Journal articles: 'Political communication strategies'

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King, Cynthia L. "Emergent Communication Strategies." International Journal of Strategic Communication 4, no. 1 (December 31, 2009): 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15531180903415814.

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Horsbøl, Anders. "Experts in political communication." Journal of Language and Politics 9, no. 1 (April 9, 2010): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.9.1.02hor.

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A central journalistic counterstrategy to the communicative ‘professionalization’ of politics consists in a use of political communication experts who comment on political moves and analyse the strategies behind them. This study investigates how the media uses political communication experts in prime time news programmes from the 2005 parliamentary election campaign in Denmark. To this aim, the knowledge positions ascribed to the experts as well as the articulation of the expert voice with the news genre is analysed. Furthermore, the qualitative analysis is combined with quantitative data on the amount of political communication experts and their professional background. The study situates the analysis within a public sphere perspective on the power relations between politics and media, and discusses implications of the findings for a well functioning public sphere.

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Sari, Noviana, Siti Mauliana Hairini, and Muhammad Fadhil Murabbi Amin. "INFORMAL POLITICAL COMMUNICATION OF WOMEN IN LOCAL DEMOCRACY (STUDY AT BPD BALIUK VILLAGE, BARITO KUALA)." Metacommunication: Journal of Communication Studies 6, no. 2 (September 7, 2021): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.20527/mc.v6i2.11331.

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This study aims to determine how the informal communication strategy is used by women to achieve their political position in government villages. The essence of informal communications is not to follow any specific rules and procedures. the studies of informal communications have remained the question cause there is not a clear form of informal communication. This study has been contributed to the women's informal political communication in Baliuk village to fulfill the gap of informal communication studies. There are three strategies that women used to dominate political representatives in Baliuk Village Government. First, the women have dominated the political issue in Village, second, women’s have dominated the informal channel, second women dominated the informal political communication channels, and the third, women have dominated the informal campaign for BPD’s election. The main factors from those strategies are how the women do the interpersonal conversation and how they made gossip in every aspect and access of communication itself for their political interest. The women have a concern about how to use an alternative way of communications to gain power in a political position, then they have to succeed dominated Badan Permusyawaratan Desa or BPD as the representatives' institution for village people.

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Froehlich, Romy, and Burkhard Rüdiger. "Framing political public relations: Measuring success of political communication strategies in Germany." Public Relations Review 32, no. 1 (March 2006): 18–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pubrev.2005.10.003.

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Darchuk, Maryna. "Communicative Strategies in Political Speech of Donald Trump." Germanic Philology Journal of Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University, no. 822 (2020): 131–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/gph2020.822.131-141.

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The article deals with the linguistic and communicative peculiarities of the political discourse of Donald Trump, a presidential candidate in the USA. The focus is on the communicative strategies and tactics, used by the politician in his speech during the election campaign. The attention is paid to language means through which a particular communicative strategy or tactic is realized. Each communicative strategy is seen as a combination of language actions aimed at solving the general communicative task of a speaker. The achievement of such a task is possible only by using certain communication tactics. The strategy intends a combination of speech actions whereas a tactic describes peculiar speech actions that aim to inﬂuence listeners at a certain stage of communication. Tactics are dynamic, their change happens promptly throughout the communication process, which provides the ﬂexibility of the chosen strategy. The usage of communicative strategies and tactics depends on the type of discourse. Political discourse is deﬁned as a communicative act in which participants give speciﬁc meanings to facts and inﬂuence and persuade the listeners. Political speech is a public speech that is addressed to the audience in order to demonstrate the leadership of the speaker and inﬂuence the listeners. Communicative strategies used in political speech aim at the realization of the ﬁnal aim of communication. They are focused on the future and are connected with the forecasting of the situation, that is why their sources should be searched in motives that determine human activity. Donald Trump's goal is to persuade the listeners to vote for him, that is why he delivers his speech using various communicative strategies that increase his chances of winning.

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Octavian, Muhammad David, and AG Eka Wenats Wuryanta. "Strategic Political Communication of Young Business Actor Be Succes Politician." International Journal of Innovative Science and Research Technology 5, no. 7 (August 2, 2020): 837–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.38124/ijisrt20jul622.

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The aims study were to find out the steps taken by businessmen be success a politicians and strategic political communication by entrepreneurs who have succeeded in becoming politicians. This research uses a qualitative approach. In determining the informants of the researchers used informant entrepreneur Ryan Kono who is currently the deputy mayor of Gorontalo. Data collection methods in this study are the sources of literature and documentation. Based on the description of the discussion the following conclusions are explained 1) Political process of businessmen be a succes politicians carried out with the initial process Ryan Kono advanced to represent Gorontalo City in partnership with Marten A Taha. Ryan Kono is a businessman who has political instincts, and is talented. Ryan Kono was already in politics at a very young age. Ryan Kono's political career can be supported by his experience as an entrepreneur. This supports the victory of Ryan Kono with the results of voting from the elections in Gorontalo City through quick counts through the superior Vote Counting Information System (Situng) with a result of 42.665 or 41.20 percent and 2) Political communication strategies promise change and improvement of natural policies in the fields of economy, social welfare, health, using digital media as a means to market ideas, solicit support, and raise funds from their constituents. Other strategic political communications include internal Political Communication, Formation of a Success Team, Coordination and Outreach and Political Campaign

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Alexeev, Alexander B. "Politainment and the influence of its strategies on the language personality of the politician." NSU Vestnik. Series: Linguistics and Intercultural Communication 18, no. 2 (2020): 91–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7935-2020-18-2-91-102.

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The article dwells on the notion of the language personality of the politician-as-actor interpreted within the framework of the politainment theory: the term used in the paper does not indicate the previous profession of a politician but rather describes one of the peculiarities of the political discourse, viz. its theatricality. The paper argues that when political communication is being transformed into politainment, theatricality becomes its key component. Politainment is interpreted here as a hybrid type of political discourse including elements of mass-media and everyday spheres of communication, allowing to orient them at entertainment. Since the language of politainment performs a ludic function, it has often recourse to language game. For the communicative approach of the politician-as-actor it is typical to avoid serious consideration of political topics, to make use of communicative techniques which allow to simplify political problems. It is normal for him to recourse to vulgar language, offensive or otherwise insulting devices such as hyperboles, exaggerations, grotesque. The politician using techniques of politainement is a resourceful individual who can easily give metalinguistic comments, employ puns, euphemisms, dysphemisms, similes, hyperboles and other rhetoric means. Just like a traditional politician, the ‘actor’ is manipulative: he plays out different roles but, first and foremost, he is a star, a celebrity and a glamorous person. In this sense, the politician-as-actor has something in common with musicians and professional sportsmen. It is not unusual for the politainment to borrow their vocabulary: sports, musical instruments, names of musical groups and performers may be mentioned. Such a political actor “sets records”, “competes” with his political opponents, “knocks them out”, etc. To conclude, we may say that ‘actors’ take initiative to dominate on the contemporary political scene and to set a new trend in political communication. In this sense, politainment is not a phenomenon which is represented by orations of only several “linguistically creative” politicians; it is much wider, it influences the whole standard of political communication.

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Nitschke, Paula, and Patrick Donges. "Intentional and emergent strategies: Analyzing the motivational and structural dynamics in online communications of political interest organizations." Public Relations Inquiry 7, no. 3 (September 2018): 225–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2046147x18794998.

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This article focuses on the motivational and structural dynamics of the online communication of political interest organizations. Instead of describing political interest organizations as fully rational players, we develop a theoretical framework that establishes an alternative view of political interest organizations by characterizing them as actors that are also dependent on their institutional environment. The basic assumption of this framework is that there is no unidirectional relationship between motives and structures and the online communication activities. Instead, there is a dynamic interplay of motives, structures, environmental conditions, and online communication. Against this theoretical framework, we discuss the findings from an interview study with communication executives of political interest organizations. The aim of this study was not to resolve the debate on whether political organizations communicate ‘strategically’ or not. Instead, we examined the motivational and structural dynamics that constitute the organizations’ online communications efforts.

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Hill, Loma A., and A. A. Archer. "Developing and implementing communications strategies: A descriptive model." South African Journal of Business Management 19, no. 1 (March 31, 1988): 26–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajbm.v19i1.967.

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The world-wide environment, but particularly the South African environment today has created a growing need for businesses to communicate effectively with their stakeholders. The number of stakeholders interacting with companies has burgeoned, their demands have become greater and the need for change is critical. As these pressures increase, the need for companies to communicate effectively will grow. In South Africa the possibility for misunderstanding is compounded by communication barriers such as the socio-political system, diversity of cultures and languages, as well as the many different levels of education. In an environment such as this the need for effective communication is so great that a company can clearly no longer rely on ad hoc, reactive communications to facilitate the achievement of corporate goals. In order to ensure effective communication a company needs to have an overall communications strategy which has its roots in corporate goals and strategies. Developing and implementing communications strategies involves many complex considerations such as the identification and analysis of stakeholders and their power bases, issues management, corporate image and culture, crisis communications planning, media planning and dealing with communication barriers. This article provides a suggested framework for integrating these and other considerations into the development and implementation of communications strategies.

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Lipari, Lisbeth. "Journalistic Authority: Textual Strategies of Legitimation." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 73, no. 4 (December 1996): 821–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909607300405.

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To the extent that news texts participate in social and political discourse, they also participate in constructing social and political life. This paper examines one textual strategy of news, the journalist's use of stance adverbs. The analysis illustrates how stance adverbs operate as a strategy of legitimation that can augment or diminish the legitimacy of knowledge claims, masquerade as evidence, and steer readers toward a preferred interpretation of the news. As with other aspects of news work, textual strategies such as stance adverbs can serve to enhance and conceal both journalistic and social authority.

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Lilleker, Darren G., and Karolina Koc-Michalska. "Online Political Communication Strategies: MEPs, E-Representation, and Self-Representation." Journal of Information Technology & Politics 10, no. 2 (April 2013): 190–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2012.758071.

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Boone, Gloria M., Jane Secci, and Linda M. Gallant. "Resistance: Active and Creative Political Protest Strategies." American Behavioral Scientist 62, no. 3 (October 10, 2017): 353–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217735623.

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Resistance to U.S. President Donald Trump’s policies on gender equality, health care, race relations, the environment, and immigration has been large, widespread, and persistent. Following President Trump’s election, millions of people across the United States protested, creatively using slogans, signs, costumes, chants, and songs. Others engaged in resistance with online videos, songs, memes, and hashtags. By employing the communicative informatics model, we examine the relationship between online communication and the creative and active audience involved in U.S. political resistance in 2017.

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Zulianello, Mattia, Alessandro Albertini, and Diego Ceccobelli. "A Populist Zeitgeist? The Communication Strategies of Western and Latin American Political Leaders on Facebook." International Journal of Press/Politics 23, no. 4 (August 2, 2018): 439–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161218783836.

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By focusing on the Facebook activities of eighty-three political leaders from twenty-six Western and Latin American countries, we analyze their reliance on elements of populist communication for their competitive strategies. By integrating both a communication-centered and an actor-centered approach to the study of populism, we tackle four major research questions: Do populist and non-populist leaders adopt similar communication strategies on Facebook? Is there any evidence of the so-called populist zeitgeist in such arena? What different combinations between the so-called three “elements of populist communication” characterize the communication strategies of political leaders on Facebook? Are there major differences between Western and Latin American leaders? The results of our analysis provide an important contribution to the existing literature on populism and political communication in different respects. First, the populist zeitgeist “thesis” does not apply to the communication strategies of political leaders on Facebook. Second, the spread of elements of populist communication in Latin America is considerably lower in comparison with Western countries, irrespective of party ideological background. Finally, this paper identifies all the logical combinations that can occur between the interplay of the different elements of populist communication, thus enabling the classification of the communication strategies employed by political leaders on Facebook.

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Kondratenko, Nataliia V., Anastisiia A. Kiselova, and Liubov V. Zavalska. "Strategies and Tactics of Communication in Parliamentary Discourse." Studies About Languages, no. 36 (July 1, 2020): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.sal.0.36.23401.

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The study contains an outline of the results of linguo-pragmatic analysis of the speech behavior of politicians who are participants of parliamentary discourse. The concept of parliamentary discourse is defined as one of the varieties of political discourse within the framework of institutional communication. The genre heterogeneity of political discourse is substantiated and the genre of debates, including pre-election and parliamentary debates, is defined. It is revealed that parliamentary debates mostly represent the linguo-pragmatic specificities of parliamentary discourse. The materials for the analysis consisted of transcripts of meetings of the Parliament of Ukraine in 2004-2019. The main criterion of the typology was the peculiarities of the observed communicative interactions - co-operative and conflict ones. Regulatory, informational and consolidation communication strategies are identified within the framework of cooperative communication, within the framework of conflict interaction - declarative, confrontational and argumentative-critical ones.

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Seitkazin, Ruslan. "Political Communication and Influence Through Twitter." Pro Publico Bono - Magyar Közigazgatás 8, no. 4 (2020): 94–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.32575/ppb.2020.4.7.

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Politicians are now learning that along with advertising on conventional media, they need to invest in online applications in order to get the attention of voters, particularly the youths. Among various microblogging services, Twitter is an essential part of popular culture. Today, Twitter is widely utilised not only to distribute information, but also political views and opinions.Therefore, politicians have turned to social media, particularly to Twitter, as a new form of political communication. The article attempts to capture the ways of using the potential of Twitter in communication strategies. It argues that in some occasions, Twitter plays a specific role in allowing politicians to monitor current political affairs and to interact with people, but in others, it is often employed as a personal branding strategy and not only during the election campaigns. It concludes with an insight that sentiment may impact the political opinion-making process which may lead to electoral intervention.

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Mustaqim, Andika Hendra. "STRATEGI KOMUNIKASI POLITIK DIGITAL PASCA-KEBENARAN." Jurnal Dakwah Risalah 29, no. 2 (December 30, 2018): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.24014/jdr.v29i2.6317.

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Post-truth in politics when it is warming up with various phenomena. The research objective revealed and explored in this study is how post-truth digital political communication strategies. The research method uses descriptive qualitative with a qualitative approach with critical paradigm and analysis. The post-truth political communication strategy that will be delivered is applicable and can be applied in the practice of political communication. The strategies are fake news: between facts and lies; near-lie: use the right words to form wrong impressions; deception with self delusion; spin: favorable interpretation of facts; euphemasia; repetition; personalization; and ignoring rationality, prioritizing emotions. The digital political communication strategy is more focused on how to use digital media for the benefit of political communication. The strategies are blogging; influencing public opinion; social media: building enggage and closeness; and mainstream media; focusing entertaining and attractive. These three strategies are based on digital media that are fully utilized in terms of digital political communication post-truth.

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Sagarzazu, Iñaki, and Heike Klüver. "Coalition Governments and Party Competition: Political Communication Strategies of Coalition Parties." Political Science Research and Methods 5, no. 2 (October 21, 2015): 333–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2015.56.

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Coalition parties have to reconcile two competing logics: they need to demonstrate unity to govern together, but also have to emphasize their own profile to succeed in elections. We argue that the electoral cycle explains whether unity or differentiation prevails. While differentiation dominates at the beginning and the end of the legislative term in close proximity to elections, compromise dominates the middle of the term when coalition governments focus on enacting a common policy agenda. To test our theoretical claims, we draw on an innovative quantitative text analysis of more than 21,000 press releases published by coalition parties from 2000 until 2010.

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Castillo-Esparcia, Antonio, Sergio Guerra-heredia, and Ana Almansa-Martínez. "Political communication and think tanks in Spain. Strategies with the media." El Profesional de la Información 26, no. 4 (August 2, 2017): 706. http://dx.doi.org/10.3145/epi.2017.jul.14.

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Tasente, Tanase. "Facebook Discourse Analysis of US President Donald Trump." Technium Social Sciences Journal 5 (February 20, 2020): 26–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v5i1.179.

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SNSs, such as Facebook, focus all their attention more on politician communication than institutional communication (political party, government, parliament, presidency, etc.), which encourages the implementation of communication strategies for personalized campaigns. Thus, most of the times, one can reach the paradox that the image of the politicians is more visible than the image of the party, and the personalized aspects of the strategy of the political actor can even contradict the strategies of the communication structures of the political parties. Personalized communication in social media is also highlighted by the use of tagging, most political leaders using this tool to create image links with other political personalities or civil society (ministers, political groups of the same political party, political activists or even political opponents), seeking so that the original post is reproduced and disseminated by those mentioned, in their social groups, forming conversation communities with users that confirm existing convictions. This study focused on analyzing the Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) that facilitate Social Media Communication of Donald Trump, the President of United States of America (number of fans, types of posts, interactions etc.) and analyzing Donald Trump's Facebook speech and identify the most commonly used expressions in Social Media during the term of President. The monitoring period is 20.01.2017 - 16.08.2019.

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Barker‐Plummer, Bernadette. "News as a political resource: Media strategies and political identity in the U. S. women's movement, 1966–1975." Critical Studies in Mass Communication 12, no. 3 (September 1995): 306–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15295039509366939.

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Dijkzeul, Dennis, and Markus Moke. "Public communication strategies of international humanitarian organizations." International Review of the Red Cross 87, no. 860 (December 1, 2005): 673–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383100184504.

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AbstractThe article studies the public communication strategies of large humanitarian NGOs as well as UN organizations with regard to the humanitarian principles. It shows that different strategies concerning impartiality vs. solidarity and independence vs. subcontracting cause a wide diversity of humanitarian positions, which lead to different types of public communication strategies. It also discusses several recent trends and three scenarios concerning humanitarian public communication, focusing on interaction with donors and the military, as well as the security situation on the ground. The article concludes that it is essential for humanitarian organizations to understand the different interpretations of the humanitarian principles and that this will help in establishing a strategic approach toward public communication at headquarters, as well as in the field.

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Priyowidodo, Gatut. "Social Media and Political Campaign Political Communication Strategies in the 2018 East Java Governor Election." International Journal of Psychosocial Rehabilitation 23, no. 1 (March 30, 2019): 124–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.37200/ijpr/v23i1/pr190220.

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Dwi Natalia, Desi, Fajar Subekti, and Ni Ketut Mirahayuni. "TURN TAKING STRATEGIES IN POLITICAL DEBATES." ANAPHORA: Journal of Language, Literary and Cultural Studies 2, no. 2 (March 9, 2020): 56–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.30996/anaphora.v2i2.3365.

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This article reports on two separate studies—Natalia (2019) and Subekti (2019)—on communication mechanism in political debates. Specifically these studies focus on turn taking strategies adopted in political debates by political figures during their campaign for presidency or in dealing with specific issues. Both studies adopted Stenstrom’s (1994) classification of turn taking strategies which include three main strategies: taking the turn, holding the turn, and yielding the turn, each of which was further specified into more specific strategies. The data were two Youtube videos: first, Trump and Clinton First Presidential Debate 2016 (36 minutes 22 seconds [Natalia, 2019]) and second, BBC World Debate “Why Poverty”November 30,2012 (47 minutes 16 seconds, [Subekti, 2019]). Employing descriptive qualitative, with the aim of analyzing turn taking strategies adopted in the debates, both studies found interesting points: first, Stenstrom’s three strategies appeared in the debates; second, taking the turn strategy was the dominant strategy, followed by holding the turn strategy and the least used one was yielding to turn; and third, interruption which was a specific type of taking the turn strategy seems to be most often used in the debater’s attempt to maintain the turn and present their points and thus dominate the debate.

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Crocchi, Serena Camilla. "COVID-19: Communication Strategies during the Pandemic." KnowEx Social Sciences 1, no. 1 (July 7, 2021): 13–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17501/27059901.2020.1102.

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The profound cultural and communicational changes brought by internet and social media platforms in the last two decades have had major repercussion in the conceptualization of the world of information and many of its dynamics. In the last decade we have a conspicuous crescent amount of scientific literature focused on social media environments and, consequently, many new fields of application and research studies have spread. Social media platforms possess an accessible democratic nature that opens to everyone the territories once controlled by the mass media, official sources of political parties, organizations, and governmental institutions. In this article we will explore some of these peculiar dynamics and phenomena examining how social media have been involved by and have contributed to constructing the social imaginary and the conceptual frame of the current global pandemic caused by Coronavirus. We will also analyze the use of the war metaphor made by many politicians referring to COVID-19 in order to shape public understanding. We also aim to demonstrate that structural changes in communication, made possible by the digital dimension of social media together with the narrative-subjective approach to the facts have undermined the epistemological basis of truth as a realistic representation of the world. Keywords: communication, COVID-19, fake news, infodemic, post-truth

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González, Belén, Antonio López, and Roberto García. "Supreme Audit Institutions and their communication strategies." International Review of Administrative Sciences 74, no. 3 (September 2008): 435–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852308095312.

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In the past, Supreme Audit Institutions (SAIs) rarely publicized their work. In the 1990s, a few began to publish booklets and brochures for popular consumption and to establish ties with the media. These days, SAIs are concerned about communication. A communication policy completes their cycle of accountability, justifies their existence, is an essential component of their independence and efficiency and brings about measures which assess the impact of their work.The aim of this article is to analyse the latest communication strategies developed by SAIs in order to publicize the results of their activity and to provide the public with an overall vision of what they do. The study, based on a questionnaire sent out to European Union SAIs, highlights the fact that these bodies undertake wide-ranging communication activities involving a close relationship with the media and the use of Internet websites. Points for practitioners This article explores the most recent developments in European Union SAI communication strategy. Based on survey research, the study concludes that SAIs maintain a close relationship with the media and have been able to take advantage of the opportunity offered by the Internet to publish their results and to provide users with an overview of their work. For SAIs, this analysis allows them to be graded in terms of their relationship with the media and how they use Internet websites. Hence it will be possible to establish criteria leading to improvements or maintenance of their relative situation.

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Colley, Thomas. "UK communication strategies for Afghanistan, 2001–2014." Defence Studies 16, no. 2 (February 19, 2016): 199–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14702436.2016.1150785.

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Vollero, Agostino, Maria Palazzo, Alfonso Siano, and Domenico Sardanelli. "Managing CSR communication." TQM Journal 30, no. 5 (August 13, 2018): 621–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/tqm-11-2017-0131.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyse how service and product-based industries communicate their efforts in corporate social responsibility (CSR) as legitimacy-seeking strategies. The service companies are thus compared to product companies in their use of different rhetorical strategies and associated legitimacy approaches on their corporate websites. Design/methodology/approach A thematic content analysis of the websites of companies belonging to the Dow Jones Sustainability World Index was conducted, to identify different rhetorical strategies (institutional, political and strategic), each associated with modes companies use to gain legitimacy (cognitive, moral and pragmatic). Findings The study shows that service and product companies differ in terms of how they symbolically manage legitimacy. Service companies are less active in communicating CSR in two out of three of the identified rhetorical strategies. Other differences are observable at an industry level. Practical implications The study provides an in-depth understanding of legitimacy approaches elicited by online CSR communication. Managers of service companies can benefit from suggestions on how to use CSR content to sustain specific legitimacy strategies. Originality/value This study represents a starting point in connecting the ongoing debate on legitimacy theory with different rhetorical CSR approaches. It demonstrates that the seeking of legitimacy is to some extent restrained within the service industry.

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Cameron, John David. "Communicating Cosmopolitanism and Motivating Global Citizenship." Political Studies 66, no. 3 (November 3, 2017): 718–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717726919.

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This article analyses strategies of communication to motivate ordinary individuals to act in accord with cosmopolitan ethics. The central argument of the article is that research on cosmopolitan motivation needs to engage much more actively with research in psychology and communications, which provide significant insights on the effectiveness of strategies that moral philosophers have proposed to motivate cosmopolitan action. The article critically analyses ‘thick cosmopolitan’ motivation strategies, which highlight the collective culpability of affluent individuals in the global North for the poverty in the global South as a means to motivate cosmopolitan action. Drawing on research in psychology, the article argues that the emphasis on culpability can have adverse impacts at odds with cosmopolitan ethics. The article then proposes alternative communication strategies for cosmopolitan motivation, drawing again on research in psychology and communications.

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Tasente, Tanase. "The elements of political communication on Facebook." Technium Social Sciences Journal 4 (January 27, 2020): 50–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v4i1.99.

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In its role as a tool that facilitates participation, Facebook acts as a channel of political communication with different mechanisms than traditional media. At the same time, Facebook offers new means of receiving the audience, characterized by a targeting of the very good target audience. The Facebook page of a political party facilitates interaction and political participation, making possible a two-way communication model and facilitating increased political participation of public opinion. The platform is not mediated and has no boundaries as traditional media has, which means that parties have direct access to more people than ever. Moreover, it is also noted that, on Facebook, the political message does not go through the editorial policy filters as it happens in traditional media and is used as a powerful interaction tool with the target audience or even with a public not ever considered by the political communication strategies.

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Gavrilov, Sergey Dmitrievich, and Sergey Ivanovich Morozov. "Communication strategies within the public political space of Russia: from integration to protest." Право и политика, no. 2 (February 2021): 25–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0706.2021.2.35100.

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This article is dedicated to the analysis of communication strategies of various political actors within the Russian public space, as well as to conceptualization of integration and protest moods in the Russian society. The research problem consists in elucidation of the optimal strategies of communicative interaction between different subjects of the political process, including society and the government in the process of implementation of public policy. Special attention is given to the interpretation of integration and protest moods of population of the Russian Federation in the conditions of constant transformations of the Russian political system. Methodological foundation for this research became the basic provisions of the political communication studies, as well as the noninstitutional paradigm, according to which the communication process is presented as multidimensional interactions influenced by formal and informal factors of the implementation of public policy. The research is aimed at conceptualization of collective communication in the context of achieving public consensus. Special research methods include quantitative content analysis of the strategies for socioeconomic development of the Russian regions, as well as statistical analysis of secondary empirical data of the Russian sociological centers. The author reveals the conditions for the functioning of public policy, which determine the variability of communication strategies, consisting in the the normative legal differences of inclusion of different social institutions, as well as in ambiguity of actions of the subjects of communication for achieving public consensus. The scientific novelty lies in the proposal of three strategies of communication and institutional interaction between different actors of the Russian political process based on their socio-psychological attitudes: “integration dialogical interaction”, “separate coexistence”, “patron-client relationship”.

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Arenggoasih, Wuri. "PENGARUH BRAND COMMUNICATION, SERVICE QUALITY DAN BRAND PERSONALITY ANGGOTA DEWAN TERPILIH MELALUI BRAND TRUST TERHADAP BRAND LOYALTY PEMILIH (Studi Partai Politik Gerindra)." Interaksi: Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi 5, no. 2 (March 29, 2017): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/interaksi.5.2.123-135.

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AbstractTalking about marketing communications today is not only to products but has penetrated into the political field. Indonesia as a democratic state which is to become the member of parliament needs to have as many voters and a strong loyalty to the sustainability of the council itself and the political parties. Brand Communication, Service Quality and Brand Personality emerged as a voter votes for member of parliament which gives the possibility of influence in building Brand Loyalty (loyalty) through Brand Trust (trust).The theory used is the Strategy Choice Theory suggests one of the forms Compliance Gaining which argued about strategies of verbal / non verbal and emphasized specific results loyalty. This research has shown that Brand Communication, Service Quality and Brand Personality as a real form of strategies verbal / nonverbal become voter votes for member of parliament which influence the Brand Loyalty through Brand Trust as a mediating variable.Keyword : marketing communications, Brand Communication, Service Quality, Brand Personality, Brand Loyalty, Brand Trust

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Floyd, Laura. "Conflicting Communication Strategies of Election Debates in Spanish and Ukrainian Political Discourse." PROBLEMS OF SEMANTICS, PRAGMATICS AND COGNITIVE LINGUISTICS, no. 38 (2020): 59–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2663-6530.2020.38.04.

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The article analyzes the conflicting communication strategies of the participants of the election debates in Spain in 2019. The peculiarities of communicative interaction of Spanish politicians in the conditions of political agitation on the eve of the parliamentary elections are considered the main strategies of their interaction are singled out. The purpose of the analysis was to identify and characterize the main communication strategies used by Spanish politicians during the 2019 election campaign during a televised debate. The material of the study was a card index of text fragments of speeches by Spanish politicians A. Lastro, C. Alvarez, I. Monteros, G. Rufian, A. Esteban, and others. A total of 350 micro texts were analyzed, which allowed us to identify communicative conflict as the main type of interaction in the pre-election discourse. The article defines that communicative strategy in political discourse is a general direction of interaction of politicians, which directs language means in order to realize the intention – to influence the addressee. In the pre-election discourse of political debates, the main strategies are focusedon conflict interaction, within which strategies of discrediting and manipulation aresingled out. The strategy of discrediting involves reducing the communicative status of the opponent and is represented by tactics of accusation and insults. The main linguistic means of implementing the strategy of discrediting are stylistically reduced vocabulary and grammatical forms of dialogic nature. The strategy of manipulation is implemented through the tactics of interpretation, declaration and intimidation. At the linguistic level, manipulation involves the use of abstract vocabulary, precedent phenomena and expressive and evaluative means.

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NGOMBA, TEKE. "The enduring allure of proximity-based political campaign communication strategies in Cameroon." International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics 7, no. 3 (December 20, 2011): 293–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/macp.7.3.293_1.

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Floyd, Laura. "Conflicting Communication Strategies of Election Debates in Spanish and Ukrainian Political Discourse." PROBLEMS OF SEMANTICS, PRAGMATICS AND COGNITIVE LINGUISTICS, no. 38 (2020): 59–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2663-6530.2020.38.04.

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The article analyzes the conflicting communication strategies of the participants of the election debates in Spain in 2019. The peculiarities of communicative interaction of Spanish politicians in the conditions of political agitation on the eve of the parliamentary elections are considered the main strategies of their interaction are singled out. The purpose of the analysis was to identify and characterize the main communication strategies used by Spanish politicians during the 2019 election campaign during a televised debate. The material of the study was a card index of text fragments of speeches by Spanish politicians A. Lastro, C. Alvarez, I. Monteros, G. Rufian, A. Esteban, and others. A total of 350 micro texts were analyzed, which allowed us to identify communicative conflict as the main type of interaction in the pre-election discourse. The article defines that communicative strategy in political discourse is a general direction of interaction of politicians, which directs language means in order to realize the intention – to influence the addressee. In the pre-election discourse of political debates, the main strategies are focusedon conflict interaction, within which strategies of discrediting and manipulation aresingled out. The strategy of discrediting involves reducing the communicative status of the opponent and is represented by tactics of accusation and insults. The main linguistic means of implementing the strategy of discrediting are stylistically reduced vocabulary and grammatical forms of dialogic nature. The strategy of manipulation is implemented through the tactics of interpretation, declaration and intimidation. At the linguistic level, manipulation involves the use of abstract vocabulary, precedent phenomena and expressive and evaluative means.

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Blinova, O. A., and Yu A. Gorbunova. "Political communication strategies of young people in the digital space: possible outcomes." Management Issues, no. 3 (2021): 20–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2304-3369-2021-3-20-34.

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Adamik-Szysiak, Małgorzata. "SOCIAL MEDIA AS A TOOL OF POLITICAL PERMANENT CAMPAIGN ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE ACTIVITY OF POLISH POLITICIANS." SWS Journal of SOCIAL SCIENCES AND ART 1, no. 2 (November 21, 2019): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.35603/ssa2019/issue2.01.

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In the context of the processes of professionalization and modernization of political communication and mediatization of politics, the aim of the article is to show how to use social media in strategies for communicating of party leaders on the Polish political scene. The research questions concerned attempts of the politicians to use social media to implement communication marketing strategies, in particular in the aspect of engaging and mobilizing Internet users not only in the periods of electoral campaigns, but also in the long-term perspective. The messages disseminated by politicians in social media (mainly on Facebook and Twitter) were analysed primarily from the point of view of their effectiveness (measured by the popularity of entries and their media visibility). It was important to pay attention to the ways of presenting and creating the political reality by politicians through the media. The empirical research covered the years 2015-2017 and were of the longitudinal nature. The basic research method is the analysis of the content, both quantitative and qualitative. Examining the way of the presentation of specific issues I am using the concept of framing the media messages. According to the first hypothesis (H1), the use of social media by Polish politicians proves the growing professionalization of political communication, especially through the prism of its Americanization based on the concept of a hybrid style of communication, thus adapting selected solutions tested on the American political scene to Polish realities. The second hypothesis (H2) indicates that in the communication strategies of political party leaders, social media are perceived as a communication tool which primary function is not only to inform but also to maintain relations with a potential electorate, in accordance with the assumptions of relationship marketing.

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Anderson, Alison. "Source strategies and the communication of environmental affairs." Media, Culture & Society 13, no. 4 (October 1991): 459–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016344391013004003.

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Iyengar, Shanto, and Douglas S. Massey. "Scientific communication in a post-truth society." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 116, no. 16 (November 26, 2018): 7656–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1805868115.

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Within the scientific community, much attention has focused on improving communications between scientists, policy makers, and the public. To date, efforts have centered on improving the content, accessibility, and delivery of scientific communications. Here we argue that in the current political and media environment faulty communication is no longer the core of the problem. Distrust in the scientific enterprise and misperceptions of scientific knowledge increasingly stem less from problems of communication and more from the widespread dissemination of misleading and biased information. We describe the profound structural shifts in the media environment that have occurred in recent decades and their connection to public policy decisions and technological changes. We explain how these shifts have enabled unscrupulous actors with ulterior motives increasingly to circulate fake news, misinformation, and disinformation with the help of trolls, bots, and respondent-driven algorithms. We document the high degree of partisan animosity, implicit ideological bias, political polarization, and politically motivated reasoning that now prevail in the public sphere and offer an actual example of how clearly stated scientific conclusions can be systematically perverted in the media through an internet-based campaign of disinformation and misinformation. We suggest that, in addition to attending to the clarity of their communications, scientists must also develop online strategies to counteract campaigns of misinformation and disinformation that will inevitably follow the release of findings threatening to partisans on either end of the political spectrum.

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Hirsch, Tad. "Surreptitious Communication Design." Design Issues 32, no. 2 (April 2016): 64–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/desi_a_00383.

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This essay presents “surreptitious communication design” (SCD), a framework for design in contentious political contexts. SCD is concerned with crafting messages that are meaningful for intended recipients, but illegible and/or inaccessible for adversaries who seek to undermine communications or harm participants. Borrowing concepts from cryptography and information theory, SCD's key theoretical concerns are described, as are several of the strategies and tactics through which it is operationalized. Two recent anti-human trafficking projects are compared, one developed from an SCD perspective, the other from a traditional mass communications approach. Finally, SCD is considered in relation to the burgeoning “Design for Good” movement.

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Ivanov, S. A., N. I. Legostaeva, K. A. Platonov, and K. V. Svetlov. "A Methodology for the Research of Communicative Strategies of Political Leaders in Online." Sociology and Law, no. 4 (January 18, 2020): 6–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.35854/2219-6242-2019-4-6-17.

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The presented study analyzes the evolution of the concept of political leadership; examines the specific features of self-presentation of political leaders associated with development of digital communication technologies; develop and substantiate the methodological principles of analyzing the strategies of political leaders in the online space; identify and describe the major research methods, including the specific aspects of working with big data when analyzing the digital communication of political leaders; examines modern methods of mathematical modeling that make it possible to solve problems in the development and implementation of efficient online strategies for political leaders (probability models, deterministic and stochastic models, models based on game theory, etc.).

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Laracey, Mel. "PRESIDENTS’ PARTY AFFILIATIONS AND THEIR COMMUNICATION STRATEGIES." Critical Review 19, no. 2-3 (January 2007): 359–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913810701766256.

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Enghel, Florencia. "Towards a Political Economy of Communication in Development?" Nordicom Review 36, s1 (July 7, 2020): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nor-2015-0026.

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AbstractIn the development communication equation, whether more theoretical, empirical and analytical attention is given to ‘development’ or to ‘communication’ makes a difference: where the emphasis is on development, it is at the expense of communication. Since communication and media arguably play an increasingly pervasive role in the everyday life of citizens and in the politics, economies and governance of most societies, the characteristics and role of specific forms of applied communication strategies in the context of the neoliberal project merit critical scrutiny. Given a complex global scenario, what can a political economy approach bring into an agenda for the future of development communication as a field of study, a practice and an institutional project? This article outlines ways in which a focus on political economy dimensions may contribute to understanding the obstacles and limits to a transformative practice of international development communication.

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El Adawiyah, Sadiyah, Aida Vitayala Hubeis, Titi Sumarti, and Djoko Susanto. "Political Communication of Indonesian Female Regional Leaders." Jurnal ASPIKOM 5, no. 2 (July 15, 2020): 365. http://dx.doi.org/10.24329/aspikom.v5i2.655.

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The women's presence as regional leaders is one of the strategies for establishing more gender-just policies. Female regional leaders conducted diverse methods to win the votes of their constituents. The communication patterns used are diverse despite having similarities. The research aims to find out and analyze patterns and channels as well as the effects of political communication by female regional leaders in Indonesia. This study used a qualitative approach with three female regional leaders in three Javanese provinces. The research found that women tend to choose communication patterns and channels that used interpersonal communication channels to obtain political information. The female regional leaders used interactive communication patterns through social media, outdoor media, and mass media, such as television and print media. Communication channels used were personal communication channels, group communication channels, public communication channels, social communication channels, and traditional communication channels. The effect is that there is a change in the process of fighting for various public interests through verbal and nonverbal messages and mutual influence with various government policies. The research recommended that it is necessary to change the communication channel using social media massively to greet and discuss with constituents so that the effects are received massively as well.

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Nugus, Peter. "Rhetorical strategies of political parties and organized movements." Journal of Sociology 45, no. 3 (August 20, 2009): 307–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783309335649.

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Research on the Australian monarchy—republican debate has considered arguments for and against the republic, the 1999 referendum and interpretations of the republic. Little attention has been paid to the debate’s discursive construction. Therefore, this article analyzes the rhetorical strategies with which political parties and organized movements sought to persuade the public to adopt their position in the debate in the 1990s. The article discerns and analyzes various rhetorical strategies in terms of the patterns in their use among these elites. In contrast to the cognitive bias of much research in political communication, the article accounts for the embeddedness of these strategies in their public political, national-cultural and popular democratic contexts. It shows that the use of such strategies is a function of the socio-political context of actors’ statuses as parties or movements. The article recommends combining deliberative democracy with discourse analysis to comprehend the dynamics of public political language.

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Wetzel, Patricia J. "Are “powerless” communication strategies the Japanese norm?" Language in Society 17, no. 4 (December 1988): 555–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500013099.

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ABSTRACTParallels between female communication strategies in the West and Japanese communication strategies are striking. Power figures prominently in descriptions of male-female behavior in the West and, by implication, in descriptions of Japanese linguistic behavior. Similarities between Western female and Japanese communication styles are taken not as an indication that Japanese linguistic behavior is feminine, but as indicative of the problems inherent in analyzing linguistic behavior in culturally bound-terms such as power. (Japanese sociolinguistics, language and the sexes, inter-cultural communication)

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Ainiyah, Nur. "KOMUNIKASI POLITIK PEREMPUAN." LISAN AL-HAL: Jurnal Pengembangan Pemikiran dan Kebudayaan 11, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 307–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.35316/lisanalhal.v11i2.181.

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This research has been aim for showing about how discourse analysis in media pilkada politic communication in situbondo, politic communication strategic was built byÂ candidate of regency fatayat inhegemoni or power of priyayi politic in Situbondo. So became development in politic communication of candidate leader of area on practice and scholarship. Then many questions will be answered are: 1) how is Fatayat of women Situbondo preception of realty politic in Situbondo. 2) How do Fatayat women face the obstacles of political communication in Situbondo? 3) How do Fatayat women build political communication strategies in dealing with kyai political hegemony in Situbondo? By using qualitative-explorative research approach, some steps in observation data collection procedure, interview and documentation are done consistently and continuously so that the first research produce political climate in Situbondo is in the power of kyai (men) in gender analysis is patriarchy political culture so space women's politics are not as free as the political space of men. Both communication barriers and women's political participation are found in several factors, including cultural barriers, political capital constraints and human resource constraints. The three strategies of women's political communication are carried out in several ways: firstly lobbying, establishing cooperation with various parties and agencies, both communication processes ranging from message selection, media selection and proper selection of communication so that communication strategy becomes effective.

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Valentini, Chiara. "EU Communication in the Member States: Comparative Analysis of Finnish and Italian Communication Strategies." International Journal of Strategic Communication 2, no. 4 (October 13, 2008): 216–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15531180802446464.

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Blommaert, Jan. "Modern African Political Style: Strategies and Genre in Swahili Political Discourse." Discourse & Society 1, no. 2 (October 1990): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926590001002001.

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Van den Bulck, Jan. "Estimating the Success of Political Communication Strategies: The Case of Political Poster Impact in a Belgian Election." European Journal of Communication 8, no. 4 (December 1993): 471–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323193008004004.

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Dondurucu, Zeynep Benan, and Ayşe Pınar Ulucay. "The evaluation of political communication strategies in social media according to content differences." International Journal of Social Sciences and Education Research 2, no. 2 (April 1, 2016): 441–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.24289/ijsser.279057.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Political communication strategies'

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