Dissertations / Theses: 'Political communication strategies'

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Banis, Alvianos, and Jonas Johansson. "Political Communication Strategies Applied on Business Organizations." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för ekonomi, teknik och naturvetenskap, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-38244.

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The purpose of this paper is to describe the current communication techniques and strategies used by political parties resulting in these parties achieving significant growth, understand the components of those communication techniques in order to isolate the factors attributing to this achieved success and develop a model that can be replicated from a business organization in order to achieve similar beneficial results.The study revealed that there is a clear connection between political parties and business organizations, broadening the research fields of both entities respectively. Furthermore, the findings were categorized based on potential value, with practices such as “thriving on dissatisfaction”, “taking advantage of emotions”, “showing visible structures as an organization / political party”, “intentional use of weak signals”, “leader’s direct connection to audience” and “formulating receiver interpretation of signals” appearing to have high potential in achieving success if implemented correctly in the communication strategy.

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McKoy, Keith George. "Political communication strategies : transport policy making and implementation in Manchester." Thesis, Sheffield Hallam University, 2013. http://shura.shu.ac.uk/20044/.

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The research examines the nature of political communication and assesses how marketing strategies are used by transport policy practitioners, and their perceptions of the role played by communications and marketing methods in the policy making process. The research also evaluates the phenomena of the increased use of 'political marketing and communications strategies' within national and local transport policy frameworks, and evaluates whether these have become more widespread and sophisticated in order to better signal policy intentions, as well as to market and promote controversial policies to both the media and public. An area that remains under-researched is the extent to which public relations mechanisms are being developed within local government. And how these mechanisms are being used in order to strategically influence the media in order to shape or manipulate public opinion in pursuit of their policy goals. It is therefore necessary, to analyse media and transport planning discourse, in particular the increasing use of public relations strategies by transport policy practitioners as a system for communicating messages and symbols to a wider public through more sophisticated mechanisms in order to contest transport issues within the media. The Manchester Transport Innovation Fund (TIF) was used as the main case study because it provided an opportunity to look at a high profile and highly contested transport policy initiative.

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Dogan, T. "Communication strategies of the AK Party in Turkey." Thesis, City, University of London, 2018. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/20243/.

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Despite the rise of Islamist parties and movements in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, there is a dearth of studies addressing their political communication strategies and approaches. In consideration of this fact, this doctoral thesis examines the political communication strategies of Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, henceforth the AKP), from 2002 to 2017. Drawing on social movement theory and approaches to political communication, it analyses the transformations that have taken place within the AKP and Turkey and how these have been informed by religion, and President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s charismatic leadership. The thesis describes how the author carried out ethnographic research during the 2014 presidential election; interviewing key personalities from politics, the media, academia and think tanks, and conducting observations at AKP headquarters and campaign rallies. A quantitative content analysis of Erdoğan’s speeches was then performed to triangulate the findings from the qualitative data, ensuring effective coverage of the entire period under consideration, and to provide continuity. The research reveals how the effective communication of a party’s message is fundamental to its political success. Furthermore, in relation to the AKP it clearly identifies two distinct policy periods: 2002 to 2009, when the party promoted a liberal political ideology and pro-Western foreign policy; and 2010 to 2017, when a pro-Muslim agenda emerged. It also highlights the significance of Erdoğan’s dominance of the AKP, and the consequent lack of institutionalisation within the party, before discussing the implications of the study findings for the AKP, Turkey and the wider MENA region. Of particular interest is how the changes in the AKP’s policy appear to have been reinforced by Erdoğan, who has consistently made effective use of a variety of political communication strategies, including Americanisation, and references to pertinent local images and symbols, to create a sense of collective identity amongst the AKP’s supporters.

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Ernst, Timothy C. "Toward a grounded normative theory of strategies of political communication used in politics disadvantages in policy debate." Scholarly Commons, 2011. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/768.

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This study examines politics disadvantages used in competitive policy debate. Specifically, this research examines politics disadvantages for their role and relevance in deliberation, an important form of political communication. Deliberation is the means by which citizens can engage in discussions of salient policy issues, and make political judgments about policies. This study developed a grounded theory about the type of deliberation manifest in politics disadvantages. Pre-constructed politics disadvantages from websites such as PlanetDebate.com, Cross-X.com, as well as from summer policy debate workshops were analyzed to develop a grounded theory. Through the process of coding and theoretical memoing, categories of political communication emerged from the disadvantage shells. The theory indicated that politics disadvantages develop an acontextual, narrowly adversarial view of deliberation. This theory was juxtaposed against already established theories of deliberation to reveal that politics disadvantages show serious deficiencies in the ways in which deliberation is taught to policy debaters.

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Dumitrescu, Delia. "Spatial Visual Communications in Election Campaigns: Political Posters Strategies in Two Democracies." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1251837832.

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McCabe, R. V. "Communication and language strategies used in the democratic public policy process." Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2005. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-01252005-080031.

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Steffan, Dennis [Verfasser]. "Visual Politics : Investigating the Visual Communication Strategies of Political Parties and Candidates from a Longitudinal and Comparative Perspective / Dennis Steffan." Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2021. http://d-nb.info/1237168716/34.

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Grice, Patricia Joyce. "Presidential Communication to Children: An Analysis of Persuasive Strategies in Presidential Speeches." TopSCHOLAR®, 2010. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/185.

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This thesis explores the content of presidential communication to children, specifically the only three presidential speeches that have been designed for children. These three speeches are President Barack Obama's speech to children in 2009, George H.W. Bush's speech to children in 1991, and Ronald Reagan's speech to children in 1988. Through content analysis this thesis was designed to determine whether persuasive strategies were used in these messages to children, and if persuasive strategies were present, which ones were used. Through qualitative analysis conducting a focus group discussion with children exposed to one of the presidential speeches, this thesis also explored the speeches from children's perspectives. Political socialization theory is used as framework for developing the study, and three persuasive theories are used for analysis of the speeches. The findings provide insight into presidential communication to children and implications of future research in this area. Findings suggest that persuasive strategies are present and a variety of techniques are utilized in the speeches. The purpose and common topics of these speeches are also explored. Focus group findings support that children can identify persuasive strategies present in the speeches and provide insight into the knowledge children retain from exposure to the communication.

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Thornton, Jamie. "The rhetorical strategies of Lyndon Baines Johnson promoting education." Fort Worth, Tex. : Texas Christian University, 2007. http://etd.tcu.edu/etdfiles/available/etd-06222007-142150/unrestricted/thornton.pdf.

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Walkosz, Barbara Jean 1947. "A micro level analysis of communication strategies utilized in the television advertisements of male and female candidates." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/290637.

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American women continue to be severely underrepresented in the number of elected political positions held. One of the obstacles that women face when seeking public office are gender stereotypes which reinforce beliefs that women may be less viable candidates than men. Gender stereotypes influence a range of evaluations about candidates including judgments about their credibility, competency, and communication strategies. This study analyzes communication campaign strategies as one area in which gender stereotyping may influence voters. Television political advertisements are the context for this analysis because of the increased relevance of advertising in imparting candidate image and issue information to the voters. Language Expectancy Theory and literature from the nonverbal communication field provided the theoretical rationale for this study. A micro-level analysis of the verbal and nonverbal communication strategies in political advertising was conducted to determine if these strategies adhered to or countered gender stereotypes. A total of 124 political advertisements of male and female candidates were content analyzed. Results of the study indicate that differences existed in how male and female candidates presented their image to the electorate. Specifically, for the verbal strategies examined, women candidates used less intense language, less humor, less direct attacks, and more prosocial strategies than their male counterparts. However, no differences were found between how men and women made references to autonomy nor were differences identified in their use of opinionated language. For the nonverbal communication strategies, women were coded as having more pleasant voices, and as using more immediate and dominant kinesic cues. No differences were identified in regard to trait characteristics emphasized nor issues mentioned in the ads. The discussion focuses on how these findings can assist scholars in understanding the communication strategies male and female candidates utilized, and if these strategies supported or violated communication stereotypes. The findings of the study can facilitate future research related to understanding how female candidates can increase the persuasive efficacy of their political advertisements.

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Dima, Ramona. "On Othering Migrants and Queers : Political Communication Strategies of Othering in Romania and the Republic of Moldova." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-43321.

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Research on migration often focuses on non-citizens such as migrants being excluded from the framework of citizenship. This study suggests a novel approach by focusing on non-citizens and citizens alike, while exploring the strategies of othering in relation to how citizenship is constructed. It discusses and comparatively analyses the ways in which migrants, as non-citizens, and LGBT+ individuals, as a particular category of citizens, are framed as not conforming to the norms proposed by nationalist and populist ideologies in SouthEastern European (SEE) countries. Even if they are citizens, they are excluded from “national belonging” by populist political leaders in their communications. The study compares the category of LGBT+ persons to that of migrants and explores how both are framed in political communications using populist strategies of othering. It also shows that these two categories are placed at the outside of the nation state and of the notion of citizenship. Moreover, it highlights the multiple tropes that are employed in the process of othering and that refer to how nations are defined through their “traditional values”, “morality”, “religious views” and a strong opposition to what is considered to belong to the Western progressive values. The body of material comprises statements mostly made by highly positioned politicians such as Presidents, Ministers, Prime Ministers, etc. from Romania and the Republic of Moldova.These politicians shape the internal and foreign policies of the two countries and their communications have a great impact in different areas of the society. The analysis shows that the social dimension of citizenship is important in how a certain category of citizens is framed as not belonging to the nation state. The results based on the analysis of this less researched material are consistent with the trend of anti-gender movements and the increasing anti immigration stances in other Eastern European countries such as Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic and Slovakia.

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Freij, Martin, and Andreas Gartnell. "Political Parties in Social Media : A case study of political parties’ crisis management in social media." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för marknadsföring (MF), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-35242.

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Title: Political Parties’ in Social Media - A case study of political parties’ crisis management in social media Introduction: The emergence of social media platforms has transformed how organizations communicate with stakeholders. The concept of social media is top of agenda for many business executives today. While some argue social media to provide unique opportunities for organizations, others argue the opposite. The rise of social media enables crises to escalate, implying that organizations need to have well-established crisis management strategies. In the Swedish election of 2014, social media is predicted to have enormous influence on the end result for the political parties. Prior to this thesis, no previous research has looked deeper into the context of crisis management in social media for political parties in Sweden. It is in the political context where this study contributes to the research area. Purpose: The aim of this paper is to investigate political parties’ crisis management in social media, using strategies developed for commercial organizations, and thereby contribute to the research of non-commercial organizations. Methodology: A triangulation method was used of semi structured interviews and archival analysis on four crises of political parties. Eight parties in the Swedish parliament where deliberately selected. However, only four of the parties, Socialdemokraterna (S), Sverigedemokraterna (SD), Vänsterpartiet (V) and Centerpartiet (C), had the possibility to participate in the study. Conclusion: (S), (V) and (C) all used both Facebook and Twitter as a crisis communication channel especially due to its speed and spread. However, (SD) did not use social media as crisis communication channel. The crisis management in social media of each party could improve immensely, however limited resources of employees and finance was found to be the main reasons holding the progress back. Conclusively, dialogue strategies and to some extent response strategies used by commercial organizations are indeed frequently used by political parties as well.

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Spurr, Krista L. "Opening Pandora's box?, designing and implementing strategies for new information and communication technologies in the political science classroom." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0008/MQ33828.pdf.

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Reitz, Annika. "Political Campaign Strategies of the party Alternative for Germany : A qualitative Study of Posters for the 2017 Federal Election." Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Högskolan i Jönköping, HLK, Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-44369.

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During the past ten years, European politics experienced a rise of far right-wing parties because of intensified levels of insecurity among the public (Falasca & Grandien, 2017). These parties organize their political discourse around topics of nationalism and a strong opinion against immigration, the Euro and the European Union (Breeze, 2019; Häusler, 2018). One of these parties is the Alternative for Germany (AfD) which celebrated a major success in the federal elections in 2017 where it became the third largest party in the German Bundestag. The present study aims to analyze the campaign posters of the AfD as one element of their strategic political communication for the 2017 election period in the context of the party’s growing popularity among German society. To accomplish that goal, the qualitative method of multimodal critical discourse analysis (MCDA) is applied. The MCDA analyzes written and visual content. The study seeks to identify the narratives implemented by the party and analyze them by drawing on the concept of nationalism. Furthermore, the analysis aims to identify the frames created around the main issues addressed in the party’s political agenda by discussing them in relation to the concepts of ontological security and existential anxiety by Giddens (1991) and the framing theory by Goffman (1974). The study reveals that the AfD highlights in its political communication one main conflict: The German public versus the immigrants. The immigrants are framed as the threatening strange other whose cultural values, and religious beliefs contradict with those of the Germans who are depicted as the victims. This is achieved through the posters which seek to elicit fear and hatred towards the strange new to increase the insecurities perceived by the public. The party, on the contrary, represents itself as the savior of the German nation, its traditions, and values which they aim to maintain and protect from Muslim influence.

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Wäscher, Till [Verfasser], and Jens [Akademischer Betreuer] Loenhoff. "Framing opposition to surveillance - Political communication strategies of privacy activists in the aftermath of the Snowden leaks / Till Wäscher ; Betreuer: Jens Loenhoff." Duisburg, 2018. http://d-nb.info/115572268X/34.

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Borén, Lina. "Reconnecting with citizens? : A study of the new communication strategy of the European Commission from a deliberative view." Thesis, Jönköping University, Jönköping International Business School, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-778.

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There is a gap between the citizens and the political institutions of the European Union. Many theorists think that this is due to the fact that the EU suffers from a “democratic deficit” and that the EU is perceived as a project made by and for the political elite. Several years of low participation in the European Parliamentary elections and the French and Dutch rejection of the European Constitutional Treaty in Spring 2005 shows that the EU has weak legitimacy in the eyes of the people.

In 2004, Margot Wallström was charged to renew the European Commission’s communication strategy and to reconnect with the citizens by stimulating dialogue and debate. This thesis is a critical study of the deliberative qualities of the new communication strategy based on Habermas’s discursive theory, which discusses the strategy’s possible effects on EU legitimacy. It finds that the communication strategy, despite several deliberative apects, have little chances to have an impact on EUs legitimacy, since it fails to engage “common people” in the debate and since it is not part of a major institutional reform but just an “icing on the cake”.

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Nordman, Kristoffer. "A Rhetorical Criticism of Google´s European Identification Strategies." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Avdelningen för retorik, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-226865.

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This thesis examines Google’s Executive Chairman Eric E. Schmidt’s speech at the European Innovation Convention 2011 from the perspectives of Kenneth Burke’s dramatism and identification theories. In the wider context it aims to contribute to the analyses of human progress traced through the history of our technologies and inventions. These breakthroughs do not happen or spread without beneficial influences from societal institutions in spheres like culture, philosophy, politics and law. Language is the creator and carrier of these institutions. A complicated “ecosystem” of culture, science, financing, laws and regulations, affects the possibilities for economic growth through innovation. Perhaps due to the contested legitimacy of corporations in the democratic process, the study of the messages of corporate entities in the political arena seems to be a fairly unexplored dimension of traditional rhetorical analysis of politics. Through rhetorical criticism the author seeks to better understand Google’s communication in this area, and to gain further insights into the communication strategies that companies may use to influence such complex fields of politics as Innovation Policy.

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Enbom, Jesper. "Facket i det medialiserade samhället : En studie av LO:s och medlemsförbundens tillämpning av news management." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för kultur- och medievetenskaper, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-22765.

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According to most ways of measuring it the Swedish trade union movement is the strongest in the world. The Swedish Trade Union Confederation is the largest and most influential union confederation by far. Since the 1980s though, Sweden experienced a shift in the power relations between employers and unions in favour of the former. This has coincided with a growing importance for political communication, public relations and the mass media. This development has presented the Swedish trade union movement with a multitude of challenges. One of the major ones is how to influence the representations of trade unions and their viewpoints in the news media. The purpose of this study is to describe and try to explain how the Swedish Trade Union Confederation and its affiliated unions act to confront the “medialisation” of the public debate. A combination of research methods are used in this study in order to investigate both the historical development of trade union news management and the use of news management by trade union personnel in their everyday work. The study of how news management historically became a part in the overall union activity was performed through qualitative analysis of archive material. The study of the everyday uses of news management and the factors constraining this work builds upon interviews with the press officers of the TUC affiliated unions and the TUC itself. The study shows how both the historical development and the everyday use of news management by the Swedish trade union movement need to be understood in a context. This context contains political, economical, ideological and organisational structures that at the same time enables and constrains the adaption of news management. The study points towards five central paradoxes which faces the trade unions when they seek desired media attention and try to avoid unwanted publicity. The first paradox concerns how to fight hard in the interest of the members, while at the same time avoid being described as a sectional interest. The second paradox stems from the desire of the trade unions to be perceived as big and strong and how this might result in the labelling of them as ‘Goliath’ during a conflict. The next paradox concerns how trade unions want to show the importance of the work done by their members during a conflict and the way this might lead to media attention about how the strike affects ‘innocent bystanders’. The fourth paradoxes come from the wish of the trade unions to make their local representatives visible in mass media. This could result in unwanted publicity, due to the difference between blue-collar trade unionists and middleclass journalists. The fifth paradox stems from the importance of acting quickly to achieve wanted media attention and to avoid unwanted. The paradox is that it might be hard to be fast and at the same time have a thorough democratic process on a controversial issue.

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Fernandes, Luiz Carlos do Carmo. "O Twitter nas campanhas eleitorais: novos desafios para os atores políticos em Goiás." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2014. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/3622.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
This thesis aims to understand the changes occurring in the political and electoral communication from the adoption of Law No. 12.034/2009 - which regulates in detail the use of the Internet as a political communication tool in Brazilian electoral process , through a regional crop . Ie , understand how political actors of Goiás are facing the challenges , primarily through the use of on-line social networks in the election campaigns – the object of study is Twitter , whose use was analyzed in the election campaigns of 2010 and 2012. Therefore , traditional techniques of sociology and new possibilities brought by the analysis of on-line social networks were used , gathering ethnographic research on-line , qualitative on-line interviews , content analysis of tweets and search with the use of internet tools . The final results of this study suggest that the use of on-line social networks in political campaigns expanded the agenda and ways to communicate with society and started require political actors , a presence on social networks on-line increasingly attentive and lasting .The topics covered during the election period were extended , while still prevailing own campaign and public policy proposals . In relation to the speech was possible to observe a major change : information / news, thanks and request for a vote / support , virtually ruling on Twitter in 2010 and 2012 , were not important discursive strategies by 2006 in electioneering . Therefore , policies arising the use of the Internet and on-line social networks in election campaigns in Goiás transformations can be perceived in the subject in the discourse strategies . But not in the behavior of actors and political institutions . Only during the next campaigns will be possible to verify whether the requirements of the new tool of political communication and political actors affect organizations in order to force them to change their behavior during election campaigns , but also outside them.
A presente tese tem como objetivo entender as transformações ocorridas na comunicação política-eleitoral a partir da aprovação daLei n°12.034/2009 — que regulamentou de forma detalhada o uso da internet como ferramenta de comunicação política no processo eleitoral brasileiro, por meio de um recorte regional. Ou seja, entender como atores políticos de Goiás estão enfrentando os desafios impostos, principalmente pelo uso das redes sociaison-line nas campanhas eleitorais – o objeto de estudo é o Twitter, cujo uso foi analisado nas campanhas eleitorais de 2010 e de 2012. Para isso, foram utilizadas técnicas tradicionais da sociologia e novas possibilidades trazidas pela análise de redes sociaison-line, reunindo pesquisa etnográficaon-line, entrevistas qualitativas on-line, análise de conteúdo de tuitesepesquisa com a utilização de ferramentas da internet. Os resultados finais deste estudo sugerem que o uso das redes sociais on-line em campanhas políticas ampliou a agenda e as formas de se comunicar com a sociedade e passou a exigir, dos atores políticos, uma presença nas redes sociais on-linecada vez mais atenta e duradoura. Os temas abordados no período eleitoral foram ampliado, embora continue prevalecendo a própria campanha e as propostas de políticas públicas. Já em relação ao discurso foi possível verificar uma maior alteração: informação/notícia, agradecimentos e pedido de voto/apoio, praticamente dominantes no Twitter em 2010 e 2012, não eram estratégias discursivas importantes até 2006 na propaganda eleitoral. Portanto, as transformações políticas decorrentes o uso da internet e das redes sociais on-line nas campanhas eleitorais em Goiás podem ser percebidas na temática, no discurso, nas estratégias. Mas não ainda no comportamento dos atores e das instituições políticas. Somente no decorrer das próximas campanhas será possível verificar se as exigências da nova ferramenta de comunicaçãopolíticaafetarão os atores e as organizações políticas de modo a obrigá-los a mudar suas condutas durante as campanhas eleitorais, como também fora delas.

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Assmann, Gabriela. "POLÍTICA E PARTICIPAÇÃO: ANÁLISE DAS ESTRATÉGIAS COMUNICACIONAIS UTILIZADAS PELA CANDIDATA MANUELA D ÁVILA NA CAMPANHA À PREFEITURA DE PORTO ALEGRE EM 2012." Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, 2014. http://repositorio.ufsm.br/handle/1/6352.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
This dissertation starts from the notion that we live in a mediatized and networked society, factor that modifies social relations and the logics of various fields, including communication and politics. In this sense, the present research purposes to investigate in which way certain communication strategies applied in the campaign of the candidate Manuela D‟Ávila for Mayor of Porto Alegre, in 2012, affect political participation. So, our search problem is: in what measure and in which manner the communication strategies used by candidate Manuela D‟Ávila‟s campaign enabled political participation? Therefore, the main objective of the study is to inquire the relation between the communication strategies of political participation promotion undertaken by the campaign and the participation that, effectively, was achieved. The specific objectives consist in: to analyze the communication strategies applied by candidate Manuela D‟Ávila in Porto Alegre‟s municipal elections‟ campaign of 2012 to promote political participation; to comprehend the specificities of the strategies that seek to encourage political participation on the internet; to observe, comparatively, the distinct types of strategies: conventional and for internet. To achieve these goals, we did, at first, a bibliographic review from the notions that guide the research. Afterwards, we worked in a case study of candidate Manuela D‟Ávila‟s campaign, embracing, as developer units of analysis, the strategies from Bairro a Bairro and the website Novas Ideias POA. The data that compose the corpus of study were collected by in-depth interviews, documentations and observation.
Esta dissertação parte da noção de que vivemos em uma sociedade midiatizada e em rede, fator que modifica as relações sociais e as lógicas dos mais diversos campos, inclusive da comunicação e da política. Nesse contexto, a presente pesquisa se propõe a investigar de que maneira determinadas estratégias comunicacionais empregadas pela campanha da candidata Manuela D‟Ávila à prefeitura de Porto Alegre, em 2012, afetam a participação política. Assim, nosso problema de pesquisa é: em que medida e de que modo as estratégias comunicacionais utilizadas na campanha da candidata Manuela D‟Ávila possibilitaram a participação política? Portanto, o objetivo geral do estudo é averiguar a relação existente entre as estratégias comunicacionais de promoção à participação política empreendidas pela campanha e a participação que, efetivamente, foi alcançada. Os objetivos específicos consistem em: analisar as estratégias comunicacionais de promoção à participação política empregadas pela candidata Manuela D‟Ávila na campanha de 2012 à prefeitura de Porto Alegre; compreender as especificidades das estratégias que buscam fomentar a participação política na internet; observar, comparativamente, os tipos distintos de estratégias: convencional e para internet. Para alcançar essas metas, fizemos, primeiramente, uma revisão bibliográfica a partir das noções que movimentam a pesquisa. Depois, realizamos um estudo de caso da campanha da candidata Manuela D‟Ávila, adotando, como unidades incorporadas de análise, as estratégias do Bairro a Bairro e do website Novas Ideias POA. Os dados que compõem o corpus do estudo foram coletados por meio de entrevistas em profundidade, documentação e observação.

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Welin, Matti. "Att utesluta eller inte utesluta : En komparativ analys av Sverigedemokraternas framgång och Dansk Folkepartis motgång." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-99942.

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The purpose of this essay is to analyze why the Sweden Democrats (SD) continued to grow in the 2018 election, while the Danish Peoples Party (DF) lost over half of their support in the election in 2019. By using a structured, focused comparative method, the essay analyses the similar political systems of Denmark and Sweden, focusing on the traditional established parties’ different strategies to gain back the voters lost to populists. The analysis concludes that the success of SD and failure of DF can be contributed to ineffective strategies by Sweden’s traditional parties and a more effective strategy in the Danish case. Sweden’s established parties used isolating strategies by demonizing SD and their voters as extremists, paving way for SD to use populist political communication. In the danish case, most established parties have legitimized DF by co-opting their stances on immigration. The blue block has cooperated with DF in the Danish government. By anchoring the analysis in theories about favorable conditions for populism, the main conclusion is that SD, because of the established parties’ isolating strategies, have been able to use populist political communication to present themselves as a distinct political alternative which mobilizes voters. DF have not had this opportunity, due to the co-optation, cooperation and broad consensus on their main issues

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Barrère, Françoise. "Une communication/un marketing politique et les représentations de "la Catalanité" dans le département des Pyrénées Orientales." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018MON30001.

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L’objet de cette recherche est la communication institutionnelle que le conseil général des Pyrénées-Orientales - rebaptisé depuis 2015 « conseil départemental » - a mis en circulation à partir de 1998, et qui reste aujourd’hui encore en vigueur dans le département. Depuis les lois dites de décentralisation (1982), les acteurs politiques locaux qui gouvernent les collectivités territoriales ont bien saisi l’importance des enjeux - tout autant économiques/touristiques que symboliques et politiques - d’une patrimonialisation favorisant la construction d’une identité territoriale. Pour les collectivités dont le territoire recouvre une entité sociolinguistique (socio-historique et linguistique), cette construction identitaire va pouvoir s’ancrer à la langue minorée, qui devient "le vecteur [privilégié] du patrimoine culturel immatériel" (UNESCO, 2003) « local ».La communication-marketing du conseil général des P.O. opte donc pour le concept-clé de « la Catalanité ». La campagne promotionnelle crée des supports médiatiques spécifiques, qui mettent en scène et affichent une « Catalanité » offrant à la collectivité territoriale et à son président la garantie d’un label.Mais ce marketing politique s’inscrit dans la situation de conflit diglossique franco-catalan. S’il a à cœur d’afficher une spécificité identitaire catalane pour promouvoir l’attractivité du territoire, il construit/reconstruit l’interdiscours dominant en s’appuyant immanquablement sur des représentations sociolinguistiques qui l’inscrivent dans la dynamique conflictuelle diglossique. En partant d’observations très « micro », qui examinent les moyens verbaux et les stratégies discursives mises en œuvre par cette parole institutionnelle, on rejoint la perspective « macro » sociolinguistique en montrant qu’ils participent de fonctionnements diglossiques et contribuent à l’idéologisation du conflit diglossique franco-catalan.L’analyse s’inscrit au carrefour de la sociolinguistique « périphérique » et de l’analyse argumentative du discours ; elle emprunte certains de ses outils à la linguistique praxématique. Cependant la spécificité pluridisciplinaire de l’objet d’étude l’a conduite à un « bricolage » scientifique intégrant également les approches de la science politique, de l’économie-marketing, des sciences de l’information et de la communication ou encore de la psychologie sociale
The purpose of this research is the institutional communication that the "conseil général" of Eastern Pyrenees – renamed since 2015 « departmental council » - initiated from 1998 and still valid today in the department. Since the Decentralization Acts (1982), the local political actors who rule the territorial collectivities fully grasped the importance of the challenges - which are both economic/touristic and symbolic/political - related to patrimonialization supporting the construction of a territorial identity. For the communities which territory includes a sociolinguistic entity (socio-historical and linguistic), this identity construction will base itself on the undervalued language. It then becomes the local “[privileged] immaterial cultural heritage vector” (UNESCO, 2003). The marketing policy of "Conseil général" of the Eastern Pyrenees thus chooses the key-concept of “la Catalanité”.The promotion campaign creates specific media tools, which display a “Catalanité” concept providing the territorial collectivity and its president the warranty of a label. But this political marketing fits into the "franco-catalan" diglossic conflict situation. If it’s eager to display a specific Catalan identity to promote an attractive territory, it builds/rebuilds the dominant interdiscourse inevitably resting over sociolinguistic representations. They register it within diglossic conflict dynamics. From very “micro” observations, examining the verbal means and the discursive strategies activated by this institutional discourse, one gets to the “macro” sociolinguistic prospect by showing their part in diglossic operations and also in the diglossic ideologization of the "franco-catalan" conflict. The analysis is located at the crossroads of the “peripheral” sociolinguistics and of the argumentative discourse analysis; it borrows some of its tools from praxematic linguistics. However the multi field specificity of the object of study led it to a scientific “making up”. It also integrates the approaches of political science, marketing-economics, social psychology or communication and information sciences

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Johnson, Richard. "Black democrats in white America : racial campaign strategies in majority-white contexts, 1989-2013." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d6e978b4-0ad3-4924-9933-656e2f6e5000.

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Black electoral politics has undergone a profound transformation in the half century since African Americans statutorily secured equal voting rights with whites. Once confined to a small number of exceptional cases, the population of black elected officials has multiplied dramatically. The genre which studies African American politics has, likewise, vigorously proliferated, but theoretical deficiencies persist. In particular, the dominant model used to explain the choice of racial campaign strategies by African American candidates in jurisdictions where most of their voters are white is incomplete. The model's underlying hypothesis is premised on limited and increasingly outdated assumptions. Commentators continue to argue that successful black candidates must discard their racial identity in order to win white votes, yet a careful examination of the actual practices of black politicians in majority-white jurisdictions demonstrates that this argument is not substantiated empirically. As a result, scholars are mischaracterising the potential for black candidates to win elections in majority-white contexts. This thesis is an attempt to advance the scholarship through a theoretical reconceptualisation of racial campaign strategies underpinned by original, empirical research. The thesis sets out to achieve two goals. The first goal is to provide a rich, analytical account based on primary research of the range of campaign strategies available to office-seeking African American candidates outside of majority-black election contexts. The thesis demonstrates the capacity for black candidates to embrace their racial identity and champion policies which redress racial inequality while still seeking support from white voters. The second objective is to offer plausible explanations as to the strategic decision-making process in these campaigns. The thesis highlights the shifting importance of three sets variables which candidates face when choosing their racial campaign strategies: racial context and history, the racial attitudes of supportive and opposing elite actors, and candidates' own racial biographies.

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Palé, Titi Eri Aramatou. "Paysage électoral et stratégies de communication des candidats à la présidentielle de 2010 en Côte d'Ivoire." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017BOR30020.

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En 2010, les Ivoiriens organisaient une élection présidentielle au sortir d’une décennie de guerre civile. Depuis lors, ces élections défraient la chronique, en raison de leur issue critique : crise postélectorale meurtrière en 2011, réconciliation nationale poussive et, depuis 2016, mutineries dans les rangs d’une armée composite et de transition. La présente étude considère ces élections ivoiriennes de 2010 comme un objet d’étude scientifique et se consacre à la communication politique de campagne de trois « grands candidats » : Henri Konan Bédié du Parti Démocratique de Côte d’Ivoire (PDCI), Laurent Gbagbo de la Majorité Présidentielle (LMP) et Alassane Ouattara du Rassemblement Des Républicains (RDR). L’objectif scientifique est ici de déterminer les différents axes de communication partisane, qui éclairent le profil sociopolitique et le comportement de l’électeur ivoirien aux présidentielle de 2010. Plus spécifiquement, nos investigations sont consacrées, d’une part, à la détermination de l’électorat ivoirien dans sa composition sociale, politique et culturelle, mais aussi psychosociologique. Cet électorat est ici défini en termes d’intentions de vote, ou de motivation à voter pour tel ou tel candidat. D’autre part sont observés les moyens de communication utilisés par ces candidats majeurs qui deviennent des points structurants du champ politique ivoirien en s’endossant aux partis mandataires. Dans cette confrontation électorale pour capturer la majorité des voix interfèrent des représentations et des imaginaires politiques très marqués, qui consacrent ces candidats en challengers de la vie politique nationale et des sondages du moment. Ces enjeux affectent et différencient les stratégies de communication politique de campagne, que la thèse analyse en collectant les données et les ressources qui les influencent en sourdine et structurent autant les discours que les pratiques médiatiques des candidats étudiés. En clair, le contexte électoral de 2010 et ses déterminants sociohistoriques forgent les stratégies de communication et le comportement médiatique des candidats majeurs
At the end of the year 2010, the Ivorians organized a presidential election after a decade of civil war. Since then, these elections are still in the news because of their critical outcome: murderous post-electoral crisis in 2011, complicated national reconciliation and, since the year 2016, mutinies in the ranks of a composite and transitional army. This study considers the Ivorian presidential elections of 2010 as a social sciences study subject and is devoted to the political campaign communication of three "great candidates" : Henri Konan Bédié of the Democratic Party of Côte d'Ivoire (PDCI), Laurent Gbagbo of the Presidential Majority (LMP) and Alassane Ouattara of the Rally of Republicans (RDR). The scientific purpose here is to determine the different axes of partisan communication, which illuminate the socio-political profile and behavior of the Ivorian voter in the 2010 presidential election. More specifically, our investigations are devoted, on the one hand, to the determination of the Ivorian electorate in its social, political and cultural composition, but also psycho-sociological dimension. This electorate is here defined in terms of voting intentions, or motivation to vote for a particular candidate. On the other hand are observed the means of communication used by these major candidates who become structuring points of the Ivorian political field by endorsing the mandatory parties. In this electoral confrontation to capture the majority of voices, the study shows how interfere a very strong political representations and imaginings, which consecrate these candidates into challengers of national political life and polls of the moment. These issues affect and differentiate campaign political communication strategies, which the thesis analyzes by collecting data and resources that influence them below and structure both the speeches and the media practices of the candidates studied. Clearly, the electoral context of 2010 and its sociohistorical determinants forge communication strategies and the media behavior of major candidates

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Rembe, Mc Hugh Sean, and Sjödin Amanda Gibbs. "Do we have a common interest? : Cultivating relationships or spreading information; a study of Strategic Political Communication on Facebook." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Medier och kommunikation, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-243091.

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Title: Do we have a common interest? - Cultivating relationships or spreading information; a study of Strategic Political Communication on Facebook. Authors: Amanda Gibbs Sjödin & Sean Rembe Mc Hugh Course: Medie- och Kommunikationsvetenskap C, Bachelor Thesis Paper, 15hp, HT 2014. Words: 16 027 This essay aims to examine the level of relationship cultivation strategies in Swedish campaign communication. The progress in political communication emphasizes aspects of public relations such as relationship marketing . We will combine theories regarding relationship marketing with the new possibilities created for campaign communication by the emergence of web 2.0. The popular social media platforms which exist within web 2.0 give campaigns well suited means to easily facilitate input, inspire dialogue and cultivate relationships. We aim to answer the following question; Which strategic components do the parties apply in their Facebook communication? Do the parties differ in their use of communicative tools? In order to answer this question we have operationalized theories in political communication, reputation management and relationship marketing. This operationalizing resulted in eight variables. We conducted a quantitative content analysis by measuring the presence of our variables in each Facebook post made by each party on their Facebook page during the final month of the 2014 election.. The results show that both parties utilize these strategies and in a similar way but that there is a difference in how much. The Feminist Initiative had a higher overall usage but the strategy common interest was used to a high level by both parties, this shows that the parties mainly stress shared values and ideology in their communication.

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Ruiz, Pollyanna E. A. "Articulating dissent from the margins to the mainstream : the communicative strategies of protest coalition." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2010. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/2383/.

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This thesis begins by complicating classical understandings of the public sphere and focusing on the ways in which loosely aligned protest groups communicate agonistically across difference. It argues that the organisational systems and structures of coalition movements enable activists to accommodate very differently orientated protest positions and explores the ways in which coalition activists attempt to preserve political solidarity across difference. It then goes on to examine the ways in which coalition movements attract and then maintain the attention of wider publics. It suggests that coalition protest movements unsettle and renegotiate the boundaries which have traditionally constituted the public sphere and considers the political potential inherent in the fractured and fractious spaces which exist between the political margins and the mainstream. These intertwined arguments are organised around an examination of the protest strategies of various grass roots movements. These include groups which have retrospectively been characterised as coalitions such as the women's peace movement and the anti-Criminal Justice Bill movement as well as those which are currently defined as coalitions such as the anti-globalisation movement and the anti-war movement. This research utilises a wide range of research methods including participant observation, content analysis, semi structured interviews and textual analysis. In this way these chapters construct a textured account of the ways in which protest coalition movements articulate dissent from the margins to the mainstream. Protest coalition movements have become increasingly active players in the formation of public opinion. These developments require academics to address the issues raised by the communicative strategies of protest coalition movements. This thesis endeavours to contribute to these debates by reflecting upon the ways in which the articulation of polyvocal dissent alters the on going relationship between activists and the wider public.

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Schweickart, Tiffany Lynn. "Strategic Messaging in a Political Crisis: Testing the Integrated Model for Explaining the Communication Behavior of Publics." Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4764.

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Crisis response message strategies were examined using a post test-only randomized experiment (N=252) to determine their influence on perceptual, cognitive, and motivational antecedents to communication behavior in a political context. Results indicate that: (1) strategy type influences perceived strategy effectiveness; (2) situational beliefs influence situational motivation, subjective norm, and attitudes; (3) subjective norm and attitudes influence behavioral intention; and (4) referent criterion, situational motivation, and behavioral intention influence communicative action in publics during a political crisis.

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Orvang, Lisa, and Helena Hajdu-Rafis. "Utformningstypens inverkan på reaktionen av politiska inlägg : En studie av politisk kommunikation på Facebook." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för medier och journalistik (MJ), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-56577.

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The politicians have entered a new platform with the potential to democratization and to exchange ideas. Therefore, we want to look into what new conditions social media creates for politicians. Through strategic political communication the goal-oriented two-way communication is depicted as it is crucial for relations to establish, build up, maintain and to be affected. One aspect of this is about the creation of messages and the visual communication affecting the meaning of the content. In our study, these theories have become the foundation in the research, and of the tools used when developing messages for social networks. We have looked deeper into Facebook as a social media and political parties on this platform. We focused on and observed their different ways of developing messages in their Facebook feed and the reactions they generated. We found tendencies saying that pictures and videos have a great effect on a engagement generated in the posts. This proves that visual communication is a crucial tool for political strategic communications within the networks of social media.

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Larsson, Elin, and Johan Heikensten. "Och nu blir det reklamfilm : En kvalitativ innehållsanalys av de sju svenska politiska reklamfilmerna inför EU-valet 2009." Thesis, Mid Sweden University, Department of Information Technology and Media, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-11161.

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Och nu blir det reklamfilm - En kvalitativ innehållsanalys av de sju svenska politiska reklamfilmerna inför EU-valet 2009

Seminar date: 2010-01-14

Department: Media- and Communication science

Report category: Degree project undergraduate level

Authors: Johan Heikensten and Elin Larsson

Advisor: Kristoffer Holt

Purpose: When TV4 for the first time offered advertising time to the Swedish political parties for the upcoming election of the European Parliament in 2009, a huge debate broke loose in the media. Regardless of opinions on the matter, we find it safe to say that political television commercials will have a great influence on future election campaigns in Sweden. Hence, we find it of great interest and importance to examine these seven commercials in order to look for tendencies, strategies and trends within the material. Theories: The theory chapter includes Communication, Political communication, Videostyle, Commercial strategies, Rhetoric and Semiotics. Methodology: The survey is based upon two qualitative analyses, a rhetorical analysis and a semiotic analysis. The rhetorical analysis emphasizes ethos, logos and pathos, while the semiotic analysis focuses on connotations, settings and symbols. In addition we have considered certain elements of the Videostyle-concept while examining the commercials. Conclusions: The seven commercials vary in style. The majority of the spots bring up some kind of political issue, although the issues tend to be vague. Three of the commercials present more specific stands on certain issue matters. Overall the spots have a positive focus, concentrating on their own candidate/party. The only negative spot is the Junilistan spot, which fulfills the expectations of the party as a typical challenger. Moderaterna, on the other hand, fulfill the incumbent strategy. Common trends among the spots are the use of political celebrities within the party in order to strengthen the candidacy. The settings are mainly informal and outdoors. Ethnical symbols of are frequently used, especially in the Folkpartiet spots.

Key words: political advertisement, commercials, advertising strategies, negative advertising, issue, image, rhetorical analysis, semiotics, rhetoric, videostyle, communication, EU-election

Och nu blir det reklamfilm - En kvalitativ innehållsanalys av de sju svenska politiska reklamfilmerna inför EU-valet 2009

Seminariedatum: 2010-01-14

Institution: Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, Mittuniversitetet, Sundsvall

Rapporttyp: C-uppsats, kandidatnivå

Författare: Johan Heikensten och Elin Larsson

Handledare: Kristoffer Holt

Syfte: När TV4 för första gången erbjöd de svenska politiska partierna reklamplats inför EU-parlamentsvalet 2009 orsakade det stor debatt i media. Oavsett vilken åsikt man har i ämnet så är det rimligt att tro att införandet av politisk tv-reklam kommer att förändra framtida valkampanjer. Slutspurten av valkampanjer har de senaste decennierna fått ökad betydelse och tillsammans med en sjunkande partiidentifikation bland väljarna ser vi förutsättningar för att den politiska tv-reklamen kommer ha stor chans att påverka framtida valresultat. Med anledning av detta finner vi det både intressant och viktigt att undersöka hur de sju svenska pionjärfilmerna från EU- parlamentsvalet 2009 är utformade. Genom att studera filmerna på djupet söker vi efter strategier och tendenser i materialet. Teori: .Den teoretiska grunden börjar i kommunikation och fortsätter via politisk kommunikation till djupdykningar inom reklamstrategier och videostyle. I teorin finns även retorik och semiotik som bakgrund för de analyser vi har använt oss av i metoden. Metod: Vår undersökning har utförts genom två kvalitativa innehållsanalyser av de sju politiska reklamfilmerna som sändes på TV4 inför EU-valet 2009, vilket är ett totalurval. Den retoriska analysen fokuserar på etos, logos och patos medan bildanalysen fokuserar på konnotationer, miljöer och symboler. Vi har även betraktat materialet utifrån de videostyle-begrepp som tas upp i teorin. Slutsats: De olika partierna använder sig av väldigt olika stilar i sina reklamfilmer. De flesta av dem tar upp någon sorts sakfråga eller politisk linje, även om dessa tenderar att vara väldigt vaga. Tre av filmerna tar upp konkreta sakfrågor. Generellt genomsyras filmerna av positiv reklam för det egna partiet, med uppbyggande av den egna imagen och de egna sakfrågorna. Negativ reklam är mer sällsynt i det undersökta materialet. Endast Junilistans reklamfilm har ett genomgående negativt fokus, vilket också stämmer in på dess position som utmanarparti. Moderaterna uppfyller i sin tur sin roll som utmanarens motsats, incumbents. Gemensamma trender bland filmerna är att använda sig av partiledare eller någon annan symbol för att stärka förtroendet för den aktuelle kandidaten. Samtliga filmer utspelar sig i informella miljöer. Symboler som kan sammankopplas med folklighet används också flititgt, framför allt i Folkpartiets filmer.

Nyckelord: politisk tv-reklam, reklamfilm, reklamstrategi, utmanarstrategi, negativ reklam, issue, image, bildanalys, retorisk analys, semiotik, retorik, videostyle, kommunikation, EU-val, incumbent.

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Krieger, Andrew. "Social Media Comment Sections and Their Effect on Message Framing: Implications for Political Communication and Public Relations." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1447954894.

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Karlsson, Niclas. "Slaget om budgeten : Kommunikation inom den moderna politiken." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Medier och kommunikation, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-127622.

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Title: The battle of the budget – Communication in a modern policy (Slaget om budgeten –Kommunikation inom den moderna politiken)Numbers of pages: 39Author: Niclas KarlssonTutor: Peder Hård af SegerstadCourse: Media and Communication studies CPeriod: Autumn 2009University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science,Uppsala University.Purpose/Aim: The purpose of the paper is to see how Minister of Finance Anders Borg andthe Social Democratic economic spokesman Thomas Östros communicate their messages tothe public.Material/Method: The material is the minutes of the budget debate in the SwedishParliament. The method is rhetorical analysis and content analysis.Main result: Trust making is very important for both of them, especially when the financecrisis reached Sweden. The most common rhetorical quality is ethos.Keywords: Strategic political communication, rhetorical analysis, political trust.

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Pambou, Renestine Itoumba. "A comparison of public relations principles applied by political parties in campaign communication during a democratic election." Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/3093.

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Thesis (MTech (Public Relations Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2017
In popular opinion political public relations practitioners have long been regarded as spin doctors. Their lane of actions is mostly viewed as propaganda and they are perceived as spin doctors who manipulate power-relations. The pervasive role of public relations in political campaigns cannot be denied as political actors rely on communication to reach their key stakeholders. While it can be used as an important tool that can mediate in these power relations, the facts remain in the case of this study that the political party campaign communication was rather reactive than strategic. The answer lays in the accurate application of the strategic nature and role of public relations. I believe that there is a strategic public relations role that is evident and has to be played in political party campaign communication. As a matter of fact, public relations strives to ensure an effective and efficient communication on behalf of its organisation. The purpose of this study was to explore the application of public relations principles in political parties’ campaign communication of the Democratic Alliance, in the context of three other political parties in a regional newspaper during the build-up to the 2014 South African general elections. Four distinct political parties were at the centre of this research, namely African National Congress, Democratic Alliance, Economic Freedom Fighters and Agang. Particular attention was given to the elite parties, African National Congress, and Democratic Alliance; the main environment of the study. It is true that political parties ‘communication with stakeholders reflects in essence public relations. Managing communication to promote the organisational agenda is to talk about issues important to both the public and the political party. This suggests that an effective political organisation will act on a two-way operation to build a common political position that influences public attitudes. Hence, a comparative case study was used as the strategy of inquiry. I conducted a content analysis of the political party campaign communication of the Democratic Alliance, covered in the Cape Times newspaper; as well as their election manifesto, to identify the public relations principles and strategies that were used. The daily newspapers were surveyed from January 8 to May 7, 2014. An overall of one hundred and forty-four related newspapers articles were analysed and formed the data for analysis. A close reading and counting of frequencies of varieties of themes in the newspaper revealed that the Democratic Alliance, as well as the African National congress, took a tactical and responsive approach, rather than a strategic and proactive approach, to their political party campaign communication. News coverage indicated that there was extensive counterpunching to other political parties ‘statuses, but very little promotion or management of the issues included in their election manifesto. Nkandla was the most controversial issue covered in the pre-election media coverage; while the proposed merger with AGANG; and the subsequent fall out was damaging to both political parties ‘reputation and relationship with voters. Therefore, more research on this topic needs to be undertaken, as public relations is crucial in translating public opinions to the organisation. In the political scope, this can serve as an attempt to adjust the socio-political environment to suit the political principles, as well as to help the political principles adjust to the environment by creating the right balance to mutual benefit an organisation and its publics that further ensures a real participatory democracy. Further studies should be done to investigate whether, the advocacy of the two-way symmetrical, as a way to central route to persuasion, along with the dialogical approach can impact on more effective decisions making, and ultimately create a more dynamic public sphere that seeks the resolution of socio-political conflicts. This new knowledge will lead to guidelines for public relations practitioners and can provide useful insights for political communication specialists.

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Pullmanová, Daniela. "Značková politika a segmentová orientace." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-15758.

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VF Corporation is a major producer of apparel in the world. It's owner of two strong denim brands: Lee and Wrangler. In the disertation I analyse and compare strategies of bot brands focusing on a new strategy for Wrangler which is trying to stabilize it's position on the market after a turbulent period.

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El-Sheikh, Tammer. "Strategies of refusal: art and cultural politics in the work of Edward W. Said and Hassan Khan." Thesis, McGill University, 2014. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=121327.

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This dissertation examines the thought of Palestinian-American literary scholar Edward W. Said and selected works by London-born Egyptian artist Hassan Khan. Through a comparison and contrast of their respective approaches to the production and critique of Arab representations I argue that Said's work from the 1970s and 1980s is of lasting importance for art historians dealing with contemporary art from the Middle East in general and Khan's work in particular. Much recent scholarship on contemporary art in the Middle East and Egypt has focused on features of artworks that contribute to notions of Arab political, ethnic and national identity. While such studies are valuable in describing the social and political contexts of emerging Middle Eastern art practices, they often pass over the formal, stylistic and aesthetic strategies employed by artists in the region. Through an examination of Said's published writing and his unpublished correspondence, I argue that his approach to literary and visual art interpretation accounts for both identity-political and more strictly formal or stylistic features of artworks and practices from the contemporary Middle East. In this dissertation I examine Said's interpretative strategies to prepare for an analysis of selected artworks by Hassan Khan. This is not a regional study of Arab or Middle Eastern art. Indeed, Said's work and Khan's, albeit in different contexts, with different means and to varying degrees challenges and often refuses generalizations about political, ethnic and national identity on which regional art histories are based. This dissertation thus aims to describe Said's and Khan's critical, highly individual and often eccentric approaches to Arab representations, rather than represent and identify them as Arabs, and explain their work as a consequence or expression of such a fixed identity. In the interest of preserving the particularity of Said's work and of Khan's I examine their reckoning with these problems in context.
Cette dissertation examine la pensée de l'homme de lettres palestinien-américain Edward W. Said, ainsi qu'une sélection d'oeuvres de l'artiste égyptien d'origine londonaise Hassan Khan. En comparant et contrastant leurs approches respectives de la production et critique des représentations des arabes, je soutiens que l'oeuvre de Said entre 1970 et 1980 est d'une importance durable pour les historiens de l'art, du moyen orient en général, et particulièrement dans le cas de l'œuvre de Khan. Un grande part des recherches académiques récentes portant sur l'art contemporain moyen oriental et égyptien porte sur les aspects d'œuvres d'art qui contribuent aux notions d'identité politique, ethnique et culturelle arabe. Tandis que ces études ont la vertu de décrire le contexte social et politique de pratiques artistiques émergentes au moyen orient, celles-ci omettent souvent d'examiner les stratégies de représentation formelles, stylistiques et esthétiques, employées par les artistes de cette région. En examinant les écrits publiés et ses correspondances non-publiées de Said, je soutiens que ses stratégies d'interprétation de l'art littéraire et visuel s'appliquent tant aux aspects identitaires-politiques qu'aux aspects strictement formels ou stylistiques d'œuvres d'art et de pratiques du moyen orient contemporain. Dans cette dissertation j'examine les stratégies d'interprétation de Said afin de préparer une analyse d'une sélection d'œuvres d'art de Hassan Khan. Il ne s'agit pas d'une étude régionale d'art arabe ou moyen oriental. En effet, malgré que l'œuvre de Said et de Khan proviennent de différents contextes, avec des stratégies de représentation distinctes qui à divers degrés mettent en cause et refusent les généralisations portant sur l'identité politique, ethnique et nationale sur laquelle se basent les études régionales de l'histoire de l'art. Cette dissertation vise donc à décrire les approches critiques, hautement individuelles et souvent excentriques, plutôt que de les représenter et identifier comme arabes, expliquant leur œuvre comme la conséquence ou expression d'une telle identité fixe. Dans le but de préserver la particularité de l'œuvre de Said et de celle de Khan, j'examine contextuellement leur évaluation et production de représentations arabes.

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Vašková, Eva. "Politický marketing a prezidentské voľby v USA." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-9152.

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The main topic of my diploma thesis is political marketing and presidential election in USA in 2008. Firstly, I described American society through its demographic, racial, social and religious aspects. Then I wrote about public opinion and political socializing of individuals, how they are created and learned through individuals' lives. Political ideology in USA is represented by two mainstream political trends: liberals and conservatives. Thesis then describes strategy in politics, planning of political campaigns and marketing communication in politics. Second part of my thesis describes presidential election in USA in 2008. Introduction is focused on two main candidates: Barack Obama and John McCain. Then it continues with main points and highlights of each presidential campaign. Special part is focused on presidential debates which are very popular in American society. Besides main candidates, thesis describes also vice president candidates and wives of presidential candidates. The final part of the thesis is focused on financial aspect of elections and funding in politics.

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Carrier-Lafontaine, Constance. "The representation of the Canadian seal hunt: Analysing the rhetorical strategies of the animal rights movement and the Canadian government." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28407.

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This thesis provides an analysis of textual and visual communication documents used by proponents and opponents of the Canadian seal hunt (CSH). Using a direct analysis model, as well as principles of Peircean semiotic and rhetorical analysis, the recent discourses articulated by the anti-CSH movement (International Fund for Animal Welfare and Sea Shepherd Conservation Society) and the Canadian government (Department of Fisheries and Oceans) have been considered. The findings corroborate a social constructionist perception of nature, as the rhetorical discourse focused on presenting conflicting representations of the natural world, notably the seal. It was also found that the rhetorical discourse was centred on the subsidiary themes of the representation of the kill, the sealers, and the proponents and opponents of the CSH. The thesis also notes a complementary relationship between textuality and visuality within the CSH polemic, and finds the latter being abundantly used by the anti-CSH movement but comparatively absent from the Canadian government's strategy.

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Mažeikienė, Liauda. "Informacijos apie ES valdymas ir sklaida Lietuvoje." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2009. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2009~D_20090804_132759-20963.

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Darbo objektas - atsakingų už informacijos apie ES valdymą ir sklaidą Lietuvoje institucijų veikla ir bendradarbiavimas. Darbo tikslas – ištirti informacijos apie ES valdymo ir sklaidos Lietuvoje pagrindinius bruožus bei atskleisti institucijų, koordinuojančių informaciją apie ES Lietuvoje vaidmenį. Darbo uždaviniai: identifikuoti informacijos ir žinių vadybos viešajame sektoriuje teorinius aspektus; aptarti ES komunikacijos politikos ypatumus; išnagrinėti Lietuvos Respublikoje skleidžiamos informacijos apie ES šaltinius, institucijas; ištirti informaciją apie ES skleidžiančių institucijų veiklos ypatumus ir darbo efektyvumą. Darbo metodai - dvejopo pobūdžio kokybinių tyrimų metodai: pusiau struktūruoto giluminio interviu metodu atlikti 8 giluminiai interviu; el. paštu atlikti interviu, kai atsakymai buvo pateikiami raštu, atlikti 6 interviu. Taip pat mokslinės literatūros bei teisės aktų analizė. Tyrimo rezultatai: Lietuvoje yra sukonstruotas instituciškai stiprus ES komunikacijos politikos įgyvendinimo modelis, pagrįstas organizacijų bei institucijų valdančių ir skleidžiančių informaciją apie ES tinklu. Egzistuoja trilypis institucinis pasiskirstymas: ES lygmens atstovai, nacionalinės vyriausybės institucijos bei įvairūs info tinklai ir centrai; Regioniniu lygmeniu informacija apie ES yra skleidžiama per itin konstruktyviai parengtą institucinę sistemą Lietuvoje. Informacijos tinklas veikia kaip sąsaja tarp ES ir jos piliečių vietos lygmeniu; Tarpinstitucinis... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]
Object of the thesis – institutions responsible for the administration and dissemination of the EU information in Lithuania, their activities of cooperation. Aim of the thesis - to explore the main features of the administration and dissemination of the EU information in Lithuania and to identify the role of the institutions, coordinating information on the EU in Lithuania. Main tasks: to identify the theoretical aspects of information and knowledge management in public sector; to discuss the EU's communication policy features; to consider in the Republic of Lithuania disseminating information on the sources, authorities, investigate the spread of information on the EU institutions' activities and features of the performance. Methods of the research - the dual nature of qualitative research methods: a semi-structured in-depth interview method, were made 8 in-depth interviews; e-mail interview, the answers were given in writing by 6 interviews. As well as the scientific literature and legislative analysis. The results of the research: Lithuania has built a strong institutional EU communication policy model based on organizations and institutions operating and spreading information throughout the constructive network. There is a triple institutional distribution: EU-level representatives, national government authorities and the various networks and the info centers. At a regional level, information about the EU is disseminated through constructive Lithuania's institutional... [to full text]

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Botma, Gabriel Johannes. "Sinergie as politiek-ekonomiese strategie in die balansering van idealisme en markgerigtheid by Die Burger Wes-Kaap, 2004-2005." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1547.

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Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006.
The leading South African media groups are subject to many challenges to their political economic interests as part of the international capitalist profit economy. These challenges coincided with the democratization and transformation of South Africa since 1994, which heralded many changes to the national political economic context within which media companies operate.

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Söderlund, Malin. "Governmental Crisis Response – To be On Top of the Frame : The Case of Norway 22/7 2011 - Crisis communication and news management." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-4148.

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This paper examines the mechanisms of “successful” communication in matters of political leaders’ability to gain public trust and credibility during large scale crises. Even though political actors andother stakeholders tend to be very proactive to promote their views, news media also play an activeand important role in framing public policy issues and crises.1 Thus, this thesis involves both politicalactors and media in the context of framing and crisis communication. Their interrelation and itsimportance for explaining successful crisis communication is demonstrated by producing a case studyof the Norwegian government’s communication efforts during and after the terrorist attack in Osloand the island of Utöya 22/7 2011. This paper argues and demonstrates that the active use ofpositive frames, that are cultural congruent and resonate with the media shaping, is a necessity tocreate a favorable context for winning praise and support in times of crisis. In line with previousresearch, framing strategies in crisis communication is demonstrated to be central to the crisisresponse and determines whether a responsible stakeholder is able to create momentum, maintainand even gain increased public support or not.

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Giorio, Laura. "War on Propaganda or PRopaganda War? : A case study of fact-checking and (counter)propaganda in the EEAS project EUvsDisinfo." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-362064.

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Following the events that saw Russia operating in the Ukrainian information space as well as on the ground, concern for hybrid threats and targeted propaganda campaigns has grown in the world and especially in Europe. Allegations of foreign involvement in electoral campaigns within liberal democracies have drawn even more attention to the matter and have hastened plans of action to fight hybrid threats in the European Union and the Eastern Partnership. In theregion, one of the priorities at all levels of governance is to counteract foreign-sourced propaganda campaigns that make use of disinformation. These disinformation-fighting strategies include the strategical use of fact-checking practices. Fact-checkingas a branch of journalism, though, has great potential for being weaponised and used as a vehicle for institutional propaganda, especially when absorbed within the domain of strategic communication. This research offers a case study of EUvsDisinfo, the fact-checking project started by the European External Action Service, to explore its weaknesses as a fact-checking organisation and deconstruct its activity in terms of propaganda analysis. The research employs mixed qualitative methods to show how the project falls short of its ideal role and its function as a fact-checker. Without any value judgement, EUvsDisinfo is exposed as a potential platform for the dissemination of hegemonic narratives or (counter)propaganda in the West and in particular in the European Union. The case study is meant to be a way of developing research on the possible existence of institutional (counter)propaganda in liberal democracies, which is heavily underresearched in present times.

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Schwarz, Petra. "Návrh marketingové strategie." Master's thesis, Vysoké učení technické v Brně. Fakulta podnikatelská, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-377639.

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The diploma thesis deals with creating a marketing strategy proposal for company GN s.r.o. with focus on marketing mix. Diploma thesis is divided into theoretical, analytical and part of proposals. The theoretical part will be paid to defining the basic principles making marketing strategy proposal, creating marketing mix, product policy, price policy, distribution policy and communication policy, and market analysis. In the analytical part will be analyses current state of the company. In Part of proposals will be the marketing strategy proposal itself with focus on marketing mix.

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Kopová, Petra. "Marketingová strategie společnosti Bambule Alltoys, spol. s.r.o." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-113572.

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Topic of this thesis is marketing strategy analysis and assessment of toy retail chain Bambule Alltoys, spol. s.r.o. In addition, this paper deals with recommendations, which could strengthen company's position on the market and help it in meeting its strategic objectives. The theoretical part addresses the definition of strategic marketing and characterizes the strategic marketing management process. It also describes the specifics of consumer goods marketing and current trends in the European and Czech toy market. The practical part is focused on situational analysis, and results of marketing research based on analysis of the first and second degree. The results of this part are then used as a basis for recommendations for communications, personnel, product, distribution and pricing policies.

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Focke, Sandra. ""Politik-Marketing" : die Marketing-Strategien der beiden großen Volksparteien (CDU, SPD) im Bundestagswahlkampf 2002 mit Schwerpunkt auf Materialien der CDU." Frankfurt, M. [u.a.] Lang, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&docl̲ibrary=BVB01&docn̲umber=016230761&linen̲umber=0001&funcc̲ode=DBR̲ECORDS&servicet̲ype=MEDIA.

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Christov, Tomáš. "Adaptacia marketingové strategie slovenské firmy pre český trh." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193375.

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The aim of the Diploma thesis is to find out the necessary extent to which Slovak company must adjust its marketing strategy to conditions on the Czech market and to work out proposals for improvement of the strategy. The thesis deals with basic approaches to international marketing strategy, their advantages and drawbacks, types of communication media used in international environment and the relationship between communication policy and the rest of the elements of marketing mix in detail. This theoretical knowledge is used in terms of particular company which entered the Czech market. The thesis thereinafter analyses the extent of necessary adjustment of marketing strategy of the company to conditions on the Czech market based on the information provided directly by the management of the company and conducted market research. At the end of the thesis there are proposals for improvement of the strategy of the company which do not have to be in total accordance with its company goals.

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Kunová, Martina. "Public relations ve státní správě: Komunikační strategie Prahy 3." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-113560.

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Master thesis describes public relations, the key communication tools and also devotes space to the media in the Czech Republic. It analyzes in detail the communication of public sector institutions, its specific features and limitations. There are detailed differences between state and local government and debated the communication of politics at the end of the first part. The practical part analyzes the current setting of the communication strategy of the city area Prague 3. It deals with using particular communication tools and their practical application. The next chapter contains PR expert's advices concerning effective public institution communication strategy. The final part evaluates, on the basis of media audit, the overall strategy of city area Prague 3 and passes on the recommendations for a better setup and efficient operation.

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Gryčová, Marta. "How minutes tune the economy?" Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-76071.

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Abstract Based on the Romer and Romer (1989) methodology this paper analyzes behavior of the US Federal Reserve System (FED) and the Czech National Bank (CNB) during the recent crisis. It explores minutes and press releases from the meetings of the Bank Board of the CNB and the Federal Open Market Committee of the FED, i.e. on one hand from the side of a small open economy that has been hit mainly through decline in foreign demand, on the other from the side of a big closed economy, in which the recent crisis has originated. It compares reaction in interest rate and adequacy of unconventional measures with a prediction of a simple 'Taylor rule' (Taylor, 1993) and tries to evaluate the adequacy of the overall reaction of mentioned central banks to the crisis.

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Mahdessian, Nanor. "The Communication Strategies of Bush and Obama : An In-depth Analysis of the Rhetoric of Presidents Bush and Obama on the Annual State of the Union Address." Thesis, Stockholm University, Department of Journalism, Media and Communication (JMK), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-40353.

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Rhetoric and politics have been interrelated through time. Major political leaders have tried to influence their followers through well-organized and well-written political speeches since the Roman Empire and Byzantium. As one of the original writers of rhetoric, Aristotle referred to it as the art of finding the best aspect of an argument that tends to convince the audience. In my thesis, I analyze and compare the rhetoric of President George W. Bush with that of President Barack Obama. Specifically, I compare and contrast their respective State of the Union Addresses. The questions that I want to answer lay upon the methods both Presidents use during their respective speeches. My thesis also discusses their respective prioritized topics. I give a short presentation of the importance of rhetoric, ranging from the Roman Empire to today‟s American politics. I also comment on the meaning of rhetoric in the modern age. In order to perform my analysis, I use the five stage method of rhetorical analysis: Context, Disposition, Means to convince, Argumentation Analysis and Style. The different argument styles of President Bush and President Obama are discussed.

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De, Waal Liezel. "Making the connection : the inclusion of information and communication technology in Western Cape Municipal integrated development plans." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/17347.

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2006.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The study examines the Western Cape municipal Integrated Development Plans (IDPs) and questions whether these IDPs include Information and Communication Technology (ICT) initiatives that promote development. IDPs are used by municipalities as multi-sectoral plans that provide situation analyses of municipal areas and determine development priorities in municipal areas. These development priorities must be met within certain budget and time constraints. Globalisation and the technological revolution have led to the rapid development and convergence of technology. Technology, such as the Internet and cellular telephones, has had various influences on society. One of these influences includes the possible application of ICT for the purpose of development. Therefore both IDPs and ICT can be applied for developmental purposes. The study thus brings together two seemingly unrelated concepts, namely Integrated Development Plans and Information and Communication Technology and aligns them with one another through the concept of development. The study includes three main objectives. Firstly, the Integrated Development Plans of the municipalities in the Western Cape were examined to ascertain whether these municipalities address ICT in their IDPs. Secondly, the nature of the ICT initiatives was determined. This refers to whether the ICT initiatives are for use in the community or for use in the municipality. Finally, a framework was developed, which includes the classification of the different types of municipalities, together with the different types of ICT initiatives. Recommendations were made based on this framework. The various theoretical issues discussed in this study include the transformation of local government in South Africa and the establishment of developmental local government. Various issues concerning the use of ICT for development are also discussed and they include the ‘Information Society’, the ‘Digital Divide’ and ICT for development. This discussion emphasises that success of ICT initiatives for development depends on the nature of the underlying policy agenda; this agenda must be demand-driven and pro-poor.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die Wes-Kaap munisipale Geintegreerde Ontwikkelingsplanne (GOP’s) en bevraagteken of dié GOP’s Inligting en Kommunikasie Tegnologie (IKT) inisiatiewe wat ontwikkeling bevorder, insluit. GOP’s word deur munisipaliteite as multi-sektorale planne gebruik wat toestandsontledings van munisipale gebiede voorsien en die ontwikkelingsprioriteite in munisipale gebiede bepaal. Hierdie ontwikkelingsprioriteite moet binne sekere begrotings- en tydsbeperkings bevredig word. Globalisering en die tegnologiese revolusie het tot die spoedige ontwikkeling en samevoeging van tegnologie gelei. Tegnologie, soos die Internet en selulêre telefone, het verskeie uitwerkings op die samelewing teweeggebring. Een van die uitwerkings sluit die moontlike aanwending van IKT vir ontwikkelingsdoeleindes in. Beide GOP’s en IKT kan dus vir ontwikkelingsdoeleindes aangewend word. Die studie bring daarom twee oënskynlik onverwante onderwerpe, naamlik Geintegreerde Ontwikkelingsplanne en Informasie en Kommunikasie Tegnologie deur die konsep van ontwikkeling by mekaar uit. Die studie bevat drie hoof doelwitte. Eerstens om die Geintegreerde Ontwikkelingsplanne van die munisipaliteite in die Wes-Kaap te ondersoek om vas te stel of hierdie munisipaliteite IKT in hul GOP’s aanspreek. Tweedens is die aard van die IKT inisiatiewe vasgestel. Dit verwys na IKT inisiatiewe wat binne die gemeenskap óf binne die munisipaliteit plaasvind. Laastens is ’n raamwerk ontwikkel. Dit sluit ’n klassifikasie van die verskillende soorte munisipaliteite, asook die verskillende soorte IKT inisiatiewe in. Aanbevelings wat gemaak word, word op hierdie raamwerk gegrond. Verskeie teoretiese kwessies word ook verder in hierdie studie bespreek. Dit sluit die transformasie van plaaslike regering in Suid-Afrika en die totstandkoming van ontwikkelingsgerigte plaaslike regering in. Verskeie kwessies wat die gebruik van IKT vir ontwikkeling betref, word ook bespreek. Dit sluit die ‘Inligting-gedrewe Samelewing’, die ‘Digitale Gaping’ en IKT vir ontwikkeling, in. Hierdie bespreking beklemtoon dat die geslaagdheid van IKT inisiatiewe vir ontwikkeling van die aard van die onderliggende beleidsagenda afhang; dié agenda moet aanvraag-gedrewe en ten gunste van armes wees.

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Nellie, Östman, and Agnes Liminga. "Om politisk PR, Lögnfabriker och den publika sfärens fall : - En kritisk diskursanalys av innehåll och strategi i Sverigedemokraternas PR-aktiviteter." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Medier och kommunikation, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-414045.

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This study concerns political communication in general, and right-wing populist PR in particular. Research shows that the role of mass media in liberal democracies has changed as a result of emerging social- and alternative media. Political parties no longer need news media to spread their agenda, which proves an opportunity for right-wing populist parties to reach a broader audience. This study aims to determine how The Sweden Democrats, as Sweden’s largest right-wing populist party, communicate through the use of PR-activities. Building on existing work on the content of populist communication, this study aims to show not only what the party communicate but also how they communicate. The ambition is to enable a discussion on the possible effects of right-wing populist communication in liberal democracy. Based on Habermas’ theory of the public sphere, a critical discourse analysis was carried out on two of the Sweden Democrat’s PR-activities. Analysis on the examples demonstrates use of a populist discourse as well as the use of manipulative persuasive strategies. The results indicate that right-wing populist communication have a negative effect on democracy. The Sweden Democrats utilize discontent and fear as a foundation for totalitarian reasoning, through a use of strategy that neglects the value of democracy. Based on the results the public sphere is recommended as a normative vision for political debate. Further research is needed on how right-wing populist parties communicate in Sweden and internationally, as well as how the use of strategic communication can be transformed to better serve democratic politics.

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Löfvenborg, Dennis, and Henrik Hjulström. "Svensk avskräckningsstrategi : En småstats förmåga till avskräckning med konventionella medel." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-67981.

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According to Sweden’s military strategic doctrine, Swedish defense capabilities should be deterrent based upon deterrence. The ambition to deter potential aggressors is also expressed in guiding and executive political documents. There are a few defining expressions within the theories of deterrence of which credibility is considered as vital. However, over the recent years the credibility of the Swedish defense forces has been exposed to criticism. Among the critics is the supreme commander who has publicly stated that Swedish defense doesn´t reach the decided capability. Since credibility is considered a corner stone in deterrence, is it possible for Sweden to apply a deterrent strategy despite its credibility issues? The purpose of this single case study is to examine Swedish efforts to act deterrent when applying the theoretical definitions of deterrence. Current political documents and the Swedish military strategic doctrine constitutes the material that has been reviewed through qualitative text analysis. As an instrument for analyzing the material, three fundamental criteria within deterrence theories has been used as indicators. These criteria are credibility, ability and communication. The result shows that both political and military documents share a common direction. Swedish defense capability is currently undergoing a change towards a national defense built on a credible security strategy. This strategy contains both active and passive measures grounded in the theories of deterrence.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political communication strategies'

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