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Journal articles on the topic 'Political constructivism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 19 February 2022

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1

CHO, YOUNG CHUL. "State Identity Formation in Constructivist Security Studies: A Suggestive Essay." Japanese Journal of Political Science 13, no. 3 (August 9, 2012): 299–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109912000114.

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AbstractAlthough any typology of constructivism might be arbitrary, there are, broadly speaking, two distinctive constructivist approaches in security studies as well as International Relations (IR) according to their different meta-theoretical stances: conventional constructivism, on the one hand, and critical constructivism on the other. Indeed, regarding how to understand state identity which is integral to national security, there has meta-theoretically been fierce contention between conventional and critical constructivist security studies. In not ignoring but slightly toning down this contention operating at the abstract level, this article aims to present a pragmatic application of the two different (or conflicting) constructivisms to capturing a more complete picture of state identity formation in substantive empirical research of constructivist security studies. The pragmatic approach is that, without being immersed heavily in the meta-theoretical strife between the two seemingly conflicting constructivist camps, both constructivisms should be treated as different analytical frameworks for examining different (internal and external) faces of state identity formation: the external construction of state identity can be well addressed by conventional constructivism, while the internal one by critical constructivism. In this sense, the relationship between conventional and critical constructivism can be understood as not conflicting but complementary in empirical research, as both constructivisms enrich and deepen our understanding of state identity formation in different ways.

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Urbanek, Andrzej. "A CONSTRUCTIVIST VISION OF SECURITY." Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka - Refleksje 32, no. 32 (December 31, 2018): 256–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.8104.

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In the article its author has attempted to systematize various concepts and ways of approaching the issue of security by representatives of political constructivism. Constructivism is a relatively young concept, which emerged as an alternative to liberalism and political realism. The article presents the main assumptions of the constructivist vision of security, the approach to security by representatives of conventional and critical constructivism, as well as the concept of ontological security developed by constructivists.

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3

Checkel, Jeffrey T. "Social constructivisms in global and European politics: a review essay." Review of International Studies 30, no. 2 (March 17, 2004): 229–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210504006023.

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Social constructivism has come of age in contemporary international relations (IR) theory. Indeed, more and more submissions to presses and journals in both Europe and America characterise themselves as constructivist or situate their arguments vis à vis those of constructivists. In substantive terms and as the three books under review attest, constructivists also now offer detailed empirical studies that amplify and enrich their earlier conceptual and meta-theoretical critiques of mainstream approaches. Yet, as with any maturing research programme, there are gaps to be filled and challenges to be met. These include a better appreciation and theorisation of domestic politics; more explicit attention to research methods; further work on the linguistic turn so central to much of constructivism; and, finally, a rethink of attempts to build bridges.

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Jackson, Patrick Thaddeus, and Daniel H. Nexon. "Constructivist Realism or Realist-Constructivism?" International Studies Review 6, no. 2 (June 2004): 337–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1521-9488.2004.419_2.x.

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Barkin, J. Samuel. "Realist Constructivism and Realist-Constructivisms." International Studies Review 6, no. 2 (June 2004): 348–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1521-9488.2004.419_6.x.

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6

Motyl, Alexander J. "The social construction of social construction: implications for theories of nationalism and identity formation." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 1 (January 2010): 59–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903394508.

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Although most contemporary theories of nationalism and identity formation rest on some form of social constructivism, few theorists of nationalism and identity formation interrogate social constructivism as a social construction – a social science concept “imposed” on the non-self-consciously constructivist behaviors of people, who generally do not believe they are engaging in construction. Since social constructivism – unless it is a metaphysics about what is real – is really about the concept of social construction, the first task of constructivists is to ask not how various populations have engaged in social construction but how social construction should be defined. As this article shows, constructivism is at best a run-of-the-mill theoretical approach – perfectly respectable, but no different from any other theoretical approach in the social sciences. It is only when social constructivism makes outlandishly radical claims – that all of reality or all of social reality is constructed – that it is unusual, exciting, and wrong.

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Jung, Hoyoon. "The Evolution of Social Constructivism in Political Science: Past to Present." SAGE Open 9, no. 1 (January 2019): 215824401983270. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244019832703.

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This article aims to illuminate how social constructivism has evolved as a mainstream international relation (IR) paradigm within a short period of time. To be specific, I navigated core tenets of constructivism in terms of its ontology, epistemology, and methodology, respectively. I also explored the growing body of constructivist empirical research and ensuing theoretical refinement as well as the strengths and weaknesses of a constructivist approach. Through these discussions, this article argues that constructivist approaches, since its emergence, have hugely contributed to the development of the study of IRs, providing novel insights and distinct ways of understanding of social and international reality with its own added value, by focusing on the role of ideas, identity, and norms in shaping state preferences and world politics.

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8

Klosko, George. "Political Constructivism in Rawls's Political Liberalism." American Political Science Review 91, no. 3 (September 1997): 635–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952079.

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In Political Liberalism, John Rawls employs a distinctive method of “political constructivism” to establish his well-known principles of justice, arguing that his principles are suited to bridge the ineradicable pluralism of liberal societies and so to ground an “overlapping consensus.” Setting aside the question of whether Rawls's method supports his principles, I argue that he does not adequately defend reliance on this particular method rather than alternatives. If the goal of Rawls's “political” philosophy is to derive principles that are able to overcome liberal pluralism, then another and simpler method should be employed. The “method of convergence” would develop liberal principles directly from the convergence of comprehensive views in existing societies, and so give rise to quite different moral principles.

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9

Tampio, Nicholas. "A defense of political constructivism." Contemporary Political Theory 11, no. 3 (September 20, 2011): 305–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cpt.2011.27.

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10

Tan, See Seng. "Rescuing constructivism from the constructivists: a critical reading of constructivist interventions in Southeast Asian security." Pacific Review 19, no. 2 (June 2006): 239–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09512740500473288.

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Weber, Martin. "The Normative Grammar of Relational Analysis: Recognition Theory's Contribution to Understanding Short-Comings in IR's Relational Turn." International Studies Quarterly 64, no. 3 (June 11, 2020): 641–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa036.

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Abstract This Theory Note focuses on the resurgent interest in relationalism in constructivist IR theory. I begin by contextualizing current efforts to move constructivism toward this theoretical register. In particular, I focus on the framing influence of Mustafa Emirbayer's “Manifesto for a Relational Sociology,” showing how key theoretical concerns articulated there have resonated with the constructivist critique of rationalist and structuralist explanatory approaches in IR. These cross-purposes, however, also signal that the lacunae identified by Emirbayer should be of interest to IR constructivists seeking to promote a relationalist research project. I argue that in particular Emirbayer's identification of a gap on normative implications has not received adequate attention in IR debates. In the second part, I discuss Honneth's recognition theoretic approach as promising for supplementing a normative register that satisfies the “process-ontological” proclivities of relationalism as understood by IR constructivists. In the final part, I outline by way of an example some of the meta-theoretical and methodological implications of this version of recognition theory, contrast it with contending arguments in current debates, and commend its potential.

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Fletcher, Joseph F., and Patrick Neal. "Hercules and the Legislator: The Problem of Justice in Contemporary Political Philosophy." Canadian Journal of Political Science 18, no. 1 (March 1985): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900029206.

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AbstractThe authors aim to reveal both the potentialities and limitations of recent attempts by Dworkin and Rawls (especially in the latter's work since the publication of A Theory of Justice) to work out a constructivist conception of right to serve as the groundwork of a rights-based theory of justice. The constructivist conception of right is promising, the authors argue, because it points beyond both teleological naturalism and instrumentalism as conceptions of right. The authors, however, find Dworkin and Rawls's constructivism to be ultimately inadequate, and argue that their project would be furthered through consideration of the constructivist aspects of Rousseau's conception of right as articulated in The Social Contract.

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Kaufman, Alexander. "Political Liberalism, Constructivism, and Global Justice." Journal of Moral Philosophy 10, no. 5 (2013): 621–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455243-4681009.

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In The Law of Peoples, John Rawls develops a theory of global justice whose scope and ambitions are quite modest. Far from justifying a global resource distribution principle modeled on the difference principle, Rawls’s theory does not argue for significant redistribution among peoples. This paper focuses on Rawls’s claim that the character and scope of his account of global justice are determined by the constructivist method that he employs to extend political liberalism’s project from the domestic to the global sphere. The principles of an acceptable law of peoples, he argues, are simply those principles that would be selected by rational representatives of peoples from the standpoint of a suitably characterized fair choice position. This paper argues that Rawls’s constructivist method in fact provides support for an account of global justice of greater scope and ambition than Rawls’s Law of Peoples.

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Kabele, Jiří. "Social Constructivism." Czech Sociological Review 32, no. 3 (June 1, 1996): 317–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.13060/00380288.1996.32.3.06.

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SKRTIC, THOMAS M., WAYNE SAILOR, and KATHLEEN GEE. "Voice, Collaboration, and Inclusion." Remedial and Special Education 17, no. 3 (May 1996): 142–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/074193259601700304.

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Although the rise of constructivism calls conventional remedial and special education practices into question, it also represents a positive opportunity for progress and renewal in the professions and in society. emphasizing the constructivist principles of voice, collaboration, and inclusion, the authors identify the influence of constructivism across three interrelated levels of reform: structural reforms in school organization, pedagogical reforms in classrooms, and institutional reforms in human service systems generally relative to the “school-linked services integration” movement. by doing so, the authors argue that, far more than a new special education service delivery model, inclusion is the emerging cultural logic of the 21st century. they conclude the article with a political-economic argument for inclusive education and a discussion of the implications of constructivist reform efforts for the broader possibility of democratic renewal in society.

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Alekseeva, T. A., A. P. Mineev, A. V. Fenenko, I. D. Loshkariov, and B. I. Ananyev. "CONSTRUCTIVISM GOES QUANTUM: THE APPROACH REFORM." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(51) (December 28, 2016): 7–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-6-51-7-13.

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The article deals with the evolution of constructivist paradigm of international relations. The issue is of utmost importance in terms of the search for theoretical alternatives in the IR thinking. First, we are giving basic introduction of constructivism on the basis of historical and hermeneutical approaches. There is no doubt that the paradigm has faced different theoretical challenges and a lot of critics which has to be addressed. The authors reconsider some constructivist theories and notions in Alexander Wendt's works and the way Wendt tried to reinforce and reassure the constructivist paradigm. This allows us to claim that quantum turn in recent Wendt's work was almost inevitable. Second, the article attempts to answer a question whether the fundamentals of quantum physics are relevant when speaking about social and political processes. At first glance, quantum physics approach has nothing in common with the theory of politics and the theory of international relations. However, there are some grounds to believe that certain problem issues of the political science and IR theory are not deadlocks. In the second part of the article we use the unleashed and underestimated potential of analytical philosophy. To conclude, we believe that today there are more questions than answers but the quantum paradigm is expected to be the important part of the political studies and IR theory as well.

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17

FOSSEN, THOMAS. "Constructivism and the Logic of Political Representation." American Political Science Review 113, no. 3 (May 14, 2019): 824–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055419000273.

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There are at least two politically salient senses of “representation”—acting-for-others and portraying-something-as-something. The difference is not just semantic but also logical: relations of representative agency are dyadic (x represents y), while portrayals are triadic (x represents y as z). I exploit this insight to disambiguate constructivism and to improve our theoretical vocabulary for analyzing political representation. I amend Saward’s claims-based approach on three points, introducing the “characterization” to correctly identify the elements of representational claims; explaining the “referent” in pragmatic, not metaphysical terms; and differentiating multiple forms of representational activity. This enables me to clarify how the represented can be both prior to representation and constituted by it, and to recover Pitkin’s idea that representatives ought to be “responsive” to the represented. These points are pertinent to debates about the role of representatives, the nature of representative democracy, and the dynamics of revolutionary movements.

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18

BUCKLEY, MICHAEL. "THE STRUCTURE OF JUSTIFICATION IN POLITICAL CONSTRUCTIVISM." Metaphilosophy 41, no. 5 (October 2010): 669–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9973.2010.01665.x.

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19

Archard, David. "Liberalism and the Defence of Political Constructivism." Contemporary Political Theory 3, no. 1 (March 30, 2004): 115–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.cpt.9300102.

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20

Shilliam, Robbie. "“Open the Gates Mek We Repatriate”: Caribbean slavery, constructivism, and hermeneutic tensions." International Theory 6, no. 2 (June 20, 2014): 349–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971914000165.

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Constructivism has inherited a hermeneutic tension from the sociology of knowledge tradition regarding a strong ontological proposition that all social beings interpret their reality and a qualified epistemological proposition that some social beings are better able to interpret the reality of others. This article focuses on the politics of knowledge production that arise from this tension, namely that a privileged group, the ‘scholastic caste’, possesses the power to de-value the explanations of ‘lay’ groups’ experiences by deeming them to be insufficiently ‘scientific’. The article explores these politics by addressing the meaning of the abolition of and emancipation from Atlantic slavery, a case study popularly used in constructivist literature. Noting the absence of engagement by constructivists with the ‘lay’ interpretations of enslaved Africans and their descendants, the article explores a hermeneutical position developed by the Jamaican sociologist and novelist, Erna Brodber, which directly addresses these tensions.

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21

Biswas, Shampa. "Restoring the Political in International Political Economy: Taking Constructivism Seriously." International Studies Review 13, no. 4 (December 2011): 672–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2486.2011.01066.x.

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22

Matravers, Matt. "Justice and Constructivism." Political Studies Review 13, no. 2 (April 9, 2015): 176–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12083.

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23

ZEHFUSS, MAJA. "Constructivism and Identity:." European Journal of International Relations 7, no. 3 (September 2001): 315–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066101007003002.

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24

Barkin, J. Samuel. "Realist Constructivism." International Studies Review 5, no. 3 (September 2003): 325–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1079-1760.2003.00503002.x.

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25

Parsons, Craig. "Before eclecticism: competing alternatives in constructivist research." International Theory 7, no. 3 (August 27, 2015): 501–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971915000135.

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Should constructivist research engage empirical debates with other approaches, especially non-constructivists? Recent calls for ‘eclectic’ and ‘pluralistic’ scholarship seem to encourage engagement, including across epistemological divides many constructivists have long perceived with non-constructivists. Yet this literature downplays competition between approaches, instead emphasizing that they answer different parts of questions. In seeming to evoke a division of labor, the eclectic turn actually strengthens a sense that approaches occupy distinct spaces. This article offers a sympathetic corrective to the eclectic turn, and to common accounts of older epistemological divides. Before eclectic combinations, empirical work necessarily begins from contrasting accounts on the same terrain. Only a naïve positivist imagines that meaningful scholarship tests solitary hypotheses against reality. Today’s scholars vary in how far they move toward more socially based epistemologies, with constructivists moving furthest – and the further we move, the more the shape and significance of our accounts depends on contrasts to others. Thus, all scholars should seek out competing alternatives,especiallyconstructivists. After making this point, the article unpacks how it has been obscured by four arguments that limit competition between constructivist claims and alternatives, concerning constitutiveness, understanding, holistic methodology, and anti-foundationalism. Each view contains errors that can be corrected without undercutting the epistemological commitments of its proponents. This clears the way for introducing more competition into constructivism and into the eclectic turn more generally. All scholars, including all constructivists, working within their own epistemologies, will do their best work through contrasts to alternatives across our old divides.

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Davis, Liane V. "Feminism and Constructivism." Journal of Teaching in Social Work 8, no. 1-2 (February 25, 1994): 147–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j067v08n01_08.

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Mohapatra, Niranjan, and Swapna S. Prabhu. "Changing Political Contours in India : A Rising Convergence between Public Diplomacy and Constructivism." Contemporary Social Sciences 27, no. 4 (October 1, 2018): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.29070/27/58053.

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28

Ronzoni, Miriam. "Constructivism and Practical Reason: On Intersubjectivity, Abstraction, and Judgment." Journal of Moral Philosophy 7, no. 1 (2010): 74–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/174046809x12544019606102.

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AbstractThe article offers an account of the constructivist methodology in ethics and political philosophy as 1) deriving from an agnostic moral ontology and 2) proposing intersubjective justifiability as the criterion of justification for normative principles. It then asks whether constructivism, conceived in this way, can respond to the challenge of “content skepticism about practical reason”, namely whether it can provide sufficiently precise normative guidance whilst remaining faithful to its methodological commitment. The paper critically examines to alternative way of meeting this challenge, namely John Rawls's original position and O'Neill's Kantian constructivism, analyses what is problematic about both, and endorses a third, possibly intermediate model. Within such a model, the basic features of the original position are accepted, but in a flexible and heuristic manner, thereby accommodating some of O'Neill's concerns.

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29

Feenberg, Andrew Lewis. "Concretizing Simondon and Constructivism." Science, Technology, & Human Values 42, no. 1 (August 2, 2016): 62–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0162243916661763.

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This article argues that Gilbert Simondon’s philosophy of technology is useful for both science and technology studies (STS) and critical theory. The synthesis has political implications. It offers an argument for the rationality of democratic interventions by citizens into decisions concerning technology. The new framework opens a perspective on the radical transformation of technology required by ecological modernization and sustainability. In so doing, it suggests new applications of STS methods to politics as well as a reconstruction of the Frankfurt School’s “rational critique of reason.”

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Goeminne, Gert. "Science, Technology, and the Political." Techné: Research in Philosophy and Technology 17, no. 1 (2013): 93–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/techne20131716.

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In this paper, I elaborate on the very political dimension of epistemology that is opened up by the radical change of focus initiated by constructivism: from science as knowledge to science as practice. In a first step, this brings me to claim that science is political in its own right, thereby drawing on Mouffe and Laclau’s framework of radical democracy and its central notion of antagonism to make explicit what is meant by ‘the political.’ Secondly, I begin to explore what this intrinsic political dimension of science might entail for democratic thought. I do so by connecting my preliminary explorations in the field of science with Andrew Feenberg’s elaborate frame of thought on the democratization of technology. Interestingly, Feenberg is one of the few thinkers who have connected questions of power and ideology, typically treated of within the field of political theory, with a constructivist approach to technological progress. In this sense, this paper can be seen as a first attempt to expand Feenberg’s framework of democratic rationalization from the world of technology to the world of science.

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Kennedy, Janet, and Christina Lodder. "Russian Constructivism." Russian Review 44, no. 1 (January 1985): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/129274.

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Bokhari, Kamran A. "A Constructivist Approach to American Foreign Policy." American Journal of Islam and Society 19, no. 3 (July 1, 2002): 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v19i3.1919.

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This paper explores the role of an epistemic community's influence upon American foreign policy vis-a-vis political ]slam. lt tries to account for American hostility toward Islamic resurgence by employing the constructivist paradigm. ln this regard, the following observations are highlighted: The epistemic community in question has two rival wings: Accommodationist and Confrontationalist, the resulting foreign policy view is a func tion of the dialectic between them; and constructivism coupled with the concept of epistemic communities helps explain the dynamics associated with the role of connoisseur recommendation in formulating American foreign policy toward political lslam.

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Riedener, Stefan. "Constructivism about Intertheoretic Comparisons." Utilitas 31, no. 3 (June 24, 2019): 277–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0953820819000165.

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Many people think that if you're uncertain about which moral theory is correct, you ought to maximize the expected choice-worthiness of your actions. This idea presupposes that the strengths of our moral reasons are comparable across theories – for instance, that our reasons to create new people, according to total utilitarianism, can be stronger than our reasons to benefit an existing person, according to a person-affecting view. But how can we make sense of such comparisons? In this article, I introduce a constructivist account of intertheoretic comparisons. On this account, such comparisons don't hold independently of facts about morally uncertain agents. They're simply the result of an ideal deliberation in terms of certain epistemic norms about what you ought to do in light of your uncertainty. If I'm right, this account is metaphysically more parsimonious than some existing proposals, and yet has plausible and strong implications.

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de Boer, Bas. "Discovering Subjectivity in the Technosystem." Techné: Research in Philosophy and Technology 24, no. 1 (2020): 62–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/techne202026112.

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Two of the main approaches of what is often referred to as the ‘empirical philosophy of technology’ are postphenomenology and critical constructivism. Critical constructivists charge postphenomenologists for paying too little attention to the fact that our society is co-constituted not only by technologies, but also by forms of rationality exercised on a political level. Postphenomenologists, then, charge critical constructivism for insufficiently recognizing that the way technologies are appropriated in the lifeworld often evades forms of institutionalized rationality. The goal of this paper is to show how these different approaches should not be juxtaposed, but can better be seen as complementary in the development of a political philosophy of technology. This will be made clear through a discussion of the role of STS in the work of Peter-Paul Verbeek, and in the work of Andrew Feenberg. I suggest that developing an ‘empirically informed’ political philosophy of technology requires to both recognize how technologies constitute particular forms of subjectivity and to understand the rational processes through which particular technologies are designed. When combining both of these insights, it becomes possible to articulate a normative position with regard to technological developments.

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Epstein, Charlotte. "Constructivism or the eternal return of universals in International Relations. Why returning to language is vital to prolonging the owl’s flight." European Journal of International Relations 19, no. 3 (September 2013): 499–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066113494669.

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In this contribution I engage with the question of the end of theory from a poststructuralist perspective. I begin by revisiting the making of International Relations as a discrete theoretical endeavour from Waltz (1979) to Wendt (1999), around, respectively, the efforts to unearth the structures of international politics that carved out the international as a distinct site of political analysis, and the appraisal of these structures as social structures (Wendt, 1999). I then revisit the origins of poststructuralism via the works of Jacques Derrida and Judith Butler, in order to bring its founding moves to bear directly on International Relations constructivism. Engaging with constructivism’s founding fathers, Nicholas Onuf, Alexander Wendt and Friedrich Kratochwil, I show that the search for unconstructed universals, grounded in an innate ‘human nature’, persistently haunts International Relations constructivism, even when it foregrounds language as the medium of social construction, and notably when it engages the question of gender. Just as language provided the original site for orchestrating the ‘moving beyond’ (the ‘post’ of poststructuralism) fixed, naturalized structures, I argue that a return to language holds the promise of renewal, and of constructivism’s being able to fulfil its founding promise to theorize constitutivity and the constructed-ness of International Relations’ world.

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Gertz, Nolen. "Democratic Potentialities and Toxic Actualities." Techné: Research in Philosophy and Technology 24, no. 1 (2020): 178–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/techne2020214119.

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In this paper I argue that while Feenberg’s critical constructivism can help us to see the political potential of technologies, it cannot help us to understand the political actuality of technologies without the help of postphenomenology. In part 2, I examine Feenberg’s attempt to merge Frankfurt School critical theory and SCOT into “critical constructivism.” In part 3, I focus on Feenberg’s analyses of the internet in order to highlight a blind spot in critical constructivism when it comes to threats to democracy that come from out of the demos itself. In part 4, I show how critical constructivism would benefit from adopting the theory of technological mediation found in postphenomenology by presenting a postphenomenological investigation of trolling and other forms of destructive behavior unaccounted for by Feenberg’s investigation of the internet. In part 5, I conclude by turning to the work of Hannah Arendt in order to show why, just as critical constructivism could benefit from becoming more postphenomenological, postphenomenology could benefit from becoming more critical.

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Valls, Andrew. "Rawls, Islam, and political constructivism: Some questions for Tampio." Contemporary Political Theory 11, no. 3 (October 25, 2011): 324–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cpt.2011.34.

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BERG-SØRENSEN, ANDERS, NILS HOLTUG, and KASPER LIPPERT-RASMUSSEN. "Essentialism vs. Constructivism: Introduction." Distinktion: Journal of Social Theory 11, no. 1 (January 2010): 39–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1600910x.2010.9672754.

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39

Brink, David O. "Rawlsian Constructivism in Moral Theory." Canadian Journal of Philosophy 17, no. 1 (March 1987): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.1987.10715901.

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Since his article, ‘Outline for a Decision Procedure in Ethics,’ John Rawls has advocated a coherentist moral epistemology according to which moral and political theories are justified on the basis of their coherence with our other beliefs, both moral and nonmoral (1951: 56, 61). A moral theory which is maximally coherent with our other beliefs is in a state which Rawls calls ‘reflective equilibrium’ (1971: 20). In A Theory of Justice Rawls advanced two principles of justice and claimed that they are in reflective equilibrium. He defended this claim by appeal to a hypothetical contract; he argued that parties in a position satisfying certain informational and motivational criteria, which he called ‘the original position,’ would choose the following two principles of justice to govern the basic structure of their society.

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Toh, Kok-Aun, Boon-Tiong Ho, Charles M. K. Chew, and Joseph P. Riley II. "Teaching, Teacher Knowledge and Constructivism." Educational Research for Policy and Practice 2, no. 3 (2003): 195–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/b:erpp.0000034497.95193.24.

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Poku, Nana. "Constructivism and Third World Research." International Relations 14, no. 2 (August 1998): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004711789801400203.

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Lillbacka, Ralf G. V. "Realism, Constructivism, and Intelligence Analysis." International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 26, no. 2 (June 2013): 304–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08850607.2013.732450.

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Francis, David. "Using Wittgenstein to Respecify Constructivism." Human Studies 28, no. 3 (November 2005): 251–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10746-005-7423-9.

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Carrier, Nicolas. "Critical Criminology Meets Radical Constructivism." Critical Criminology 19, no. 4 (May 11, 2011): 331–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10612-010-9129-1.

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Collins, Alan. "W(h)ither the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN)? W(h)ither constructivism? Fixity of norms and the ASEAN Way." International Relations 33, no. 3 (February 19, 2019): 413–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117819830469.

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This article uses the reflection on the direction (whither) and health (wither) of constructivism and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) that was witnessed in 2017 to see what these deliberations reveal about the fixity of norms and their contestation. The argument presented is that constitutive norms create fixed parameters of shared understandings but that within those parameters the meaning and application of the norm can be contested and debated. This insight helps to bridge the gap between conventional and critical constructivists and shows that the premise of jettisoning the ASEAN Way as necessary for ASEAN to achieve its ambitious community-building project is flawed. The argument relies on insights from the constructivist literature on norm degeneration to show how contestation is not one part of a norm’s life cycle but rather a constant companion. However, norms are not just contested, but they have fixity, and here practice theory can help show that the social world is just as much about continuity as it is change. The ASEAN case study is timely as introspection about the efficacy of its constitutive norms – the ASEAN Way – was prominent in 2017 as ASEAN turned 50.

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Sterling-Folker, Jennifer. "Realist-Constructivism and Morality." International Studies Review 6, no. 2 (June 2004): 341–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1521-9488.2004.419_3.x.

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Newman, Edward. "Human Security and Constructivism." International Studies Perspectives 2, no. 3 (August 2001): 239–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1528-3577.00055.

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Hirschmann, Nancy J., and Emily F. Regier. "Mary Wollstonecraft, Social Constructivism, and the Idea of Freedom." Politics & Gender 15, no. 4 (December 11, 2018): 645–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000491.

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AbstractThis article considers Mary Wollstonecraft as a theorist of freedom for women through the lens of social constructivism. Previous republican readings of Wollstonecraft as promoting a vision of freedom as independence or non-domination are compromised by their underpinnings in liberal individualism. Instead, we suggest her theory displays elements of positive liberty and particularly what we call “subjectivity freedom.” Reading Wollstonecraft as an early social constructivist, we show her grappling with how women's subjectivity is constructed in patriarchal societies such that they desire the conditions of their own subordination. This troubles the very notion of domination and its putative opposite, freedom-as-independence. Paradoxically, while noting how women's sense of self was profoundly and intimately shaped by the patriarchal structures they inhabited, Wollstonecraft's own argument was limited by these same constructions. Nonetheless, she struggled to conceive a radically emancipatory vision of women's lives, aspirations, and desires from within the confines of a context and discourse premised on their devaluation. A social constructivist approach shows that Wollstonecraft sought not simply to change women or specific structures of male dominance, but rather the processes within which men and women defined gender, the family, and personal identity: in short, their subjectivity.

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Wang, Qingxin K., and Mark Blyth. "Constructivism and the study of international political economy in China." Review of International Political Economy 20, no. 6 (December 2013): 1276–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2013.791336.

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Bernhard, Stefan. "Beyond Constructivism: The Political Sociology of an EU Policy Field." International Political Sociology 5, no. 4 (December 2011): 426–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-5687.2011.00143.x.

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