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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political communications'
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Olayiwola, Rahman Olalekan. "Political communications in Nigeria." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1991. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1089/.
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This study of the Nigerian Political Communications examines the patterns of mass media ownership and their impact on the coverage of selected national issues - the census controversy, ethnic problems and the general elections of 1979 and 1983. The contents of 21 newspapers of variegated ownership pattern involving governments, partisan and private interests are analysed and "live" illustrations of stories are given. This is to demonstrate empirically the thesis argument that the criterion of ownership is the key factor which determines how the Nigerian mass media are used for moulding the citizens' perception of political reality. The thesis seeks to answer questions such as: (a) what role have the Nigerian mass media played in promoting and/or compounding the problems of national integration in the Nigerian society since independence. (b) what role should the Nigerian mass media play to promote national integration and political stability. (c) what changes are necessary and desirable with the present situation to allow the mass media perform such integrative and stabilizing functions. Located within a comparative political communication approach to the study of mass media and politics in developing countries, this thesis seeks to contribute to knowledge in the areas of the theory, methodology and practice of political communications in Africa - with Nigeria as a case study. The question of media ownership has remained central to the Nigerian political communications with the attendant intrigues, ethnic violence, character assassination, political vilification, personal vendetta, coups and counter coups, general violent political disagreement and perennial problems of political instability culminating in fragmentation and disintegration that threaten the continued existence of Nigeria. The thesis also highlights a host of other factors which work in collaboration with media ownership to influence the Nigerian political communications - ethnicity, economic position, religion, legal limitations, circulation, transportation, audience reach, freedom of the press or lack of it, linguistic barriers and literacy. The thesis argues, in conclusion, that as Nigeria approaches a third attempt at democratic rule in socio-economic conditions which are less propitious than on past occasions, there is a need for the Nigerian mass media to operate in a way which contributes to national integration. It questions the existing pattern which is elitist and urban in orientation, ignores the rural majority and divides the Nigerian people rather than unites them. To achieve integration through political communications, the thesis suggests the need to restructure the media ownership pattern and to establish a Nigerian Media Advisory Council with some regulatory powers and authority to impose punitive sanctions on media practitioners and institutions for any professional misconduct.
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Pouilot, Simon-Pierre. "Politics and emotions : making sense of the emotional component in political communications." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33919.
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In the 20th century, political communications have evolved at a tremendous pace. In its present version, as can be encountered everywhere in the Western world, this type of communication increasingly makes use of marketing-related techniques. These techniques, coupled with the naturally affective characteristics of modern media have influenced political campaigning into featuring more and more emotional messages. This tendency has decisively affected the quality of the information that political actors (politicians, parties, etc.) contribute to the public sphere, thus impeding on citizens' capacity to construct rational opinion on a variety of political matters.<br>This thesis sets out to explore two examples from Quebec's history to show how this increasing use of emotional messages in political communications has found its way into the province's social environment.
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Tsagarousianou, Roza. "Mass communications and political culture : authoritarianism and press representations of political deviance in Greece." Thesis, University of Kent, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.357679.
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Nitz, Michael Earl 1967. "Schema theory: An application to political communication." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291606.
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Political schema research (Kinder, Peters, Abelson, & Fiske, 1980; Miller, Wattenberg, & Malanchuk, 1986) has centered on the schemas voters use to select presidents. Unfortunately, political researchers have all but neglected the state and local level. Consequently, this thesis focuses on the schemas voters use to select governors to determine if these schemas differ from schemas used to select presidents. This thesis also tests the relationship between political sophistication and the use of certain schemas to select a governor. Surveys were administered to 563 adults waiting for jury duty. Results indicate the schemas voters use to select governors differ from those used to select presidents. Political sophistication is positively related to usage of issues and performance schemas. Further research should explore political schemas at state and local levels.
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Lamprinakou, Chrysa. "The party evolution framework : an integrated approach to examining the development of party communications and campaigns." Thesis, Brunel University, 2010. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/4404.
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Existing theories of party organisation, and political communication and marketing, address the issue of party evolution and electoral behaviour from opposing and largely one-dimensional angles. The purpose of this thesis is to develop a more integrated perspective to party campaigning that goes beyond the traditional approaches of party behaviour and present the relationship between intra-party organisation and campaign evolution in a new light. The party evolution approach is an alternative conceptual framework of party campaigning, which integrates the classic approaches of party organisation with the modern accounts of political communication and marketing while taking into consideration the institutional and ideological constraints of political parties. The main aim is to bridge the worlds of marketing and politics by offering a distinct perspective that integrates elements of a party’s innate political identity and readdressing the notion of party communications professionalisation within the wider context of party evolution process. To this end, the employment of consumer marketing techniques and approaches in party campaigning is not considered a means to the end of electoral success but an integrated element of the party’s evolving identity. The intention is that the Party Evolution Framework be used as a tool for comparative analysis. The holistic and integrated scope of the framework is likely to qualify its application to a cross-section of democracies, regardless of their party and electoral systems, campaign regulations, and historical, socio-economic and political landscape. To this end, the present thesis illustrates the use of the party evolution framework in two largely contrasting contexts; British and Greek politics.
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Gaber, Ivor. "A crisis in political communications? : reflections of a critical practitioner." Thesis, City University London, 2013. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/2950/.
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Burkart, Patrick Caskey. "The network hacendados : Telmex in Mexico's political economy of communications /." Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3004226.
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Arnason, Gudmundar Runar. "Political communications in the Icelandic general election campaign of 1987." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1991. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2585/.
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The thesis is a study of political communications in a general election campaign in Iceland in 1987. The theoretical background is the so-called agenda-setting approach to communication. A multimethodological approach was used: first, a content analysis was applied to printed pamphlets published by the political parties, election broadcasts on TV, daily newspapers, television news and current affairs programmes over a period of eight weeks; second, a three wave panel survey of a sample of 1500 voters, twice before the election and once immediately after it; third, a survey of news-reporters' attitudes towards media and their job, organized and run by students at the University of Iceland; and fourth, a qualitative study of practices and atmosphere inside the State's TV newsroom some days before the election. The thesis is divided into four main parts, which are further divided into sub-sections. The first part deals with theoretical considerations, offers an outline of Icelandic history and social reality and discusses the methodologies employed. Part two is based on the panel survey, a survey of news-reporters and a qualitative study inside the state's TV newsroom. Part two considers the uses of media in the campaign and attitudes towards them. It reports on news values and practices as found in the survey of news-reporters and the qualitative survey inside the TV newsroom. Part three is based on content analysis and the survey. It discusses the "three agendas": the party agenda, the media agenda and the voter agenda. Part four is an assessment of the research. An effort is made to relate the three agendas, in order to measure statistically their impact on one another. A final chapter discusses the conclusions that can be drawn from the various parts of the thesis about the agenda setting process.
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Chiu, William Franklin. "The Internet, Political Communications Research and the Search for a New Information Paradigm." Thesis, University of California, Irvine, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3565847.
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<p> The Internet, as a digital record of human discourse, provides an opportunity to directly analyze political communicative behavior. The rapid emergence of social online networks augurs a transformation in the quality and quantity of information people have to evaluate their political system. Digital formats instantiate new categories of actors and new capacities to intervene in political discourse. Existing theories of political communication fail to account for the time lag, speed, anonymity and nature of replication inherent in digital formats. To fully investigate the digital record, scholars need a new framework that apprehends the complex density of a multidirectional political discourse that defies traditional time controls. </p><p> Using information and linguistic theory we develop and apply a functional, information flow model that illuminates the conceptual relationships and capacities of people to shape their information environment. Actors are defined in terms of their communicative role in idea exchange and the logic of communication is alloyed with political considerations to examine the scopes of action and immersion scenarios that affect communicants. </p><p> Our modular and scalable theory offers a way to measure signal fidelity, node activation, and message branching. We define signaling and amplification schemes and effects and explore the benefits and disadvantages of amplification devices for speakers and recipients. We show how individual actors are linked by the micro information streams they receive and transmit. We are therefore able to model exposure conditions of a multiple input, noisy spectrum for citizens and provide a counterpoint to the simple, controlled environment of agenda-setting experiments.</p><p> Finally, due to its foundation in information theory, our framework provides a natural platform by which to organize and develop a research program that uses computational linguistics and data mining techniques.</p>
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Kim, Eunseong. "Political and non-political bloggers in the 2004 United States presidential election motivations and activities /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3240031.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, School of Journalism, 2006.<br>"Title from dissertation home page (viewed July 16, 2007)." Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-10, Section: A, page: 3639. Adviser: David H. Weaver.
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Ponder, James D. "The Social Nature of Politics: Testing the Relationship between Individual Differences, Motives for Using Media for Political Information, and Political Discussion Partners." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1351355352.
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Horwitz, Dean. "The role of branding in the success of the Economic Freedom Fighters( EFF)." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/20697.
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Much has been written about the political mediatisation of society, often through the lenses of the media, its institutional rules and processes. These studies have focused on either side of the debate, choosing to look at the media itself, or its influence on the political subsystem and vice versa. This has resulted in the formation of a gap in the literature around the issue of the relationship between media and governance particularly in the political branding area. This thesis focuses on political branding in South Africa and explores the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF)'s "brand image" amongst voters in the last national elections 2014. The thesis thus is considered an exploratory study that uses in-depth interviews combined with primary qualitative and a preliminary secondary quantitative research. The data from the different research methods were thematically analysed by the researcher through the projective technique analysis of political branding in South Africa. The main objective of this thesis is to consider how the EFF used the media function within the current commercial media spheres to shape and influence political branding in South Africa. In addition, this thesis will look into how the EFF positioned itself on top of the current political dynamic in South Africa. The thesis ends with a number theoretical reflections and directions for future empirical research to explore the relation between media and governance in depth in dealing with South Africa as a society in transition. It also acknowledges its limitations.
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Straatsma, Raymond. "Cartographies of consumption, the political economy of marketing research and communications." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq24246.pdf.
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Dumitrescu, Delia. "Spatial Visual Communications in Election Campaigns: Political Posters Strategies in Two Democracies." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1251837832.
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Oberacker, Jon S. "The people and me Michael Moore and the politics of political documentary /." Amherst, Mass. : University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2009. http://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations/65/.
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Cummings, Jonathan. "'Muddling through' hasbara : Israeli government communications policy, 1966-1975." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/675/.
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This thesis is the history of an intense period of Israeli attempts to address the issue of how the state should communicate its national image, particularly on the international stage. Between 1966 and 1975, the Eshkol, Meir and Rabin governments invested far more time and energy in the management of Israel’s international image than the governments before or after. Those responsible for this policy were informed by a developing Israeli national political culture that bore the strong influence of pre-independence Jewish history and which reinforced the simple and pervasive concept of hasbara (literally ‘explaining’) as Israel’s communications strategy. At the same time external factors, particularly the wars of 1967 and 1973, made government information efforts and Israel’s international image far more politically important. Yet, by the end of the period, nothing much had changed. This thesis examines why that should be the case. Using newly-released archive material, personal interviews and existing research, this thesis presents a new assessment of the domestic determinants that shaped the formulation, institutionalization, and execution of Israeli policy in the period under review. Three themes emerge from examining the domestic sources of Israeli government communications strategy in the period under question. Together, they explain why such an intense period of activity should produce such limited results. Firstly, the political culture of hasbara, an instinctively defensive, tactical, persuasive and Jewishly-rooted approach to generation and maintenance of international support for Israeli foreign policy aims, itself a residue of the pre-state period, proved an imperfect lens through which to view the world, and was an obstacle to cogent policy-making. Secondly, structural features of Israeli politics contributed to the lack of substantive progress in addressing the perceived failures of hasbara. The ruling Mapai party was split between the dominant ‘activist’ camp, which broadly dismissed the pursuit of international legitimacy in favour of the ‘practical Zionism’ of David Ben-Gurion, and the ‘diplomats’ who attached a much greater value to it. However, whilst the Mapai ‘diplomats’ were sometimes strong enough to limit ‘activist’ policy, they lacked the power to articulate or pursue a real alternative. Given Mapai’s unchallenged leadership at a national level, the sporadic bursts of opposition – in parliamentary or public debate - on this issue in the period under review produced very little real change. In addition, the environment in which these issues were discussed accentuated the role of personality in foreign policy decision-making. Finally, in the absence of clear political leadership, policy was often decided by bureaucratic ‘muddling through’, a model that describes incremental change from a limited set of options, an already-familiar feature of Israeli political culture.
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Song, Indeok. "Interactivity and political attitude formation the elaboration likelihood model of interactive media (ELMIM) /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3337260.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Telecommunications, 2008.<br>Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jul 28, 2009). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-12, Section: A, page: 4555. Adviser: Erik P. Bucy.
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Cooperman, Daniel. "Hans Werner Henze's early political thought: three case studies." Thesis, McGill University, 2012. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=106557.
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Hans Werner Henze's active engagement in socialist politics began in 1967 when he joined the Socialist League of German Students in Berlin. Most scholars who write about him as a political figure focus on his involvement after this time. They tend to overlook the earlier years, when Henze was far less involved in socialist politics and far more concerned with the resurgence of fascism — a term he associated with "hatred, deception, betrayal, racism, the loss of human dignity," not to mention "xenophobia, provincialism, and militarism." Like many artists and intellectuals in his generation, Henze felt the direct influence of fascism on his community as he watched his fellow countrymen succumb to National Socialist ideology. After the war, he was disappointed to see fascism continue to live on in society, as well as in Darmstadt's dogmatic control over the postwar music scene. In light of his strong antifascist convictions, Henze broke away from the Darmstadt elite, who wished to distance music from society, and instead advocated for the redemptive value of music as politically committed art. Although the antifascist politics of his early career and how it plays out in his works have been given little focus in current scholarship, Henze's relationship to fascism is central to his identity as a composer in the postwar years and to understanding his later political journey. Taking that as its point of departure, this thesis explores some of Henze's earliest attempts to engage with his antifascist politics in his compositions. Looking specifically at the years 1960 to 1965, it is structured around case studies of three works: Jüdische Chronik (1960–61), a cantata that responds to acts of anti-Semitic vandalism; Der Junge Lord (1963–64), a comic opera that warns of a dark future for Germany; and In memoriam: Die Weiße Rose (1964–65), a double fugue for chamber ensemble written in honor of the Munich resistance movement. While the particularities of these works make it difficult to construct a precise representation of Henze's political development, they do project a general trajectory in his career from a state of political insecurity to a feeling of social responsibility. Furthermore, the three case studies — a statement of protest, a social critique, and a memorial — shed light on the composer's thoughts, as well as on the people and circumstances that shaped his outlook on the world. By revealing these early examples of politically committed works, this thesis demonstrates that Henze's turn to socialist activism in the late 1960s was not as precipitous as it is often portrayed.<br>La participation active de Hans Werner Henze dans la politique socialiste débute en 1967 lorsqu'il se joint à l'Union socialiste allemande des étudiants à Berlin. La plupart des chercheurs qui se sont intéressés aux activités politiques de Henze se sont concentrés sur son implication après cette période. Peu d'attention a été accordée aux premières années, durant lesquelles Henze était moins préoccupé par le socialisme que par la résurgence du fascisme — un terme qu'il associait à d'autres comme « haine, déception, trahison, racisme, perte de la dignité humaine », sans mentionner « xénophobie, provincialisme et militarisme ». Comme plusieurs artistes et intellectuels de sa génération, Henze a pu observer l'effet direct du fascisme dans sa communauté, alors qu'il voyait ses compatriotes se tourner vers l'idéologie national-socialiste. Après la guerre, il est déçu de voir le fascisme toujours vivant au sein de la société, notamment à travers le contrôle dogmatique exercé par Darmstadt sur la scène musicale de l'après-guerre. À la lumière de ses fortes convictions anti fascistes, Henze s'éloigne de l'élite de Darmstadt, qui souhaite séparer la musique de la société, et choisit plutôt de prôner le caractère rédempteur de la musique en tant qu'art politique. Malgré que la recherche actuelle ne se soit pas encore concentrée sur la pensée anti fasciste de Henze aux débuts de sa carrière et ses conséquences sur son œuvre, l'attitude de Henze vis-à-vis du fascisme fait partie intégrante de son identité de compositeur dans les années d'après-guerre, en plus d'être un aspect crucial dans la compréhension de ses activités politiques ultérieures. Partant de ce point, cette thèse examine certaines des premières œuvres de Henze reflétant sa pensée anti fasciste. Traitant particulièrement des années 1960 à 1965, le travail s'articule autour de trois études de cas: Jüdische Chronik (1960–61), une cantate écrite en réponse à des actes de vandalisme antisémites; Der Junge Lord (1963–64), un opéra comique qui prédit un avenir sombre pour l'Allemagne; et In memoriam: Die Weiße Rose (1964–65), une double fugue pour orchestre de chambre écrite en l'honneur du mouvement de résistance de Munich. Si les caractéristiques individuelles de ces œuvres rendent difficile toute représentation précise du développement politique de Henze, elles témoignent cependant d'une trajectoire générale qui le mènera d'un état d'insécurité politique à un sentiment de responsabilité sociale. De plus, les trois cas à l'étude — une déclaration de protestation, une critique sociale, et une commémoration — font la lumière sur la pensée du compositeur ainsi que sur les personnes et les circonstances qui ont façonné sa vision du monde. En révélant ces exemples précoces d'œuvres engagées politiquement, cette thèse démontre que Henze n'a pas embrassé l'activisme socialiste aussi précipitamment qu'il est généralement admis.
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Aylor, Brooks 1970. "Importance and determinants of trait use in evaluations of candidates in the 1996 United States presidential election." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282760.
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For more than forty years, communication and political science researchers have examined how receivers evaluate sources. Valuable attention to source credibility in the communication literature has yielded numerous categorizations of the dimensions receivers use to evaluate sources. Little recent work in communication, however, has focused on source evaluations, and much of the previous work has been criticized for not recognizing the context-specific nature of source credibility. Important work in political science has focused on receiver evaluations of political officials. This literature, however, has not produced consistent results as to the importance of individual trait types in the evaluation of presidential candidates. Most of this work did not examine determinants of trait use in the evaluation of presidential candidates, including receiver demographics, media use, and political disaffection. Neither communication nor political science researchers have adequately recognized the commonalities which exist in their separate examinations of source evaluations. The current study draws upon communication and political science research to examine respondents' use of candidate traits in a specific and important context, the evaluation of presidential candidates. The study explores the importance of competence, character, empathy, and leadership traits in evaluations of presidential candidates during a time of increasingly negative media coverage of presidential candidates and high levels of political disaffection among citizens. Another important contribution of the study to the literature on trait evaluations is its examination of determinants of trait use in evaluations of presidential candidates. The 1996 American National Election Studies pre- and post-election interviews were used to answer the questions posed in the study. Results suggest that empathy and leadership were more important than character or competence in respondents' evaluations of Bill Clinton, Bob Dole, and Ross Perot in 1996. Economic conditions and party identification were also strong predictors of the vote in 1996. The results provide strong evidence that empathy and leadership were more important in 1996 than in presidential elections of the last three decades. The study suggests important sex differences in trait use, as well as significant relationships between media use, political knowledge, and political disaffection and use of traits to evaluate candidates.
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Hoffman, Anna. "The John Oliver Effect: Political Satire and Political Participation Through Social Networks." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1450381528.
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Davis, Aeron. "Public relations, political communications and national news production in Britain 1979-1999." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2000. http://research.gold.ac.uk/16245/.
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This study looks at the recent rise of the public relations profession and its influence on national news production in Britain. Simply put, has public relations undermined the notion of the fourth estate media in Britain and has it advantaged certain kinds of news source over others? The thesis breaks down into three parts. The first part documents the rise of public relations in Britain, its profile, and distribution amongst a range of institutions and organisations. The developing public relations and media industries are compared and the literature, on the relations between 'news sources', PR practitioners and journalists, is critically evaluated. The second part focuses on corporate public relations generally and, more specifically, on financial and City PR. Industry and fieldwork data are contrasted with radical and liberal accounts of media-corporate source relations. The findings suggest that corporate PR has had limited success in influencing mainstream news but been considerably more adept at managing specialist news sections. It is thus argued that PR has benefited the corporate sector, less by influencing journalists and the general public, and more by excluding them. This pattern is supported with a detailed case study involving Granada's take-over of Forte in 1995/96. The third part discusses 'resource-poor' and 'outsider' groups - more specifically, British trade unions. Fieldwork data is used to test radical and pluralist accounts of the coverage of such groups in the mass media. The findings argue that unions have found new ways to increase their media access using PR - and with rather more success than earlier studies suggested. The conclusion is borne out by a case study of the UCW's (Union of Communication Workers) successful PR campaign to halt Post Office privatisation in 1994. Finally, the separate findings of the thesis are used to develop a fuller description of how public relations affects media production and news source access.
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Schnug, Meredith. "Religion as Political Motivation: Analyzing the Rhetoric of the Religious Right Through Three Case Studies." Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1111152376.
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Verhaegen, Benoît M. "Aspects légaux des communications aéronautiques mobiles par satellites." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26226.
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The new ICAO CNS/ATM (Communication, Navigation, Surveillance/Air Traffic Management) concept, based on satellite use, entails globalisation of these new air navigation systems.<br>Concerning the communications, the concept's architecture includes those for security as well as administrative communications of airlines and public correspondence of passengers.<br>From this point of view, the requested globalisation will lead to regulatory and institutional changes, especially for non-security communications as they are regulated by each State overflown, according to Article 30 of the Chicago Convention.<br>Every legal solution, of course, must take into account the chosen technology. In this domain, the experience of INMARSAT, with the mobile maritime communications by satellites, will be of tremendous importance.<br>A period of transition, with regional initiatives, will be necessary too before the general implementation of the CNS/ATM concept.
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Marland, Alex J. "Political marketing communications in Canadian parliamentary elections at the turn of the millennium." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.429968.
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Antoine, Derek. "Empowerment vis-a-vis disengagement: Social networks in Canadian political marketing." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28519.
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This thesis explores the ways in which Canadian Members of Parliament use social network sites, Facebook in particular, for political purposes. The roots of this thesis are found in liberalism as discussed by John Locke (1689), Immanuel Kant (1795), Jean Jacques Rousseau (1762), and John Stuart Mill (1859; 1863), Jurgen Habermas' public sphere theory (1962) and theory of communicative action (1981), Manuel Castells' (1996) network theory, and the social shaping of technology theory as outlined by Lievrouw (2002). Other concepts that guide this thesis are the strength of weak ties, the mediated public sphere, the amateur as producer, private versus public spaces, and political marketing. From these concepts, the primary goal is to understand the views, choices, and perceptions of MPs as they use Facebook and explain the findings in light of the theoretical framework. In-depth interviews with Canadian MPs as well as a content analysis of their Facebook page or profiles were conducted to measure the ways in which MPs use this social network site. This thesis finds that MPs use social network sites for political marketing purposes rather than for engagement purposes. It is argued in this thesis that the use of Facebook by Canadian MPs is enshrined in liberalism and, consequently, has a negative effect on Canada's democracy because it elevates the individual over the community.
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Avery, Jonathan. "The political economy of communication looks at the Neoliberal market-oriented Canadian television." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28191.
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This thesis applies the political economy of communication, Giddens' (1984) theory of agency, and Lukes' (1974) conception of power to the Canadian Broadcasting infrastructure in order to understand how Neoliberal market policies impacts the production and distribution of Canadian television content. This research involves two types of analyses, structural and institutional, to study the Canadian Broadcasting Act, Canadian Content Regulations, Canadian Television Policy and the ownership structure of CanWest Global Communications Corporation, an example of a Canadian media conglomerate. The thesis concludes that the Neoliberal approach is adopted to attract Canadian audiences to Canadian content in a growing competitive and changing global media environment. It limits content diversity by creating a concentrated media infrastructure that favours the production of Canadian entertainment over news and information. This creates a heavily entertained culture but one that is less informed and viewed strictly within the confines of Neoliberal market Hegemony.
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Ambrose, Austin C. "Harmful Dichotomies: Creating a Separation Between Political Elites and Education through Media Coverage." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1492696297854079.
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Skjelten, Synnøve. "Democracy and communications : an analysis and assessment of the public participation programme of the Constitutional Assembly." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11448.
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This thesis analyses the Public Participation Programme in the South African constitution-making process. The central premise of the thesis is that there is a link between participatory lawmaking processes and legitimate democracy. Accordingly, the drafting of the constitution and other law requires public participation in order to be accepted and recognised. Jurgen Habermas' latest theory (Between Facts and Norms) is used in this analysis. Jurgen Habermas has developed a new theoretical paradigm that defines the tension that exists between the coercive factual force of law ("facticity") and the recognition of law ("validity").
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Taras, R. "Communications and Press Relations in Urban Government| A Study of Openness and Democracy." Thesis, University of Essex (United Kingdom), 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10294503.
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<p> In her maiden speech in the House of Commons in February 1960, Mrs. Margaret Thatcher introduced a Public Bodies (Admission to Meetings) Bill whose purpose, she asserted, was 'that of guarding the rights of members of the public by enabling the fullest information to be obtained for them in regard to the actions of their representatives upon local authorities'. This private member's Bill was amended, then passed by Parliament and came into force in June 1961. Open government as envisaged by the 1960 Thatcher Act is the subject of this thesis. Its practice is studied in the early 1970s in four English boroughs - Ipswich, West Bromwich, Bolton and Preston. Each council had a different variant of holding council and/or committee meetings open to the public and/or press, and of appointing dedicated press relations officers to spotlight openness. The impact of Labour or Conservative Party control of the borough councils on open government is assessed. A total of 55 councilors, town clerks and other officers in the four boroughs were interviewed and 181 respondents serving as elected councilors returned mail questionnaires which explored the relationship between local authorities, the public and the press. Contrasting perceptions of participatory democracy and openness at the local level emerge, this study finds, consistent with the opaque character of Thatcher's 1960 Bill.</p>
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Monea, Alexander Paul. "Dissemination Rhizome: How to Do (Political) Things With Affect." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1354329062.
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El, Hashash Mohammed. "Rationalization of Terrorization: Analytical Investigation into the Israeli-Palestinian Political Communication (2008-2009)." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28925.
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The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been a contributing factor to Middle East instability for the last six decades. Both Israelis and Palestinians have practiced terrorization against one another and more so, have engaged in the rationalization of terrorization to justify their desired goals. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the political communication through which Israelis and Palestinians have used tools to rationalize their acts of terrorization. Drawing on Hobbes's (1985) rationality, James' (1971) morality legitimacy on conflict and diplomacy, and Dilthey's (Hodges, 1974; Ermarth, 1978; De Mul, 2004) critique of historic reason, this thesis looks into modern theories of classical political realism (Morgenthau, 2006), rational actor and bounded rationality decision-making (Snyder & Diesing, 1977), Orientalism (Said, 1994), Occidentalism (Buruma & Avishai, 2005), cultural representation (Hall, 1997a), and state and non-state terrorism (Jaggar, 2005) in order to investigate the Israeli-Palestinian political communication during the Gaza War of 2008-2009 and the subsequent release of the Goldstone Report. This thesis utilizes quantitative and qualitative online media content analysis as a methodological design with historical-comparative components through which a sample of the Israel Defense Forces, the Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center, and Arutz Sheva (Israel) as well as the Ezzedeen Al Qassam Brigades, the Palestine News Network, and The Palestine Telegraph (Palestine) has been selected. Findings explore the components of the decision-making processes by both adversaries in order to politically communicate their rationalization of terrorization of one another. These components demonstrate the different decision-making processes of each adversary in selecting strategies of rationalization (e.g., Israelis rationalize in order to defend themselves from eight years of Hamas rocket fire into Israel, while Palestinians rationalize as a means of seeking sympathetic support for their cause---with each adversary using different tools and tactics), resulting in unique patterns that can be applied to future instances of Israeli-Palestinian rationalization of terrorization.
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Brooks, Benjamin M. "The weight of an assassin's mace : vulnerabilities in the US military's satellite communications and China's information warfare threat." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/33687.
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Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2005.<br>Includes bibliographical references.<br>Believing that an information Revolution of Military Affairs has occurred, the US military is currently transforming to achieve dominance over the full spectrum of deployment scenarios with a lighter, more mobile, and more capable force. Establishing a far-reaching, robust, ubiquitous ISR and telecommunications network, and a network-centered fighting doctrine are keys to this endeavor. Of the many systems needed, satellite communications are especially significant because they are the prime method of transmitting high quantities of information to remote and mobile units. The People's Republic of China too has become aware of the information Revolution of Military Affairs, as well as the vulnerabilities associated with it. Though the People's Republic is still in the process of modernizing its society and military, the doctrines and advantages of Information Warfare have not been lost to it. It seeks to equip itself with the IT and skill sets that are becoming increasingly more available to asymmetrically affect the information usage of a technologically superior adversary. As it stands, the military's use of satellite communications is vulnerable.<br>(cont.) Though some satellite communications have inherent protective qualities, they are still susceptible to some variants of Electronic Attack and anti-satellite attack. Military-dedicated systems do not offer enough security, and the lack of bandwidth they provide forces the military to use much less secure commercial systems. It appears that the People's Republic presents only a moderate threat to the military's satellite communications. This will not always be the case. The rapid growth of People's Republic and its increasing informationalization, as well as the expanding US military demand for wideband systems and predictions of a continuing shortfall, all place the military's satellite communications in a precarious situation.<br>by Benjamin M. Brooks.<br>S.M.
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Garcia, Julie. "Beginning to see the light| posters in social and political revolutions." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1589769.
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Miles, Peter Harry. "Philippine international tourism and the role of marketing communications." Thesis, University of Derby, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369901.
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Karzen, Brittany K. "#DoINeedSocialMedia: Social Media in Local Political Elections." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2015. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/5522.
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More research is needed to be able to fully understand the role that social media plays in elections, specifically in local elections. Candidates need to understand how it works and how they can effectively use this new communication medium. By exploring Diffusion of Innovation Theory, Social Information Processing Theory, and the Two-Way Symmetrical Model of communications this study sought to answer one overarching question: how should a candidate employ social media in a local election? This qualitative, single case study explores the 2014 recall and general election in Yorba Linda, California. Councilman Tom Lindsey and candidate Matt Palmer are the primary subjects of study. Observations were made through analysis of documentation, interviews, and participant and direct observation. The researcher was employed as the campaign manager for both Lindsey's and Palmer's campaigns. The findings support the use of social media in local campaigns on a case by case basis. Determining use depends on the demographics of the voters and the abilities of the candidate. The data suggests that social media needs to be part of comprehensive strategy that includes traditional communication tools. Observations from the case study illustrate the need for candidates to engage in two-way communication that is monitored and regulated. This study begins to establish social media as a tool that candidates can use to inexpensively reach voters in a way that showcases the candidate's personality and allows them to connect on a personal level with constituents. Social media will play a role in politics at all levels.
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Jalli, Nuurrianti B. "Media and Politics: Students' Attitudes and Experts' Opinions Towards Citizen Journalism and Political Outcomes in Malaysia." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1503501829706421.
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Reilly, Paul John. "Framing online communications of civil and uncivil groups in post-conflict Northern Ireland." Connect to e-thesis. Move to record for print version, 2008. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/131/.
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Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Glasgow, 2008.<br>Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Faculty of Law, Business and Social Sciences, Department of Politics, University of Glasgow, 2008. Includes bibliographical references. Print version also available.
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Stephens, Pamela. "Outreaching the Inside: Looking into the Conservative Party of Canada's Reflexive Communication Code." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28667.
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In light of immigration trends and projected growth scenarios, the so-called ethnic vote in Canada is more important than ever for any political party that seeks to form a majority government. Beginning in 2004 there is evidence to suggest the Conservative Party of Canada (CPC) adopted a sophisticated ethnic outreach strategy aimed at winning support among cultural and ethnic groups. Drawing on Niccolo Machiavelli's The Prince (1513), Ulrich Beck and Anthony Giddens' theories on reflexivity (1994), Jurgen Habermas' public sphere (1962), and Jennifer Lees-Marshment's analysis of marketing techniques in political communication (2001), this thesis examines the motives, goals and outcomes of the reflexive communication code of the CPC as demonstrated in the national and local campaign levels. The research design for this thesis is qualitative and uses in-depth interviews and archival data collection methods to explore whether the ethnic outreach efforts and new policy positions of the CPC are a genuine reflection of a shift in ideology or a carefully calibrated strategy to obtain power. While interviewees claim the CPC's strategies are designed to better communicate with voters and encourage civic engagement, the influence of Machiavellian ethics and political marketing strategies suggest the outreach efforts may not be entirely altruistic.
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Stoycheff, Elizabeth L. "Free media consolidation in Eastern Europe: Citizen attitudes about political, legal, and economic media freedom." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1373925072.
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Potschka, Christian. "Towards a market in broadcasting : a comparative analysis of British and German communications policy." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2010. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/6324.
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Political structures and the evolution of late capitalism in liberal Western democracies lend a common frame to the development of national media systems. However, whereas media policy from the post-war period to the mid-1980s was largely driven by socio-political concerns and coextensive with policy for public service television, this model has been vehemently challenged. Key factors were the convergence of erstwhile-separated industries and infrastructures, as well as the ambitions of the corporate sector and governments alike, to benefit from the economic opportunities offered by the communications revolution. By assessing the changing relationship between the role of the state, economic structures and technological innovation, this research investigates these processes in the UK and Germany. Both countries have the two key public service systems but also feature striking differences such as the antithetic political systems and democratic processes (majoritarian vs. consensus democracy). The basic assumption suggests that a genuine understanding of contemporary developments is only possible if political/economic as well as historic/sociological perspectives are incorporated into the holistic approach applied. Thereby this study gives consideration to key processes and events which have determined transitions between communications policy paradigms and regulatory regimes. Given the Anglo-Saxon tradition of regulating, key processes and events in the UK are often indicated by the appointment and report of a committee of enquiry. For the purpose of this study the most crucial of these is the Committee on Financing the BBC (1986), which first applied market-driven politics onto British broadcasting, and whose recommendations still serve as a blueprint for current communications policy-making. In Germany the KtK Report (1974) formed the basis for decisive reforms in broadcasting and communications. Apart from that, however, Germany features the characteristic of administering state interventions in as detailed a manner as possible through legislation. Of central importance are, therefore, the rulings of the Federal Constitutional Court, which continuously set decisive parameters for the development of the broadcasting system. The thesis follows two driving themes which have been identified as crucial in terms of the comparative dimension and are elaborated continuously in more detail. First, the focus is on the interdependencies between public and private sector. Second, implications and responses of the central vis-à-vis federal characteristic of state formation are investigated. In doing so, the thesis draws on vast sources of archival documents as well as exclusive material from a series of elite interviews with a purposively-selected sample of very high-level sources, including Chairmen, Director-Generals, ministers, very senior civil servants and so on. The thesis demonstrates how communications policy-making is carried out in both countries and how these processes are determined by national regulatory frameworks which are rooted within the borders of the nation state. As such the research findings have broader implications for commercial and public sector regulation.
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Lindberg, Isabelle. "The Symbolic Dimension of Twitter Logic and the Potential (D)evolution of Political Discourse." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Medier och kommunikation, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-414605.
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This study aims to explore the potential impact of social media platforms in shaping public discourse and political communication. To arrive at such a proposition, I attempt to conceptually problematize the idea of media logic in general and the advent of social network media logic in particular, more specifically the logic of Twitter as a political space. What is more, I argue that, with regard to the current state of political communication and with social media content increasingly contributing to setting the agenda for the public and political dialogue, this field of research may indeed benefit from taking it one step further by studying the even further specialized institutional logics of specific social network media platforms. For, while it is indeed necessary to study a more general social network media logic, it ought to be recognized that each individual platform comes with its own merits and practices for mediating content. Moreover, contemporary research in this area focuses mainly on the material or infrastructural features of media logics. I argue that the symbolic dimension demands equal academic attention. Thus, for the purpose of demonstrating and exemplifying this need for platform-specific media logics and a consideration of their symbolic dimension, this particular study dives into the possible establishment of a symbolic Twitter logic. The practical applicability of said logic is then empirically approached via the specific case of President Donald Trump, who along with a majority of currently active American politicians seem to increasingly rely on Twitter as political space for the purpose of public communication and the dissemination of information, as well as influencing and gauging public opinion.
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Watanabe, Tomoaki. "The motivations for civic participation the case of local telecommunications regulation /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2009. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3378386.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Telecommunications, 2009.<br>Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jul 7, 2010). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-10, Section: A, page: 3688. Adviser: Erik Bucy.
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Bresee, Julia. "Sonder la cybergéographie de la blogosphère politique canadienne: Analyse de "la place" des blogues citoyens au sein d'un réseau hyperlien." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27666.
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Dans le contexte d'une "crise" de la démocratie représentative, cette thèse s'interroge sur la relation potentielle entre la blogosphère politique et une démocratie plus participative. Or, quelle est "la place" des blogues citoyens au sein de la blogosphère politique canadienne? Les résultats obtenus en employant l'outil l' IssueCrawler et la méthode de l'Analyse des réseaux hyperliens suggèrent que la place des blogues citoyens serait largement variable et inégale Ainsi, même si les blogues gérés par des citoyens privés seraient majoritaires sur ce territoire, on y verrait la domination d'une élite politique en ligne, selon le critère des hyperliens reçus. Il semblerait, d'après les résultats issus de cette démarche exploratoire, que la blogosphère politique canadienne se verrait confrontée à plusieurs obstacles, dont ceux des inégalités d'accès, de participation et d'appropriation de cet espace public émergent.
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Park, Hun Myoung. "How does information and communication technology affect civic engagement? an analysis focusing on electronic government and campaign websites /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3274260.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, School of Public and Environmental Affairs, 2007.<br>Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-07, Section: A, page: 3141. Title from dissertation home page (viewed April 8, 2008). Adviser: James L. Perry.
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Hamilton, Allison Joy. "Competing pathways of the internet & new media's influence on women political candidates." Thesis, The University of Iowa, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3638378.
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<p> How does digital media and online news, especially blogs, influence support for women congressional and presidential candidates? From work on traditional print and television news we know women are framed differently than men, and are more likely to be framed as women (appearance, clothing, mother or wife, marital status, sex, gendered issues). I argue the transition to digital media (blogs and online news) is exacerbating these trends, increasing gender stereotype opinions of women candidates in the mass public, among both men and women. In turn I find gender stereotype opinions combined with use of online media reduces the probability of voting for women candidates. While much of the literature on digital media focuses on the positives that come with increased political information, participation and mobilization, holding these factors constant, this research highlights a potential cost of digital media. </p><p> Media scholars are increasingly interested in digital media and citizen journalism, as more Americans now read their news online than read a print newspaper. Davis (2009) and Sunstein (2007) find that journalists too are increasingly turning to the blogs for ideas and content that run on mainstream media. While citizen journalism has many benefits (see Shirky 2010), there is less fact checking with online news, where rumors can often masquerade as truth. Analysis of the coverage of Hillary Clinton's 2008 presidential run found that coverage of Clinton online, especially the blogs, was more sexist than mainstream media (Lawrence and Rose 2010; Richie 2013). Boystrum (2010), using content analysis, finds no gendered differences in the content of candidates' websites. Thus this research focuses on blogs and online news rather than candidate websites. </p><p> Rather than content analysis used in political communications or laboratory experiments often used in gender studies, this research relies on national survey data to measure the effect of digital media use for voting for women candidates in actual electoral campaigns. Combining large sample nationwide survey data of all congressional candidates running in 2008, 2010 and 2012, with a sample of Iowa caucus participants, and a unique national survey of primary voters, this research seeks to answer two primary questions. First, what is the effect of use of blog and online news on gendered stereotype opinion of women and male candidates (see Chapters 3 and 5)? Secondly, what is the combined effect of digital media use and gendered opinions in reducing support at the ballot box for women for the U.S. House or the president (see Chapters 4 and 6)? To consider the overall, or net effect, of digital media on support for women candidates, I incorporate the benefits of online news and communication to engage and mobilize the public. </p><p> Across many detailed analyses presented in this research, I find that reading blogs and online news generally increases the likelihood of forming opinions about women candidates colored by gender stereotypes, based on experience, knowledge, competency, integrity, strong leader, caring and more. In Chapter 3 I consider the case of Hillary Clinton and find that reading the news online and using online political information increased the belief that Clinton was less experienced, and was less trustworthy. In Chapter 4 I find that gender stereotype opinions and digital media use reduced favorability ratings of Clinton and Clinton compared to her male presidential contenders (Obama and Edwards). These two factors also reduced the probably of voting for her, holding other factors constant. Chapter 5 analyses all U.S. House races from 2008, 2010, and 2012 with a women candidate. Individuals who used online news or political blogs are more likely to believe the woman candidate is less competent, lacks integrity, and is less caring than the man candidate, holding other factors constant. Finally, the results from Chapter 6 show gendered opinions and digital media reduce the likelihood of voting for the woman candidate. The overall, or net effect, models show even the positive effect of online mobilization is outweighed by the negative effect of digital media combined with the believe in gender stereotypes. Such gendered opinions of women candidates are widely held by the mass public. </p><p> The dominant explanation for why Obama, as an underdog candidate won the 2008 Democratic presidential nomination was that he was able to mobilize and engage the public, especially the young, through online media. These online venues also significantly increased the money Obama raised through small dollar contributions (Redlawsk et al 2010). However, what these stories ignore is the negative media coverage of his primary opponent, Hillary Clinton, online. This study attempts to systematically and empirically document how the Internet and online news may contributed to reduced support for Clinton's candidacy and women congressional candidates more generally. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)</p>
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Lewandowski, Andrew David. "Obama(TM)| Political branding and participation in the 2012 U.S. presidential election." Thesis, Georgetown University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1536653.
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<p> This study examines the relationship between political branding and political participation in the 2012 U.S. presidential election and argues for a consumer-oriented polity to reinvigorate what it means to participate in elections and democracy in the United States in the 21<sup>st</sup> century. Political branding is positioned at the nexus of political marketing, political consumerism, and political participation. A theoretical framework was developed employing political branding to research its effects on the election. A national survey of 1,398 American adults was conducted to measure political brand recognition, modes of participation, and attitudes toward candidates Barack Obama and Mitt Romney. Findings show young people ages 18-34 participated at higher rates across new and social media modes than people age 35 and older. There is a statistically significant relationship of moderate strength between political brand recognition and political participation, suggesting that strong political branding may encourage participation. Findings also show the Obama brand was stronger than the Romney brand, exhibiting greater social, cultural, and emotional connotations reflected in material and immaterial brand markers and built through time that manifest as political brand equity. The study concludes political branding is a democratizing principle, making the political process more accessible and relevant to average citizens, especially young people. </p>
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Melkersson, Fabian, and Rebecka Madsen. ""Högre hastighetsgräns för EPA-traktorer" - en frihetsfråga eller strategisk kommunikation? : En kvalitativ analys av politiska ungdomsförbunds sociala medier." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för kultur- och medievetenskaper, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-146856.
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The evolution within political parties shows an increase of professionalisation where a higher competence is on demand and is practised on a communicative level. Currently a lot of the research surrounding this professionalisation has been focused on only political parties , but at the same time other stakeholders is also working within the political area without being political parties. How does political youth associations, that is widely driven by volunteers, navigate within this political context where the demands and expectations is constantly increasing? The purpose of this study was to examine how political communication is practised by political youth associations in a world that gets increasingly more professional. The study was conducted by analysing every post published during the month of January 2018 by the two political youth associations SSU and MUF on their Facebook and Instagram pages. The chosen method of this study has been Norman Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis, complemented by qualitative interviews with the heads of digital communication of both associations. The theories applied on the material was different approaches to discourses, mainly the thoughts of Michel Foucault, combined with how discourses can shape identities. The theories by Erving Goffman concerning the presentation of self and, by extension, the presentation of organisations, was also used. By applying these to the material, six different themes were identified.These can be divided into two subsections, content and form, which lay the groundwork for the central result of this study. Both associations have to balance the work of attracting new members and maintaining a trustworthy political image. This is the result of political communication that has become highly professional.
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Johnson, Richard. "Black democrats in white America : racial campaign strategies in majority-white contexts, 1989-2013." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d6e978b4-0ad3-4924-9933-656e2f6e5000.
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Black electoral politics has undergone a profound transformation in the half century since African Americans statutorily secured equal voting rights with whites. Once confined to a small number of exceptional cases, the population of black elected officials has multiplied dramatically. The genre which studies African American politics has, likewise, vigorously proliferated, but theoretical deficiencies persist. In particular, the dominant model used to explain the choice of racial campaign strategies by African American candidates in jurisdictions where most of their voters are white is incomplete. The model's underlying hypothesis is premised on limited and increasingly outdated assumptions. Commentators continue to argue that successful black candidates must discard their racial identity in order to win white votes, yet a careful examination of the actual practices of black politicians in majority-white jurisdictions demonstrates that this argument is not substantiated empirically. As a result, scholars are mischaracterising the potential for black candidates to win elections in majority-white contexts. This thesis is an attempt to advance the scholarship through a theoretical reconceptualisation of racial campaign strategies underpinned by original, empirical research. The thesis sets out to achieve two goals. The first goal is to provide a rich, analytical account based on primary research of the range of campaign strategies available to office-seeking African American candidates outside of majority-black election contexts. The thesis demonstrates the capacity for black candidates to embrace their racial identity and champion policies which redress racial inequality while still seeking support from white voters. The second objective is to offer plausible explanations as to the strategic decision-making process in these campaigns. The thesis highlights the shifting importance of three sets variables which candidates face when choosing their racial campaign strategies: racial context and history, the racial attitudes of supportive and opposing elite actors, and candidates' own racial biographies.
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Evusa, Juliet E. "Information Communication Technologies as Tools for Socio-economic and Political Development: The National Council of Churches of Kenya (NCCK) Huruma Community Telecenter as a Case Study." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1126819224.
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Morin, David Thomas. "Come a Little Closer: Examining Spillover Priming Effects from a Network Perspective." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1364988241.
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