relatively dependent

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Oi, Jean C. "Communism and Clientelism: Rural Politics in China." World Politics 37, no. 2 (1985): 238–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010144.

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Despite its widespread currency in political science, the concept of clientelism has rarely found its way into the literature on communist systems. Students of communist politics regularly note the importance of personal ties, and many recognize the significance of informal bonds in economic and political spheres atalllevels of society. Some even apply the term “clientelism” to the political behavior they describe. Yet these studies are generally limited to elite-level politics, to factionalism, career mobility, recruitment patterns, and attainment of office at the top- to middle-level echelon

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Daby, Mariela. "The Gender Gap in Political Clientelism: Problem-Solving Networks and the Division of Political Work in Argentina." Comparative Political Studies 54, no. 2 (2020): 215–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414020926194.

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The literature on clientelism has recognized the importance of problem-solving networks, but ignored their gendered nature. Contrary to what is often assumed, I argue that female brokers have fewer opportunities to use clientelism for building, enlarging, and sustaining political networks than male brokers. First, I find that female brokers invest heavily in a nonvoting constituency because their work centers on children. The gendered division of political work hence reduces women’s chances of building a following. Second, female brokers are less able to distribute resources beyond their polit

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Anderson, Siwan, Patrick Francois, and Ashok Kotwal. "Clientelism in Indian Villages." American Economic Review 105, no. 6 (2015): 1780–816. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.20130623.

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We study the operation of local governments (Panchayats) in rural Maharashtra, India, using a survey that we designed for this end. Elections are freely contested, fairly tallied, highly participatory, non-coerced, and lead to appointment of representative politicians. However, beneath this veneer of ideal democracy we find evidence of deeply ingrained clientelist vote-trading structures maintained through extra-political means. Elite minorities undermine policies that would redistribute income toward the majority poor. We explore the means by which elites use their dominance of land ownership

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Kuswandoro, Wawan Edi. "Multi Patronage and Melting-Pot Social Cleavage: Secularist Political Parties Defeat Islamist Political Parties in Muslim Society." Journal of Education, Humaniora and Social Sciences (JEHSS) 6, no. 1 (2023): 390–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.34007/jehss.v6i1.1778.

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A partisan affiliation built from social basic and social cleavage in a relationsip of political parties and civil society as mostly discussed, found its new trend to be endshown by local political practices. This study examined why secularist political parties defeat Islamic political parties in muslim society. This study applicate phenomenology to investigate patronage and clientelism relationship between political parties and societies in research area of Probolinggo, East Java. This study had explored four findings, firstly, weakening of support from traditional Muslim societies with Nahdh

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Mačkić, Velibor, and Filip Rusmir. "Pork barrel spending: The missing link between electoral clientelism and political budget cycles." Economics & Sociology 17, no. 3 (2024): 82–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.14254/2071-789x.2024/17-3/5.

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Pork barrel spending used in the political budget cycles literature via a preference approach is identified as the link tying clientelism to political budget cycles. This paper looks at the supply and demand sides of electoral clientelism using the case study of shipyards in Croatia. The strategic, symbolic and everyday importance of the shipbuilding industry in Croatia is evident to the general public, but even more so to politicians. This paper examines the supply side – whether incumbents increase central budget funds (state guarantees) in election years (pork barrel spending) toward shipya

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Lindberg, Staffan I. "What accountability pressures do MPs in Africa face and how do they respond? Evidence from Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 48, no. 1 (2010): 117–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x09990243.

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ABSTRACTHow African politicians, especially legislators, behave on a daily basis is still largely unknown. This article gives a unique empirical account of the daily accountability pressures and the strategies that Members of Parliament (MPs) in Ghana employ in responding to the demands that they face. While literature on political clientelism focuses on explanatory factors like lack of political credibility, political machines capable of effective monitoring, autonomy of brokers, high levels of poverty, and political competiveness, the role of institutions has been overlooked. While the exist

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