Dissertations / Theses: 'Political constructivism'

1

Wakefield, James. "Giovanni Gentile and the state of contemporary constructivism." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2013. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/51160/.

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This thesis presents Giovanni Gentile’s actual idealism as a radical constructivist doctrine for use in moral theory. The first half describes the moral theory that Gentile explicitly identifies with actual idealism, according to which all thinking, rather than an exclusive domain of ‘practical reason,’ has a moral character. It is argued that after Gentile’s turn to Fascism in the early 1920s, this theory is increasingly conflated with his political doctrine. This entails several major changes that cannot be squared with the underlying metaphysics. The second half of the thesis develops a more plausible account of Gentilean moral constructivism based on the pre-Fascist idea of reasoning as an internal dialogue. Comparisons and contrasts are drawn with contemporary constructivist doctrines, as well as theories employing dialogical conceptions of reason. The internal dialogue is presented as a device enabling the thinking subject to make objective judgements about real-world problems despite the impossibility of her occupying a fully objective standpoint. Thus actual idealist moral theory is offered as an example of constructivism at its most radical, inviting advocates of less radical varieties to re-assess the foundations on which their theories are built.

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2

Meyer, Lukas H. "Extending liberal political philosophy : international and intergenerational relations." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295810.

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3

Allen, William St Michael. "In Defense of Rawlsian Constructivism." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2007. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/philosophy_theses/18.

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George Klosko attempts to solve a problem put forth by Rawls, namely how to create a persisting, just and stable liberal democracy in light of pluralism. He believes Rawls has failed at this task through the employment of political constructivism. Klosko claims that since Rawls does not utilize actual views within the existing public to form principles of justice, his method would fail to reach an overlapping consensus. As an alternative, Klosko proposes the method of convergence, which utilizes actual societal views to find overlapping concepts that inform the principles of justice. My argument is that Klosko misconstrues the method and aims of political constructivism. Klosko seems to incorrectly believe that stability is primary to establishing a liberal democracy, whereas it is secondary to the achievement of justice. Because of this error, Klosko’s method of convergence potentially has the consequence of creating a society which is stable but unjust.

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4

Kurtulmus, A. Faik. "Justice, constructivism, and the egalitarian ethos : explorations in Rawlsian political philosophy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2d9cde4b-a7fd-4c39-9e6b-dd10d81d6ff4.

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This thesis defends John Rawls’s constructivist theory of justice against three distinct challenges. Part one addresses G.A. Cohen’s claim that Rawls’s constructivism is committed to a mistaken thesis about the relationship between facts and principles. It argues that Rawls’s constructivist procedure embodies substantial moral commitments, and offers an intra-normative reduction rather than a metaethical account. Rawls’s claims about the role of facts in moral theorizing in A Theory of Justice should be interpreted as suggesting that some of our moral beliefs, which we are inclined to hold without reference to facts, are, in fact, true, because certain facts obtain. This thesis and the acknowledgement of the moral assumptions of Rawls’s constructivism help to show that Rawls does not, and does not need to, deny Cohen’s thesis. Part two defends the characterization of the decision problem in Rawls’s original position as a decision problem under uncertainty. Rawls stipulates that the denizens of the original position lack information that they could use to arrive at estimates of the likelihood of ending up in any given social position. It has been argued that Rawls does not have good grounds for this stipulation. I argue that given the nature of the value function we should attribute to the denizens of the original position and our cognitive limitations, which also apply to the denizens of the original position, their decision problem can be characterized as one under uncertainty even if we stipulate that they know that they have an equal chance of being in any individual’s place. Part three assesses the claim that a true commitment to Rawls’s difference principle requires a further commitment to an egalitarian ethos. This egalitarian ethos is offered as a means to bring about equality and Pareto-optimality. Accordingly, I try to undermine the case for an egalitarian ethos by challenging the desirability of the ends it is supposed to further or by showing that it is redundant. I argue that if primary goods are the metric of justice, then Pareto optimality in the space of the metric of justice is undesirable. I then argue that if the metric of justice is welfare, depending on the theory of welfare we adopt, an egalitarian ethos will either be redundant or will have objectionably paternalistic consequences.

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5

Bankovsky, Miriam Ann History &amp Philosophy Faculty of Arts &amp Social Sciences UNSW. "Social justice after Kant: Between constructivism and deconstruction (Rawls, Habermas, Levinas, Derrida)." Publisher:University of New South Wales. History & Philosophy, 2009. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/41494.

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This thesis examines the relation between two contrasting approaches to justice: the constructive and reconstructive projects of Rawls and Habermas on the one hand, and the deconstructive projects of Levinas and Derrida on the other. First, I identify the central difference between the two projects, reconstructing each account of justice as it develops in relation to Kant??s practical philosophy. I then argue that the two projects are complementary. [New Paragraph] Whilst Rawls and Habermas emphasise the possibility of objectively realising Kant??s idea of an impartial standpoint among autonomous persons, Levinas and Derrida defend the impossibility of determining the content of justice. Rawls and Habermas subscribe to the ??art of the possible??, rendering Kant??s impartial standpoint by means of the ??original position?? (Rawls) or the ??procedures of discourse ethics?? (Habermas). By contrast, Levinas argues for justice??s failure, discovering, in Kant??s moral law, a principle of responsibility for the particular other which conflicts with impartiality. Distinguishing himself from both the reconstructive tradition and Levinas, Derrida affirms, in part through his readings of Kant, the ??undecidability?? of the critical function of justice. Committed to the possibility of justice, Derrida also acknowledges its impossibility: no local determination can reconcile responsibility before the other with impartiality among all. [New Paragraph] Having identified the central difference between the two traditions, I then defend their complementarity. ??Reasonable faith?? in the possibility of justice must be supplemented by the acknowledgment of its impossibility. Conversely, attesting to justice??s failure is unsatisfactory without commitment to the possibility of constructing just social forms. Distancing myself from the liberal critique whereby deconstruction withdraws from the political (Fraser, McCarthy, Benhabib, Gutmann), I instead add my voice to a dissenting group (Young, Cornell, Mouffe, Honig, Honneth, Patton, Thomassen) which affirms that deconstruction can productively engage with the constructive tradition. Deconstruction is at home in Rawls?? view that ??the ideal of a just constitution is always something to be worked toward??.

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6

Chapman, Victoria Frances. "Political metaphysics : God, determinism, and constructivism in the thought of Thomas Hobbes and Gerrard Winstanley." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2007. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265500.

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This thesis assesses the role of theology in the political theories of the seventeenth-century contemporaries Thomas Hobbes and Gerrard \v'instanley. It claims that a proper understanding of their respective political theories relies upon a thorough and nuanced understanding of the nature of the theology that they are positing. I argue that the key to understanding Hobbes's authoritarian theory of sovereignty is his deistic theology. Likewise, an appreciation of the nuances of Winstanley's collectivism relies, I claim, upon a thorough grasp of his pantheistic metaphysics. Iviore specifically, I show that, because of his deistic theology, Hobbes is able to posit coherently a compatibilist relationship between the deterministic elements of his political metaphysics and the constrnctivist nature of his political theory. Hobbes sets out a materialistic account of political motivation which relies upon a deterministic emphasis on the role of physical motion on human psychology. He also, I claim, combines this with a normative account of political obligation in the form of divinely-ordained determinism. These deterministic elements are not, however, incompatible with his emphasis on the role of human construction evidenced in his notion of the artificial sovereign and body politic. This is because, I demonstrate, Hobbes's deistic theology emphasises the divinely-created status of humanity, whilst allowing human creative freedom. Winstanley's pantheistic metaphysics also reveal his fundamentally compatibilist approach to determinism and constrnctivism. \Xlinstanley posits God as radically imminent. He identifies human reason with the divine. As a result, human constructive political action in the fo1m of activist political collectivism is both the product of human creativity and divine determinism. Properly speaking, for Winstanley theology and the political are one and the same thing. This thesis makes two central points. First of all, it emphasises Hobbes's and Winstanley's compatabilist approach to determinism and constrnctivism, a compatibilism only revealed by a nuanced and thorough understanding of Hobbes's deistic theology and Winstanley's pantheism. In so doing, it offers a revised approach to both thinkers that contests the dichotomous approach to determinism and constructivism that has been set out by much secondary Hobbes and Winstanley scholarship. Secondly, this thesis makes a more general point: a thorough study of Hobbes's and Winstanley's theological politics demonstrates the importance of a nuanced appreciation of the nature of the theology that is posited by a particular tl1eological political theory. Theology is not a monolithic concept, and should not be treated as such.

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7

Taylor, Ashley Elizabeth. "Circumstances of justice : a reformulation." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9851.

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In this thesis I explore an alternative formulation of the circumstances of justice. The circumstances of justice are the circumstances that make human cooperation necessary and possible, and because human cooperation is necessary to justice, they make justice both necessary and possible. For constructivists, principles of justice respond to these circumstances. Standard accounts of the circumstances of justice can be found in Hobbes, Hume, and Rawls, and many contemporary theorists rely on these accounts. My dissertation rejects these standard accounts of the circumstances of justice—on the grounds of exclusion and trust—and defends an alternative account. A core idea of my proposed alternative is that the circumstances of justice must be understood in terms of solidarity. A proper understanding of the role of solidarity in an adequate characterization of the circumstances of justice requires a good grasp of the nature of solidarity itself. To that end I offer a novel account of solidarity which I argue improves existing theories of solidarity. In the first part of this project I explain the role and importance of the circumstances of justice. I then offer a full description of solidarity and its normative character. In the second half of the project I offer my new account of the circumstances of justice, including an explanation and examples of how broad the scope of this reformulation is. I conclude the project by applying my new account of the circumstances of justice to the problem of climate change, and ask whether we can now construe the coordination of resources between generations as a problem of justice.

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8

Oswald, Rikus. "Constructing Africa(ns) in international relations theory: bridging a theoretical abyss." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4066.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Africa(ns) are currently marginalised within the discipline of International Relations. This thesis explores the possibility that employing a constructivist approach could facilitate the inclusion of Africa as an object of study and Africans as potential agents of IR knowledge within the discipline by bridging a theoretical abyss. Two discourses, namely the rationalist and Africanist, are identified. They frame the sides of the theoretical abyss to which Africa(ns) have been marginalised within IR. These discourses adhere to the opposing analytical approaches which constitute the Third Debate, namely rationalism and reflectivism. This thesis proposes two theoretical reconstructions that can facilitate the bridging of this theoretical abyss. The theoretical reconstructions are explicated by employing different research stances. The researcher is situated within the intellectual space afforded by the boundaries of the discipline in order to propose the first reconstruction. The second theoretical reconstruction is proposed by problematising the boundaries the discipline of IR. This study found that constructivism facilitates the process of establishing the middle ground between rationalism and reflectivism and in so doing could include Africa as an object of study. It also found that the intervention of constructivism facilitated a necessary change in the culture of the discipline to create the possibility of extending the notion of engaged pluralism and re-imagining the discipline as a disciplinary community of difference. This leads to the opening up of the necessary dialogical space to include Africans as potential agents of IR knowledge. Constructivism is therefore the mutually constituting link between the two proposed theoretical reconstructions as they are made possible by its intervention in the discipline.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Afrika(ne) word huidiglik gemarginaliseer binne die dissipline van Internasionale Betrekkinge. Hierdie tesis ondersoek die moontlikheid dat die gebruik van ‘n konstruktiwistiese benadering die insluiting van Afrika as ‘n onderwerp van studie of Afrikane as potensiële agente van IB kennis deur die oorbrugging van ‘n teoretiese kloof kan fasiliteer. Twee diskoerse, naamlik die rasionalistiese and die Afrikanistiese, word geïdentifiseer. Hierdie diskoerse stel die sye van die teoretiese kloof voor waarin Afrika(ne) gemarginaliseer word binne IB. Hulle hou verband met die twee opponerende analitiese benaderings van rasionalisme en reflektiwisme wat die Derde Debate uitmaak. Hierdie tesis stel twee teoretiese rekonstruksies voor wat die oorbrugging van die teoretiese kloof kan fasiliteer. Hierdie teoretiese rekonstruksies word ontvou deur verskillende navorsingsposisies in te neem. Die navorser plaas homself binne die intellektuele spasie wat deur die grense van die dissipline toegelaat word om sodoende die eerste rekonstruksie voor te stel. Die tweede rekonstruksie word voorgestel deur die problematisering van die grense van die dissipline. Hierdie studie het gevind dat konstruktiwisme die proses van die opstelling van ‘n middelgrond tussen rasionalisme en reflektiwisme fasiliteer en sodoende Afrika as ‘n onderwerp van studie kan insluit. Die studie het ook gevind dat die toetrede van konstruktiwisme die nodige verandering aan die kultuur van die dissipline veroorsaak het wat die moontlikheid skep dat die begrip van ‘engaged pluralism’ uitgebrei en die hervoorstelling van die dissipline as a dissiplinêre gemeenskap van diversiteit kan word. Hierdie hervoorstelling lei tot die skepping van die nodige dialogale spasie om Afrikane as potensiële agente van IB kennis in te sluit. Konstruktiwisme is dus die onderliggende skakel wat die twee voorgestelde teoretiese rekonstruksies moontlik maak deur die benadering se toetrede tot die dissipline.

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9

Ekberg, Johan. "THE SOCHI OLYMPICS - MAPPING AND UNDERSTANDING THE POLITICAL CONTROVERSIES DURING THE GAMES." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för lärande och samhälle (LS), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-29607.

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The purpose of this thesis is to, through media, observe and map the political controversies during the XXII Olympic Winter Games in Sochi and once the games have finished summarize and analyze them in order to close in on a comprehensive understanding of them. In addition to being tinged by the hermeneutics and inductive reasoning the study uses a methodology referred to as a qualitative explanatory case study with an intensive approach. In applying IR-theory, and more specifically the theoretical perspectives of realism, liberalism and social constructivism, the study manage to shy away from mainstream Olympic research. The thesis finds that the political controversies during the Games in Sochi were fewer than anticipated and offers various understandings of why that is, including the realist notion of the triumph of the principle of sovereignty over human rights, the within liberalism found belief of the good nature of mankind, and the social constructivist idea of actions being constrained by social structures.

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10

Stamate, Gheorghe. "European Security and Defence Policy, or Back to Political Realism?" Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2514.

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In the course of this master thesis I will argue the following:

a) ESDP project is an interesting initiative and concern issues that stand at the core of the EU integration processes. It relates to the most significant and updated development of the EU institutional, conceptual and strategic design, but is yet relatively unexplored and underdeveloped.

b) The aim of this study is to evaluate the efforts to enhance cooperation among European countries in the provision and use of military force. To set the scene and illustrate constrains and complications that bear upon activities in this field. Indeed, the author intends to recommend a theoretical framework, as a fundamental prerequisite for the proper study of EU Defense and Security Policy.

c) Constructivism and neo- Realism and their theoretical tenets offer an unexplored avenue to investigate and account for the development of the European Security and Defense Policy.

d) The efficiency of such an account depends on a meticulous evaluation of proposed theoretical approaches versus the emerging security complex. This theoretical choice allows for a construction beyond that of the unit or system levels of analysis and may therefore grant a causal role to perceived interests in terms of non- traditional approach to research in social science. Also it may thereby provoke an interest in terms of security and threat.

e) The originality and validity of a combination between Realism and Constructivism as a starting point for inquiries in IR may not only be relevant to an understanding of how such a development can unfold, but mostly how a real social phenomena can be unfolded by such a non-traditional theoretical approach.

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11

Apar, Altan. "A Constructivist Criticism Of Neo-realist Conception Of." Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12611013/index.pdf.

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The thesis makes a constructivist criticism of neo-realism&rsquo
s particular conceptualization of state through a comparative analysis of Turkey&rsquo
s five motions (2003-2007) on military involvement in Iraq. Firstly, neo-realism and constructivism with regards to the concept of state are explored. Then, through the lights of the theoretical discussion, Turkey&rsquo
s five military motions are examined. In the case study, parliamentary minutes are used as the primary historical evidences. In the parliamentary discussions, three themes appeared significant-&ldquo
institutional identity&rdquo
, &ldquo
legitimacy&rdquo
and &ldquo
interest&rdquo
- which provided the ground for a constructivist criticism of neo-realist understanding of state. These three themes obtained from the discussions are tapped under four major topics which have been the main issues for the constructivists: &ldquo
agency&rdquo
, &ldquo
norms&rdquo
, &ldquo
identity&rdquo
and &ldquo
interest&rdquo
. Thesis argues that foreign policy behavior is a political product and &ldquo
state&rdquo
is a social actor whose behavior can only be understood from the social, cultural and historical context in which the state-society relations are embedded. Hence, for the purpose of making a structural analysis, separation of the domestic and the international realm of state is a fallacy with which neo-realism is badly plagued. Constructivism, on the other hand, has the potential to bridge this gap and understand the foreign policy behavior of states more accurately since it gives credence to the inner diversity of states through problematizing the ideational elements in foreign policy making and in international politics.

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12

Layman, Chelsea K. "Conflictual Foreign Policy of the United States: Between Security and Human Rights." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/537.

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The United States prioritizes human rights rhetorically but not in practice. As a result, United States policy is disjointed and conflictual between human rights and security. The result is an inconsistency in foreign policy. There have been examples of this throughout United States history such as in El Salvador, Indonesia, and Bahrain. This thesis explored the three cases in depth by 1) providing background information and a summary of human rights violations in order to provide context for the analysis, 2) listing and explaining the reasons why the United States prioritized security, and 3) analyzing when human rights are absent and present in policy. Following the analysis of the case studies the final section sought to provide a recommendation in order to reduce the inconsistencies in United States Foreign Policy. The central recommendation focuses on merging human rights considerations within security driven policies.

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13

Westman, Johanna, and Clara Wasell. "Diskriminerande diskurser i lokala medier : En kvalitativ studie om hur människor som omfattas av diskrimineringsgrunderna etnisk tillhörighet och funktionsnedsättning framställs i Östergötlands lokalmedia." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-160221.

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Statistics show that “ethnic affiliation” and “disability”, under the discrimination law, with a margin constitute most of the discrimination reports made in 2015, 2016 and 2017. The purpose of this thesis is to describe how Östergötland's local media construct and maintain the image of people who are protected by law of discrimination. Our goal is to explain of how the media can have the power to influence society's general perception of these two groups. Through the social constructionism theory and the critical discourse analysis, we explain how general perceptions of these groups can lead to negative attitudes and discrimination. Through a critical discourse analysis and a qualitative text analysis of articles from Östgöta Correspondenten and Norrköpings Tidningar regarding these groups showed that people with disabilities were often presented as a "burden" of some kind and rarely described as "just” individuals but instead defined or biasedly nuanced based on their disability. People with foreign background were generalized and forced to represent a larger group. The topic of the articles were often negative, and it was common with dehumanization and objectification. The media, which is easily accessible as newspaper articles can generate in common "truths" that might collectively lead to social action. Our study result shows that media reflects a society, in which people with disability and foreign background are marginalized and placed outside the norm. That kind of categorization may likely lead to negative attitudes and exclusion for the affected groups.

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14

Delic, Azra, and Kailan Abdullah Haydar. "SVENSK NEUTRALITET - ETT MINNEBLOTT? En studie om den svenska regeringens syn på den ökadehotbilden kring Östersjön och dess effekt på svensksäkerhets- och försvarspolitik." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-85646.

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The Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014 was the start of the increasing tensions inthe Baltic sea. According to the Swedish government, the threats against the Nordic-Baltic countries have increased and this study will examine the Swedishgovernment’s security measures during the period of 2014 - 2020. Our methodselection is based on a qualitative text analysis. To review Sweden’s arrangements,we will analyse one proposition from a theoretical framework that is constituted ofthe Constructivism theory and the Securitization theory. The conclusion of the studyis that the Swedish government looks at the situation in the Baltic sea as amultidimensional security process. In order to protect the Swedish territory, thecountry must expand and strengthen both its national and international militarypower.

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15

Ternström, Elsa. "Konsensus i den svenska utrikespolitiken : En kvalitativ studie av synen hos de största riksdagspartierna på en säkerhetsgemenskap." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-374384.

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16

Ahlborn, Filip. "The Role(s) of Migration Diplomacy : The concept of migration diplomacy from a role theory perspective and the case of Morocco's "migration roles"." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-395871.

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“Migration diplomacy” has emerged as a concept to theorize the increasingly important role of international migration and migration governance in states’ foreign policy and international relations, in an effort to bridge the gap between migration studies and international relations/foreign policy analysis. The concept has recently been more formally defined and introduced by Adamson and Tsourapas (2018), who suggest a future research agenda by proposing a structuralist, bargaining framework for analyzing states’ migration diplomacy, where states are either migrant receiving, sending, or transit states. This thesis argues that this theoretical approach risks overlooking key aspects and challenges that characterize international migration as a foreign policy issue and contemporary developments in the field. It investigates the shortcomings of establishing migration diplomacy as a chiefly rationalist bargaining concept, and suggests introducing role theory as an alternative approach for migration diplomacy analysis. It argues that role theory’s understanding of structural positions as partly interpreted and socially enacted, and its view of the international system as a more deeply social and normative setting can be particularly suited for understanding migration diplomacy aspects that a rationalist bargaining perspective overlooks. While not developing a fully formed role typology for migration diplomacy analysis, this thesis tentatively exemplifies this general approach through the case of Morocco’s migration diplomacy inrecent years.

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17

Fiaz, Nazya. "A constructivist account of Pakistan's political practice in the aftermath of 9/11 : the normalisation of Pakistan's participation in the 'war on terror'." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4477.

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This research is concerned with Pakistan's participation in the US-led 'war on terror' in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of September 11th, 2001. The study seeks to explain how Pakistan's state practice in the aftermath of 9/11 was normalised and made possible. In explaining the state practice, the study draws on a constructivist conceptual framework; which is further enhanced by incorporating key theoretical insights from critical realism. In the first instance, the study proposes that Pakistan's participation in the 'war on terror', seen as a set of actions and practices, was an outcome of a specific domestic political discourse. This discourse enabled and legitimised the state's alliance with the US and its abandonment of the Taliban regime. Secondly, the study is concerned with explaining why the particular discourse emerged in the shape and form that it did. In this context, the argument is that a depth 'critical realist' ontological inquiry can reveal underlying and enduring global and domestic social structural contexts, and traces of agential influence as connected to the discourse. Consequently, this study conceptualises Pakistan's actions in the context of the 'war on terror' as emerging from a multi-causal complex in which discourse, structure and agency are complicit. The study represents a departure from realist readings that emphasise a mono-causal relationship between the US and Pakistan. Instead, this research uses a synthesis of critical realism and constructivism to add a fresh perspective in terms of how we may conceptualise Pakistan's political practice in this instance.

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18

Al-Faris, Khamael Hasan Naji. "Immigration policy and the role of political discourses in the relationship between foreign nationals and crime in England and Wales." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/4576.

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Significant criminological attention has been given to the relationship between immigration and crime. However, this relationship has not been researched in the UK to any great extent, and consequently the information on the UK context is limited. This research investigates how the criminality of foreign nationals have been constructed by examining the nature of immigration policy, foreign criminality discourses, and the media in the UK to understand how crime in particular has been used to define, refine, and inform control of immigrants. This study refers to the legislative, policy, and political factors that underpin this process, and particularly explains how immigration policy and political debates have emphasised the criminality of foreign nationals in the UK. In order to achieve these goals, this research reviews a brief history of British immigration policy and legislation and outlines the connections made between foreign nationals and non-immigration criminal offences. In addition, secondary data from different British institutions and data collected via the Freedom of Information Act 2000 have been used to illustrate the level of foreigners’ criminality as well as the type of crimes compared to the British representation. Finally, Parliamentary debates and related political discourses have been used to examine the role of politics has in reinforcing the relationship between foreign nationals and crime and elevating negative public sentiment and the relationship with media reports. This research highlights the limitations of existing data relating to the criminality of foreign nationals in offending records in England and Wales, partly due to the disorganised recording of offender nationality. This study reveals that nationality is the new racism; whilst immigration has become a central focus in political and public discourses on crime they as a group in statistical terms exhibit low levels of offending but are more likely to be imprisoned for less serious crimes. The relationship between foreign nationals and crimes is thus a political issue rather than a legal one. As such, foreign nationals supposed criminality has been used to control immigration, avoid the blame of failing policies, gain electoral votes, and facilitate changes in immigration and crime policies.

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19

Mitchell, Sommer. "Becoming Legitimate: How PMSCs are Seeking Legitimacy in the International System." Scholar Commons, 2018. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7197.

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The use of private military and security companies (PMSC) by state governments has raised many questions regarding the role of the private security industry (PSI) in conflict. This use of PMSCs by states has resulted in much debate in the public and academic spheres (Avant 2005, Dunigan 2011, Kinsey 2006, Leander 2005, Singer 2008). The PSI and PMSCs are altering the international system of norms and redefining what it means to be secure and make war. States are no longer the only entity in the international system with security needs. Intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and multinational corporations (MNCs) also purchase security services provided by PMSCs. With the ever-growing presence of PMSCs in conflicts, peacekeeping, and humanitarianism, the legitimization of PMSCs is vital for their missions to succeed. Furthermore, companies that operate at the international level as well as their clients have vested interests in changing their image from ‘mercenaries’ and ‘dogs of war’ to ‘private warriors’ and ‘legitimate soldiers’. This dissertation addresses why and how PMSCs seek legitimacy in the international system. I argue that PMSCs desire and need legitimacy to justify their existence and support the claim that their actions are desirable, proper, lawful, and just because they follow a socially constructed system of norms. My dissertation builds on private security literature by drawing on constructivist approaches to norms and legitimacy and employing discourse analysis. Through my analysis, I identify rebranding and self-regulation as measures taken by PMSCs and the PSI to build and solidify the perception of legitimate security providers. PMSCs and the PSI developed their own discourse through the creation and implementation of the Montreux Document, International Code of Conduct for Private Security Service Providers (ICoC), and the ICoC Association to counter the negative perceptions created by media coverage and controversial incidents involving PMSC personnel. The rebranding and self-regulation efforts of PMSCs and the PSI supports the argument that they need and desire legitimacy. Without legitimacy and a shift in perception, the actions of PMSCs and their contractors will always be questioned and full integration into the state and international security apparatus will remain out of reach.

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20

Rosi, Alessia. "Swedish nation branding in crisis : A study on the Swedish nation branding strategy and the migration crisis' impact." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324214.

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Swedish nation branding has been studied with the main purpose to contribute to the research field of integrating the nation branding concept into IR. The study conducts a detailed description of Swedish branding strategies and its government’s statements of the migration policy change, during the peak of the migration crisis of 2015 through the theoretical framework of constructivism and soft power. This has been examined with the aim of describing the evolution of the strategy and the government’s statements during the migration crisis in order to clarify how a crisis can affect future branding strategies. The findings show that in a changing international arena, there is a significant need for nations’ branding strategies to be realistic and competitive in order to be able to obtain soft power.

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Sandell, Linnea. "Sweden in the Global Leader's Jersey : Constructing Leadership for the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-339561.

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In September 2015, the leaders of the world agreed to head on a journey towards a socially, environmentally and economically sustainable future at 2030 by the adoption of the 2030 Agenda containing 17 Sustainable Development Goals. Sweden pledged to be the global leader in this transition. This study explores how Sweden constructs this leadership narratively and in which manner it is legitimized, using concepts borrowed from Pierre Bourdieu as an added dimension to the narrative analysis. The result is that the main narrative of Sweden’s identity in this context is one of being an experienced role-model. The most salient characteristics underpinning this main narrative are being ambitious, a moral power, economically rational, and knowledgeable. Its legitimacy is argued to rest on knowledge, social and good-will capital. Tensions are found between the logic of the field from the Swedish perspective and what is aimed for in the 2030 Agenda in terms of competing in contrast to collaborating, promoting one model of development in contrast to national ownership and assuming market logic versus a logic where sustainability in all three pillars is the superordinate goal.

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Coetzee, Cari. "South Africa's foreign policy of quiet diplomacy towards Zimbabwe : constructivism as a framework to highlight the contradictory norms of human rights and African solidarity." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50099.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The downward spiral of Zimbabwe under President Robert Gabriel Mugabe and the slide into lawlessness has excited international opinion. Perhaps even more controversial, has been South African President Thabo Mbeki's obvious reticence to condemn Mugabe's increasing authoritarianism and breach of human rights and democratic standards. South Africa's foreign policy of 'quiet diplomacy' towards Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe has received strong criticism. Whilst both domestic and international audiences expected South Africa to take a stronger stance towards Mugabe because of his increasing violation of human rights and democratic standards, President Mbeki has been notably reticent to publicly criticise Mugabe. Consequently, the South African government has been criticised for condoning Mugabe's behaviour, which in turn has raised questions as to South Africa's commitment to the advocacy of human rights and its attempts to establish a leadership position in Africa. Although both internal and external pressures have given rise to South Africa's strong commitment to the international norm of human rights in 1994, this commitment seemed to weaken as the years passed. The commitment to human rights, that was especially prominent during the Nelson Mandela presidency, has given rise to foreign policy tensions and contradictions within the South African government. South Africa's turn to multilateral mechanisms as the main vehicle for South Africa's principled commitment to human rights has been accompanied by a decline in the priority placed on this principle. This loss of ardour in the commitment to the human rights advocacy, moreover, has seemed to increase during the Mbeki presidency. President Mbeki's desire to playa leadership role in Africa and his vision for African renewal and rebirth have been accompanied by a stronger emphasis on African solidarity as a foreign policy principle. South Africa's commitment to the norm of human rights, however, has thwarted South Africa's attempts to strengthen African solidarity since it required a rejection of the norms of 'state sovereignty' and 'not to speak out against each other'. Since high priority is attached to these norms in Africa, contradictions arose between the norms of human rights advocacy and African solidarity. This study argues that South Africa's policy of 'quiet diplomacy' towards Zimbabwe can only be understood by focusing on the role of norms and identity on South Africa's policy. It aims to illustrate how South Africa's aspiration for continental leadership has constrained its commitment to human rights advocacy, as accentuated by the Zimbabwean crisis. This study explores the role of norms and identity in South Africa's foreign policy decisions towards Zimbabwe by drawing on constructivism as a theoretical framework. The international relations theory of constructivism provides a framework for analysing the potential influence of norms in international relations. Constructivism illustrates that South Africa's freedom of action has been determined by the interplay between policy actors and social forces with very different ideological convictions about the country in the world, the pressures incumbent upon it and the extent to which it can influence world affairs.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Zimbabwe se toenemende ekonomiese en politieke agteruitgang onder die presidentskap van Robert Gabriel Mugabe, asook die geleidelike oorgang na wetteloosheid, het internasionale veroordeling voortgebring. President Thabo Mbeki van Suid-Afrika se ooglopende teensinnigheid om Mugabe se toenemende outoriteit en skending van menseregte en demokratiese standaarde te veroordeel, was selfs meer omstrede. Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid van 'stille diplomasie' teenoor President Mugabe van Zimbabwe het dus sterk kritiek uitgelok. Terwyl beide binnelandse en internasionale sfere van Suid-Afrika verwag het om 'n sterker standpunt teenoor Mugabe in te neem in die lig van Mugabe se toenemende skending van menseregte en demokratiese standaarde, was President Mbeki merkbaar teensinnig om Mugabe openlik te kritiseer. Die Suid-Afrikaanse regering is gevolglik daarvan beskuldig dat dit Mugabe se gedrag verskoon, wat weer aanleiding gegee het tot die bevraagtekening van Suid-Afrika se verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte en pogings om 'n leierskapsposisie in Afrika te vestig. Alhoewel beide interne en eksterne druk tot Suid-Afrika se sterk verbintenis tot die internasionale norm van menseregte in 1994 bygedra het, het hierdie verbintenis mettertyd geleidelik vervaag. Hierdie verbintenis tot menseregte was veral prominent gedurende die Mandela presidentskap en het spoedig aanleiding tot spanning en teenstrydighede in Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid gegee. Suid-Afrika se wending tot multilaterale meganismes as voertuig vir die bevordering van menseregte, het dus gepaard gegaan met 'n afname in die prioriteit wat aan hierdie beginsel geheg word. Hierdie afname in Suid-Afrika se dryfkrag in hul verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte, het gedurende die Mbeki presidentskap vergroot. President Mbeki se begeerte om 'n leiersposisie in Afrika in te neem, asook sy visie vir Afrika hernuwing en herlewing, het dus gepaard gegaan met 'n sterker klem op die belang van Afrika solidariteit as 'n buitelandse beleidsbeginsel. Suid-Afrika se verbintenis tot menseregte het egter Suid-Afrika se pogings om Afrika solidariteit te bevorder, verhinder, aangesien 'n verbintenis tot menseregte die verwerping van die norme van 'staatsoewereiniteit' en 'nie teenoor mekaar uit te praat nie' vereis het. Aangesien hierdie twee laasgenoemde norme steeds voorrang geniet in die Afrika konteks, het daar teenstrydighede tussen die norme van menseregte en Afrika solidariteit ontstaan. Hierdie studie argumenteer dat Suid-Afrika se beleid van 'stille diplomasie' teenoor Zimbabwe slegs begryp kan word deur op die rol van norme en identiteit op Suid-Afrika se beleid te fokus. Daar word gepoog om te illustreer hoe Suid-Afrika se aspirasie om 'n leiersposisie in Afrika in te neem, beperk is deur die verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte, soos beklemtoon deur die krisis in Zimbabwe. Hierdie studie ondersoek dus die rol van norme en identiteit op Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleidsbesluite teenoor Zimbabwe met behulp van konstruktivisme as 'n teoretiese raamwerk. Die internasionale betrekkinge teorie van konstruktivisme bied 'n raamwerk vir die analise van die potensiële invloed van norme in internasionale betrekkinge. Konstruktivisme illustreer dat Suid-Afrika se vryheid van aksie bepaal word deur die wisselwerking tussen beleidsakteurs en sosiale kragte met verskillende ideologiese oortuigings oor die staat in die wêreld, die druk wat daarop inwerk en die mate waartoe dit wêreld gebeure kan beïnvloed.

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Ulfgard, Rebecka. "Norm consolidation in the European Union: : The EU14 - Austria crisis in 2000." Doctoral thesis, Växjö universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-390.

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In late January 2000, the EU14 initiated a protest co-ordinated by the Portuguese EU Presidency against the coalition between Wolfgang Schüssel’s ÖVP and Jörg Haider’s right-wing extremist/populist FPÖ, accused of violating EU fundamental values expressed in Article 6(1) TEU. When the government took office on 4 February diplomatic ‘sanctions’ were launched. During spring, the EU14’s wider interpretations of the sanctions, clumsy handling of Austrian countermeasures and deficient strategy on dismantling the protest contributed to crisis escalation. The solution was the appointment of so-called ‘wise men’ to evaluate the political nature of the FPÖ and the effects of the EU14’s ‘diplomatic whipping’ on government policies. Shortly after the Wise Men Report was published the EU14 lifted the ‘sanctions’ unconditionally, but insistent question marks remained. At the informal European Council meeting in Biarritz 13-14 October, the EU14 and the Austrian government agreed on amendments to the trigger mechanisms for the ‘sanctions article’, Article 7 TEU, incorporated in the Nice Treaty from December 2000. This study argues that the EU14’s interests and preferences concerning Article 6(1) TEU, coupled with a consensus-reflex and imagined and ‘real’ time pressure manifested in groupthink and ‘tele groupthink’, a concept including telephone diplomacy, affected the norm during its ‘journey’ through five stages: warning, implementation, crisis escalation, crisis de-escalation, and consequences. A central claim is that both self-interested behaviour and ideational/normative motives guided the EU14, but in a ‘more or less’ way. Mutually complementary arguments from both the rationalist and constructivist paradigms prove compelling in investigating this particularly complex and multi-faceted case. This study concludes that the EU14-Austria crisis resulted not in a rupture in the integration process, but in consolidation of EU fundamental values expressed in Article 6(1) TEU. Thanks to mixed experiences with the EU14’s ‘diplomatic whipping’ of the FPÖ-ÖVP government, the Union took another step towards tighter monitoring of Member States’ compliance with its constituent values. This step was reflected in amendments to Article 7 TEU. The EU14-Austria crisis, as here presented, illustrates the claim that Union-wide crises can have a positive effect on its normative foundation.

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Howard, Lizette G. "European Union Institutions, Democratic Discourse, and the Color Revolutions." Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4508.

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Since the Treaty of the European Union in 1993, the EU has embraced institutional reforms with the stated purpose of achieving greater unity in foreign affairs. Despite the EU's leading role in the political and economic reforms of former Soviet satellites in Central and Eastern Europe, the EU has been less consistent and cohesive in former Soviet space further east--in regions fraught with undemocratic qualities and places where the EU enjoys fewer credible incentives and less leverage. While scholars point to divergent national interests as obstacles for unity abroad, few have unraveled how the institutions of the EU itself pose challenges as well. This research asks whether the institutions of the EU--particularly the Commission, the Council, and the Parliament--promote or hinder the EU's ability to act as a global unitary actor. It analyzes EU institutional democratic discourse in three cases of color revolutions in former Soviet space from 2003 to 2011: Georgia, Ukraine, and the Kyrgyz Republic. The research is based on a qualitative database of official institutional documents from the European Commission, the Council of the European Union, and the European Parliament to identify patterns of discourse in the construction of democracy. The study finds that, across the institutions, democratic discourse is only consistent in the minimal requisites of democracy--particularly elections and rule of law--but the institutions diverge substantially on whether these elements are necessary and sufficient, versus necessary but insufficient. Even if member-states find common ground at the national level, the institutional dynamics of the EU continue to undermine its ability to assert itself as a unitary actor in foreign affairs. The findings of this study have implications for theories on international relations, democracy, and states. It demonstrates that there are limits to mainstream liberal institutionalist approaches best captured by constructivism, and that the EU as a whole, the institutions of the EU, and the constituent member-states can all become actors with competing interests in a given issue area. The study concludes with potential avenues of future research.

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Ortega, Zepeda Javiera Victoria. "Swedish Foreign Policy and China : A cas e study of Sweden’s foreign policy ideationalfoundation toward China during the period 2015 2020." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-184882.

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The bilateral relations between Sweden and China have been characterized by strong trade relations over the years. Nonetheless, several events between 2015 and 2020 have led the diplomatic relations between Sweden and China to take a different turn. Among them, the arrest of the Chinese-born Swedish writer and book publisher Gui Minhai and the alleged abuse of human rights by the Chinese government towards its population. These issues raise questions on how the Swedish government approaches the opportunities and challenges of China’s growing role internationally. This thesis has the purpose to analyse the Swedish government’s reports, statements and other documents regarding China in the period 2015 to 2020, with the intention of unveiling the Swedish foreign policy ideational foundation. Moreover, this thesis has the aim to examine whether it is possible to see a variation of the ideational foundation during these years. The analysis included the use of social constructivism as a theory and the VDP-triad methodology. From the analysis, it resulted that in the observed time period, Sweden’s foreign policy ideational foundation was characterized by the value of cooperation, especially regarding trade. Moreover, during the period observed Sweden characterized for being more active on criticizing China in regard to human rights, democracy and the rule of law. With China, Sweden is thus forced to balance two competing agendas: to pursue its interests and to promote its values.

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Nathani, Inayatali. "Representation of India : an empirical study of Western tourist material." Thesis, Högskolan Väst, Avd för juridik, ekonomi, statistik och politik, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hv:diva-9582.

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This thesis aims to describe how Western tourist websites represents India. Although there has been much research on tourism and Western representation of India, no literature is available on how Western tourist websites represents India. This thesis uses three theories, social constructivism, post-colonial theory, and representation theory. Social constructivism is the base for this thesis. Post-colonial theory is used to find out whether the representation of India includes colonial stereotypes or no. Moreover, the representation theory is the center and the main tool to know and explain how Western tourist websites represents India. The design used is a 'case study' as case study design is compatible to explore the representations of India. The method used is a 'qualitative discourse analysis' which helps to provide a critical analysis of the description of India. Main results of this thesis are that Western tourist websites describe Indian economy as a backward economy. It is unclear whether Indian politics is described as undemocratic or democratic. Indian people are described as a mix of traditional, modern, unfree as well as free people. Indian culture is described as ancient and collective.

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Åberg, Rasmus, and Magdalena Högberg. "An Ever Closer International Society? : A Social Constructivist Approach to Trans-Regional Migration between Africa and the EU." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-11960.

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This thesis discusses the recent change in EU’s immigration policy. EU’s restrictive policies may be changed by the two proposals, COM(2007)637 and COM(2007)638, presented in October 2007. These proposals were formed during a process in which representatives from the African Union (AU) were present in discussions about migration. Using official documents from EU and AU, we study this inter-regional interaction process with the English School theories of “international society” and with a Social Constructivist ontological model describing the relationship between agents, structure and institutions/regimes. We find that the proposal changes the trans-regional migration regime, and by extension the structure and the trans-regional world order. This will probably lead to an increase in the number of African labour immigrants in the EU, which may enlarge the trans-regional “world society” and, in turn, the inter-regional “international society”.

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Wick, Shelley D. "Constructing Threat: How Americans Identify Economic Competitors." FIU Digital Commons, 2013. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/860.

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China’s emergence as an economic powerhouse has often been portrayed as threatening to America’s economic strength and to its very identity as “the global hegemon.” The media’s alarmist response to an economic competitor is familiar to those who remember US-Japanese relations in the 1980s. In order to better understand the basis of American threat perception, this study explores the independent and interactive impact of three variables (perceptions of the Other’s capabilities, perceptions of the Other as a threat versus as an opportunity, and perceptions of the Other’s political culture) on attitudes toward two different economic competitors (Japan 1977-1995 and China 1985-2011). Utilizing four methods (historical process tracing, public polling data analysis, social scientific experimentation, and content analysis), this study demonstrates that increases in the Other’s economic capabilities have a much smaller impact on attitudes than is commonly believed. It further shows that while perceptions of threat/opportunity played a significant role in shaping attitudinal response toward Japan, perceptions of political culture are the most important factor driving attitudes toward China today. This study contributes to a better understanding of how states react to threats and construct negative images of their economic rivals. It also helps to explain the current Sino-American relationship and enables better predictions as to its potential future course. Finally, these findings contribute to cultural explanations of the democratic peace phenomenon and provide a boundary condition (political culture) for the liberal proposition that opportunity ameliorates conflict in the economic realm.

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Seaver, Derrick Charles. "The Power of Perception: Securitization, Democratic Peace, and Enduring Rivalries." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1366130056.

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Wilson, Michael Andrew. "HIV/AIDS Health Policy, Feminism, Backlash, and Anti-LGBT Attitudes in Uganda." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1464705500.

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Ivanov, Vladimir. "Politické vztahy Ruska a Evropské unie." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-149805.

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The thesis aspires to convey a comprehensive and methodologically well-grounded image of the ideological dimension of political interaction between the EU and Russia. The research is based on the linguistic analysis of four key foreign policy documents, conceived as a continuous dialogue between the EU and Russia, and covering the period between 1994 and 2007. A model comprising several methods used in the study of international relations is applied to the aforementioned documents. The methods in question focus on discourse analysis. The methodological basis of the thesis incorporates the theoretical concepts of social constructivism, speech acts theory and dialogic analysis. Emphasis is placed on understanding the expectations and objectives of actors, the analysis of explicit and implicit messages in the dialogue, the definition of the actors' understanding of self, other and the third party. The thesis also tries to describe and explain the actors' changes in behavior towards each other.

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Feijó, Ataualpa Godolphim. "O construtivismo político rawlseano: da possibilidade de uma justificação política normativa não-fundacionalista." Universidade Federal de Pelotas, 2011. http://repositorio.ufpel.edu.br/handle/ri/1027.

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Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:17:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ataualpa_Godolphim_Feijo_Dissertacao.pdf: 1157658 bytes, checksum: 39418b95a73eb9413821bfe66409f3e2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-05-09
Contemporaries democratic societies are deeply distinguished by the diverseness of ethical, phylosophical and religious doctrines so that the principles that govern the basic structure of society must be established in a way this pluralism be respected. John Rawls, in this context, shows his theory of justice as fairness, which proposes a political constructivism for constructing and justify the Equal Liberty and the Fair Equality of Opportunity/Difference principles. So, such principles are not introduced as more fitness for the basic structure because they allude to a prior normative order foregoing the conceptions of person and society, but because they express shared political values that constitute moral facts which, for them part, doesn t need be epistemologically proved in order to be utilized as ground points for the more general principles. Thus, arouse the concept of reasonable as opposed to true, because the idea of reasonableness alludes to an account of justification that doesn t appeal to an autonomous or heteronomous foundational authority. In this manner, this idea becomes an substitute for the idea of truth, which inevitably implies a notion of absolute and foudationalist justification that, according to Rawls, isn t suitable for a theory of justice which intends itself tolerant and freestanding. We must therefore, in order to expose this constructivism in a didactic way, analyse the three procedures which compose it, namely, original position, reflective equilibrium and overlapping consensus. It has evidenced that these procedures work in narrow syntony, so that them propitiate a normative account of objectivity for the principles of justice which can perfectly leave aside the notions of truth and absolute growndwork
As sociedades democráticas contemporâneas são profundamente marcadas pela diversidade de doutrinas éticas, filosóficas e religiosas, de modo que os princípios que regem a estrutura básica da sociedade precisam ser estabelecidos para que este pluralismo seja respeitado. Nesse ínterim, John Rawls apresenta sua teoria da justiça como equidade, a qual propõe um construtivismo político que visa a construção e a justificação dos princípios de Igual Liberdade e Igualdade Equitativa de Oportunidade/Diferença. Assim, tais princípios não são apresentados como sendo os mais adequados - para a estrutura básica social - em vista de remeterem a uma ordem normativa anterior às concepções de pessoa e sociedade, mas, sim, por expressarem valores políticos compartilhados que constituem fatos morais, os quais, por sua vez, não necessitam ser epistemologicamente comprovados a fim de poderem ser utilizados como pontos de ancoramento para os princípios mais gerais. Surge, desta forma, o conceito de razoável (reasonable) como sendo contraposto ao conceito de verdadeiro (true), uma vez que a ideia de razoabilidade remete a uma concepção de justificação que não apela para uma autoridade fundacional de cunho autônomo ou heterônomo. Logo, esta ideia vem a substituir a de verdade, a qual acarreta, inevitavelmente, uma noção de justificação absoluta e fundacionalista, justificação esta que, conforme Rawls, não é adequada para uma teoria da justiça que se pretenda tolerante e autossustentada (freestanding). Desta maneira, a fim de expormos didaticamente este construtivismo, precisamos analisar os três procedimentos que o compõem, a saber, a posição original (original position), o equilíbrio reflexivo (reflective equilibrium) e o consenso sobreposto (overlapping consensus). Constatou-se que esses procedimentos operam em estreita sintonia, de modo que propiciam uma concepção de objetividade normativa para os princípios políticos de justiça - que pode, perfeitamente, prescindir das noções de verdade e de fundamentação absoluta

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Desmons, Ophélie. "Les présupposés du libéralisme politique : quelle justification ? John Rawls et l'hypothèse herméneutique." Thesis, Lille 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LIL30021.

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Pour de nombreux architectes du libéralisme politique contemporain, la neutralité constitue une caractéristique définitionnelle du libéralisme politique. Il est pourtant clair que ces nouvelles formulations du libéralisme ne sont pas exemptes de tout présupposé substantiel. Le libéralisme politique de Rawls, par exemple, accorde de la valeur aux notions de liberté, d'égalité et d'équité. Comment la présence de tels présupposés substantiels est-elle conciliable avec la prétention à la neutralité ? Tel est le problème qui est à l'origine de ce travail de recherche. Pour le résoudre, un vaste travail d'explicitation des présupposés du libéralisme, et plus particulièrement du libéralisme politique de John Rawls, ainsi qu'une étude critique du terme « neutralité » ont été réalisés. Avec Rawls, contre une conception procédurale de la neutralité, je défends la neutralité des justifications et démontre qu'elle constitue la conception de la neutralité la plus plausible. Une justification neutre est définie comme justification fondée sur des conceptions communes, c'est-à-dire partagées. Se pose alors la question de la justification de ces présupposés substantiels tenus pour communs. J'indique comment, chez Rawls, la question de la justification reçoit une réponse conceptuelle. Rawls résout cette question en soutenant une conception cohérentiste de la justification et en développant un certain nombre de concepts innovants, au premier rang desquels l'équilibre réfléchi, dont je défends une conception extensive. Si puissants que soient ces outils conceptuels, dans la mesure où les présupposés du libéralisme sont considérés comme étant implicites dans la culture politique publique, ces présupposés semblent néanmoins appeler une autre forme de justification : une justification herméneutique. Si les présupposés du libéralisme sont le résultat d'une interprétation, il faut être capable de rendre raison de cette interprétation. La deuxième partie de ce travail se met en quête d'une telle justification herméneutique, en se fondant sur l'hypothèse qu'elle est disponible dans les travaux que Rawls consacre à l'histoire de la philosophie : les Lectures on the History of Moral Philosophy et les Lectures on the History of Political Philosophy. Pour de nombreux architectes du libéralisme politique contemporain, la neutralité constitue une caractéristique définitionnelle du libéralisme politique. Il est pourtant clair que ces nouvelles formulations du libéralisme ne sont pas exemptes de tout présupposé substantiel. Le libéralisme politique de Rawls, par exemple, accorde de la valeur aux notions de liberté, d'égalité et d'équité. Comment la présence de tels présupposés substantiels est-elle conciliable avec la prétention à la neutralité ? Tel est le problème qui est à l'origine de ce travail de recherche. Pour le résoudre, un vaste travail d'explicitation des présupposés du libéralisme, et plus particulièrement du libéralisme politique de John Rawls, ainsi qu'une étude critique du terme « neutralité » ont été réalisés. Avec Rawls, contre une conception procédurale de la neutralité, je défends la neutralité des justifications et démontre qu'elle constitue la conception de la neutralité la plus plausible. Une justification neutre est définie comme justification fondée sur des conceptions communes, c'est-à-dire partagées. Se pose alors la question de la justification de ces présupposés substantiels tenus pour communs. J'indique comment, chez Rawls, la question de la justification reçoit une réponse conceptuelle. Rawls résout cette question en soutenant une conception cohérentiste de la justification et en développant un certain nombre de concepts innovants, au premier rang desquels l'équilibre réfléchi, dont je défends une conception extensive. Si puissants que soient ces outils conceptuels, dans la mesure où les présupposés
Many supporters of political liberalism consider that neutrality is part of the definition of liberalism. Yet, it is obvious that these new forms of liberalism are not free from substantive presuppositions. Rawls's political liberalism, as an example, values freedom, equality and fairness. But how can such substantive commitments be compatible with the claim for neutrality?This problem is the starting point of this thesis. To solve it, I work to make the presuppositions of liberalism explicit, especially those of Rawls's political liberalism, and I carry out a critical study of the word “neutrality”. With Rawls and against a procedural conception of neutrality, I support a conception of neutrality as justificatory neutrality, which I consider the most believable conception of neutrality. A neutral justification is defined as a justification which is based on shared conceptions. So, the question to be answered is the question of the justification of these substantive presuppositions, which are taken for shared. I study how Rawls gives a conceptual answer to the question of justification. Rawls answers this question supporting a coherentist conception of justification and developing innovative concepts, such as the concept of reflective equilibrium, of which I support an extensive conception. However convincing these concepts may be and because Rawls considers that the liberal presuppositions are implicit in the public political culture, it seems to me that these presuppositions call for another form of justification: a hermeneutic justification. If the presuppositions are the final result of an interpretation, this interpretation has to be justified. The second part of this thesis looks for such a hermeneutic justification. Its main assumption is that such a justification can be found in Rawls's works on the history of philosophy: the Lectures on the History of Moral Philosophy and the Lectures on the History of Political Philosophy

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Sofic, Elvira. "The Role of the EU in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict : A Qualitative Case Study on the Role of the EU in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict approached through realism, liberalism and constructivism." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-90944.

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For over four decades, the EU has been an active external actor in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. However, the role that the EU has in the conflict, have many times been questioned. This thesis aims therefore to examine the role of the EU in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by using three international relations theories; realism, liberalism and constructivism. With the research question of how the role of the EU can be understood and explained, a qualitative case study is being done. The theories are being approached in a theory consuming way focusing on following concepts; collective EU interests, security and military resources, democracy promotion, international law, and identity and norms. Following the results and analysis of the concepts, the EU does have an important, yet laid back role in the conflict. The EU has been an influential actor in many ways, however, the role has mostly been diplomatic and economic rather that political. This indicates that, for the EU to become a stronger political actor, the Union needs to take on more effective measures when acting and also handle the occurring changes within the Union.

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Vikström, Martina. "Corporate Social Responsibility : -Kan det bidra till demokratisering?" Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-971.

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There is a growing awareness that multinational companies have opportunities to influence political conditions. Ethical activities made by multinational companies and “Corporate Social Responsibility” (CSR) can therefore function as a positive input in society. The primary purpose of this master thesis is to investigate CSR´s contribution to strengthen human rights, and thereby to democratization. The research questions are listed below:

1. How can the CSR-phenomenon be analyzed in relation to constructivism, legitimacy and democratization through external pressure and civil society?

2. What initiatives have been undertaken by nonstate- and intergovernmental actors for companies´ implementation of human rights?

3. How can CSR-principles be organized in future?

4. How can the CSR-phenomenon be exemplified and related to current human rights-issues in the case of Russia?

The theoretical approach represents a somewhat untraditional view on democratization and its origins. Multinational companies are traditionally not analyzed as strengtheners of human rights. The theoretical framework of this thesis is developed from theories of constructivism, legitimacy and democratization through external pressure and civil society and aims to be a tool in analyzing CSR´s contribution to democratization.

The study builds on primary as well as secondary sources, and the method is of a qualitative character. The explorative and descriptive nature of the study can shape a ground for further research, perspectives, and debates on CSR and democratization. The case of Russia gives a concrete exemplification of CSR. An analytical instrument is developed to summarize and illustrate how CSR can be studied.

The results of the study give an analytical approach to CSR´s contribution to strengthen the situation for human rights in states. The analytical framework was useful to make an analytical description of important aspects regarding the phenomenon. There are limitations in showing correlations in real empirical effects. As a consequence, the study shows its strength in the theoretical debate. On the other hand, the empirical results show that CSR could contribute to development and improvements in human rights-related issues in general and in Russia.

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Lundh, Josefine. "Konfliktrelaterat sexuellt våld mot kvinnor och flickor : En teorikonsumerande fallstudie av konfliktrelaterat sexuellt våld mot kvinnor och flickor i Demokratiska Republiken Kongo (DR Kongo) utifrån ett socialkonstruktivistiskt perspektiv." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-166436.

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The Democratic Republic of Congo is a country that has a violent and long history as a european colony and has since then been affected by recurrent interethnic conflicts between different armed groups. In these interethnic conflicts, armed actors have used sexual violence against women and girls as a weapon of war. Based on the social constructivism theory, this study aims to identify underlaying historical and colonial factors that could explain conflict- related sexual violence against women and girls in present interethnic conflicts in the country. The purpose is furthermore to explain why women and girls are subjected to conflict-related sexual violence to a great extent and why the sexual violence continues. The study concludes that social interactions between individuals and the social context where it occurs helps to explain conflict-related sexual violence against women and girls in present interethnic conflicts in the country. Sexual violence against women and girls can be explained as an instrument of power that has been used by armed actors to promote their own interests, which has been done in similar ways since the colonial era. Sexual violence against women and girls can also be explained as a social construction that has been created as a result of the power relationship that exists between men and women. Furthermore, sexual violence against women and girls still occurs to a great extent because it continues to be used as an instrument of power and because of armed groups perception about women and girls worth in the Congolese society.

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Bui, Mi. "A Comparative Study: Was the 2015 Refugee Crisis Securitised in Hungary and Sweden? : A comparative constructivist study on the securitisation of migration." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-43754.

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In 2015, Europe experienced the arrival of an unprecedented number of migrants and refugees. This sparked a crisis, as the European states struggled to cope with the influx. Moreover, tensions in the European Union arose due to the disproportionate burden faced by some states, therefore arguably leading to some countries securitising the issue. This thesis seeks to investigate how and to what degrees socio-political conditions and political leadership roles impacted the securitisation of the 2015 refugee crisis in Hungary and Sweden. The assessment of these questions was approached by this paper through the employment of a comparative study analysis and a qualitative content analysis of speeches held by the Hungarian and Swedish prime ministers. Additionally, this paper utilises a theoretical framework, based upon Finnemore and Sikkink’s social constructivism and the Copenhagen School’s securitisation theory. This paper argues that socio-political conditions and leadership roles, embodied by the prime ministers of Hungary and Sweden, significantly impacted the securitisation processes of the 2015 refugee crisis. Furthermore, political leadership roles are interconnected to socio-political conditions via the securitisation of political issues in the following way: socio-cultural aspects, paired with political interests, inform the political leaders that shape how and through which articulation securitisation occurs.

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Holmes, Marcus. "The Force of Face-to-Face Diplomacy in International Politics." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1307037152.

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Söderstedt, Jesper. "Säkerhetiseringen av migration i svensk media : Konstruktionen av ett hot." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-153951.

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This paper aims to investigate a medial construction of securitization. It aims to comprehend the way a discourse of securitization is constructed and in what sense a certain group of immigrants are constructed as an existential threat within it. With postcolonialism, discourse theory and securitization theory providing the theoretical framework the discourse of a far-right internet newspaper is analysed. It is argued that the discourse indeed ought to be considered a discourse of securitization while also maintaining that the relevant group of immigrants are constructed as an existential threat. What this paper thus argues, is that, at least to a limited extent, a securitization of migration is occuring in Swedish far-right media.

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Kumpis, Arvydas. "Situation of Zainichi Koreans in the context of Takeshima/Dokdo issue." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2013. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2013~D_20130605_135712-36597.

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Takeshima/Dokdo issue is an ongoing territorial dispute between Japan and South Korea. Dispute is being constantly renewed, resulting in clashes in political arena. This issue is represented in various aspects, such as historical, economical or political one. Nevertheless, social construct of Zainichi Koreans are often excluded from the discourse of this issue, though their ambiguous situation may be directly affected by the course of Takeshima/Dokdo issue. Therefore, the hypothesis was raised - in Japan Zainichi Koreans undergo discrimination, which is intensifying according to the course of Takeshima/Dokdo issue. In order to verify the hypothesis, in-depth interviews with Zainichi Koreans were conducted. Nevertheless, mainly because of unreliability of research subjects, no instances of different treatment with Zainichi Koreans were witnessed.
Takešimos/Dokdo salų konfliktas yra vis dar besitęsiantis ir periodiškai atsinaujinantis teritorinis ginčas tarp Japonijos ir Pietų Korėjos. Konfliktas aptariamas ir analizuojamas įvairiuose kontekstuose, tokiuose kaip istorinis, ekonominis ar politinis. Tačiau dabartinė mokslinė bazė stokoja platesnio šio teritorinio ginčo vertinimo, dažnai užmirštant įtraukti socialinio konstrukto, Zainiči korėjiečių, faktorių. Dėl to šiame darbe bandoma patikrinti iškeltą hipotezę, jog Zainiči korėjiečių Japonijoje diskriminacijos lygis priklauso nuo Takešimos/Dokdo salų konflikto eigos. Hipotezei patikrinti buvo atliktas tyrimas, giluminis interviu pagrindu, apklausiant Zainiči korėjiečius. Dėl įvairių priežasčių, tokių kaip tyrimo lauko nepatikimumas, hipotezė nepasitvirtino, neaptikus jokių užuominų apie skirtingą elgesį su Zainiči korėjiečiais ne tik teritorinio ginčo, bet ir bendrame kontekste.

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Forsudd, Carl-Magnus. "The Motives of Aid Donors : A comparative study of the aid allocation of Denmark, Norway and Sweden." Thesis, Växjö University, Växjö University, Växjö University, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-5774.

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This essay seeks to discern the motives of the aid allocation of western governments. The aim of the essay is to find differences between three highly similar aid donors: namely Denmark, Norway and Sweden, by doing a comparative case study according to the most similar case method. The research has been conducted by analyzing material from two ministers of each government, the Foreign Ministers and Ministers for International Development, by using a motive-analysis method. Social constructivism and structural realism have been used as a theoretical explanation. These two theories have been helpful in understanding how International Relations work.The results showed that although the three countries were highly similar, they showed some crucial differences in their motivation for aid allocation, especially in the case of Denmark. Theoretically, this could be explained by social constructivism, i.e. that the states have different priorities and experiences.

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Chernysh, Kseniia. "Russian Foreign Policy Discourse during and after the Georgian War: Representations of NATO." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Engineering, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-54808.

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The study analyzes Russian foreign policy discourse on NATO during and after the Georgian war as constructed in on-line news articles from the state-run RIA Novosti news agency. The thesis adopts constructivist and discourse analytical approach. Namely, it is based on the interplay between the three main theoretical pillars: language as constitutive part of social reality; media as a type of discourse; and the constructivist understanding of the foreign policy discourse as being embedded in the domestic social and cultural dimensions.

The research has shown that the discourse on NATO constructed in the news articles of Ria Novosti to a great extent reflected the official Russian government’s discourse. The overall unfavorable representation of the organization was evident throughout the analyzed material. This ‘negative-other representation’ served to establish political frontiers between ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’ of the discourse. In the context of the Georgian war, the questions of the future power balance as well as effective transatlantic security mechanism gained particular prominence. The geopolitics of the regional security was represented as bipolar, comprising NATO (or ‘the West’ in its broad sense) on the one hand and Russia as the legitimate leader in most of the post-Soviet space, on the other. Such representation tended to possess distinctive features of the Cold War discourse.

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Al, Nashéa Aram. "The Reaction of the U.S. President To the Rise of China : A discourse analysis into the president of the United States’ reaction to China emerging as a competing hegemon." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-338783.

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The U.S. has enjoyed global hegemonic power for over 70 years and even more so after the fall of the Soviet Union. However, some political scientists argue that it is descending and the evidence lies in the increasing power of China. An imbalance of power in the international structure has the ability to result in different outcomes. The realist theory suggests that a conflict between the U.S. and China is unavoidable, the liberal theory suggests that the economic dependency between the two makes conflict less possible, while the constructivist theory suggests that the outcome depends on the reaction of the leaders and social change. This study asks what the reaction of the President of the U.S. is to the rise of China to find out the result of this hegemonic power imbalance. By using discourse analysis, this study has analyzed the remarks of President Trump from the period of January 2017 to November 2017 in search of his reaction to the rise of China. The results of this study show that President Trump divides the world in two parts making the U.S. the protagonist and the rest of the world, including China, the antagonist in his discourse as his reaction. Due to this reaction, Trump takes nationalistic and protectionist measures against China.

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Tillman, Isa. "American foreign policy on North Korea : A comparative case study of the American presidential administrations of Clinton and Obama." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-146213.

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The aim of this thesis is to analyze whether there are any differences in how the two American presidential administrations of Clinton and Obama have formed their foreign policy, in regards to North Korea. In order to carry out my analysis I have gathered relevant material from public statements made by Presidents Clinton and Obama, as well as their respective Secretaries of Defense. My theoretical framework consists of constructivism, and of doctrine. The material is then presented and illustrated with the help of word clouds. The conclusions I have been able to reach show that there were different foreign policy doctrines between Presidents Clinton and Obama. President Clinton’s administration was more focused on preventing North Korea from becoming a nuclear state, whereas the administration of President Obama needed to prevent the North Koreans from using their nuclear arsenal.

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Wilen, Nina. "Justifying interventions: (De)Stabilizing sovereignty? the cases of Liberia and Burundi." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210173.

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The thesis poses the question of how one can stabilize a state through external intervention without destabilizing sovereignty. The study critically examines the justifications for international and regional interventions in the cases of Liberia and Burundi through a social constructivist framework. The main objective of the thesis is to enhance the understanding of how sovereignty is interpreted during non-aggressive interventions, both from a theoretical perspective through analysis of official discourses and from a practical perspective through interviews with external and internal actors in the field. The thesis argues that it may be more fruitful for future studies to question the aim of these interventions, rather than ask how to improve them. The study finds that rather than reinforce the sovereignty, these interventions neutralize states subject to external intervention in the sense that they become dependent on external capacity to maintain their stability, thereby maintaining peace and order in the international arena. The conclusion is that these interventions remain both controversial and paradoxical and the stated aim of reinforcing the state's sovereignty is questionable at best.
Doctorat en sciences politiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Aziz, Amanj. "Korta byxor, slöjor och skägg : Muslimer, det svenska samhället och interaktion." Thesis, University West, Department of Economics and IT, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hv:diva-2692.

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Denna uppsats behandlar frågan kring fördomar, muslimer och interaktion. Undersökningen sker genom en intervjuundersökning där respondenterna får svara på frågor som berör deras syn på muslimer utifrån deras interaktionsnivå. Tidigare forskning säger att den socialt konstruerade bilden av muslimer är negativ, och att den upprätthålls av samhället, däribland filmindustrin. Som ramverk för att undersöka detta används socialkonstruktivismen och kontaktteorin. Kontaktteorin, som introduceras av Gordon Allport, säger att interaktion mellan grupper minskar fördomar genom att grupperna interagerar som jämbördiga och med gemensamma mål. Dessa grupper beskrivs som ingroup och outgroup. Uppsatsen behandlar således om interaktionen hos respondenterna påverkar perceptionen de har av muslimer i Sverige. Slutsatsen är att interaktionen hos respondenterna påverkar uppfattningen de har av muslimer. De respondenter som hade regelbunden kontakt med muslimer, uppfattade inte gruppen i negativa termer.

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Otterbach, Benjamin. "Evolving EU climate policy discourses and self-representation : A study of press-releases from Kyoto to Copenhagen." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-69118.

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This thesis analyzes EU international climate policy discourses around the adoption of the Kyoto Protocol, its entry‐into‐force and the COP15‐negotiations in Copenhagen. Using EU‐press releases and employing Hajer’s argumentative approach, the main focus lies on discursive shifts and self representation. The thesis finds considerable discursive shifts, including a changing role of science, global responsibility and the economy. Findings also include the self‐representation of the EU changing from an emerging to an established and powerful actor but with a sharp rupture after COP15.

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Safdari, Ghandehari Roozbeh. "Systems Thinking and Culture in International Relations: A Foreign Policy Approach." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/34829.

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The mainstream theories of international relations (IR) can be categorized under two approaches: Cultural and Systems. Although the two approaches appear to be at the opposite ends of the spectrum, this paper aims to evaluate both approaches, and to provide a systemic approach to foreign policy: The systems thinking and culture (STC). STC attempts to incorporate domestic culture, a unit-level force, in analyzing states’ behavior in the international system, while still preserving the structure, as emphasized in systemic theories like neorealism. The STC model shows how the domestic culture as a unit-level force, and the structure as a systems-level force, can shape a state’s behavior and policies in the international political system.

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Jurgelevičiūtė, Diana. "The Role of Historical Analogies in Foreign Policy Formulation and Implementation: the Case of Cold War Historical Analogy." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2011. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2011~D_20111102_111404-05867.

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The question raised in this dissertation is: how is foreign policy explained by analyzing the use of historical analogies by decision-makers in their public statements? The purpose of this study is to develop an analytical framework that will help one to analyze the role of historical analogies in foreign policy. This dissertation challenges conventional approaches to historical analogies. It claims that conventional approaches unduly restrict the role that historical analogies play in foreign policy because of the way they perceive variety of practices in which historical analogies are used, as well as their premises about history and language analysis. This dissertation argues against the arguments of conventional instrumental, cognitive and integrated approaches and claims that the scope of constitutive approach needs to be extended. An alternative conceptualization of historical analogies is built on premises of rule-oriented constructivism, speech act theory and dialogical analysis method. In order to demonstrate the significance of the alternative approach to historical analogies the model is applied to an illustrative analysis of the Cold War historical analogy used by the U.S. and Russia’s officials in 2007–2008. The question whether a chance of a (new) Cold War between the U.S. and Russia was possible at that time is answered by showing what kind of rules policy-makers had constituted by using the Cold War historical analogy.
Disertacijoje keliamas klausimas, kaip galima paaiškinti valstybės užsienio politiką analizuojant užsienio politikos veikėjų viešuose pasisakymuose naudojamas istorines analogijas ir su jomis susijusį užsienio politikos procesą? Tyrimo tikslas – sukonstruoti modelį, kuris leistų paaiškinti istorinių analogijų vaidmenį užsienio politikoje. Teigiama, kad konvenciniai požiūriai į istorines analogijas, dėl savo prielaidų apie istorinių analogijų naudojimo praktikas, istorijos ir kalbos analizę, pernelyg siaurai aiškina istorinių analogijų vaidmenį užsienio politikoje. Disertacijoje oponuojama instrumentiniam, kognityviam ir integruotam požiūriams į istorinių analogijų vaidmenį užsienio politikoje ir teigiama, kad reikėtų išplėtoti konstitutyviojo požiūrio aiškinimą. Tyrime formuluojamas konvenciniams požiūriams alternatyvus istorinių analogijų analizės modelis, apimantis taisyklių konstruktyvizmo ir kalbėjimo akto teorijos prielaidas bei dialoginės analizės metodą. Siekiant atskleisti, kaip remiantis modeliu gali būti analizuojamos istorinės analogijos, jis pritaikomas atvejo analizei – 2007–2008 m. JAV ir Rusijos politikų naudotos Šaltojo karo istorinės analogijos tyrimui. Remiantis istorinių analogijų analizės modeliu tuo metu JAV ir Rusijos santykių tyrimuose dažnai keltą klausimą, ar egzistuoja (naujas) šaltasis karas tarp JAV ir Rusijos, bandoma atsakyti tiriant, kaip pasiremdami Šaltojo karo istorine analogija JAV ir Rusijos užsienio politikos veikėjai apibrėžė dvišalius... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

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Melonas, Alexander Paul. "Situated Animals: A Critique of Social Constructivist Excesses in Political Theory." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2015. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/321722.

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Political Science
Ph.D.
In this dissertation I explore the ramifications of political theory being freed from two opposed extremes of biologism and social constructivism because, ultimately, the human animal is both a biological creature and capable of becoming. While it has been highly significant for humanistic scholars to challenge the governing authority of the "hard sciences" as the prime site of legitimacy in modern scholarship, the position of critique has transformed into one of outright and unqualified hostility. I resist this commitment to show that work at the intersection of the human biological sciences and political theory need not amount to political conservatism or pessimism. To this end, I address two questions with the aim of (re-)situating the human animal as a common property in political theory. First, I explore and challenge the commitments that inform the strict social constructionist thesis. This move leads to a second consideration: what questions are open if we see the problem not as biology, but as biological determinism? I make four arguments in this dissertation. First, I use Ernst Cassirer to show that "human" and "animal" can be integrated in a philosophical anthropology in a constructive way, one that avoids the reductionism implied in the term "animal" (or biological creature) and the naiveté of conceiving of human beings as though they are distinct from or wholly independent of nature. Second, I use Marxist materialism to integrate the human biological sciences with a meaningful theory of human freedom. Third, I work at the intersection of contemporary political theories of identity and the human biological sciences to reconcile the effects of "predispositions" with the effects of our social identities. I do so in a way that resists essentialism. Finally, I use feminist scholarship to argue that the human biological sciences cannot be used to justify hierarchy, or rather, that "hard science" doesn't in any meaningful sense say anything at all about equality.
Temple University--Theses

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political constructivism'

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