Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political consultants Holy Roman Empire

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Political consultants Holy Roman Empire'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 10 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Political consultants Holy Roman Empire"

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Kumin, B. "Political Culture in the Holy Roman Empire." German History 27, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghn080.

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Dixon, C. S. "Political Culture and the Reformation in the Holy Roman Empire." German History 14, no. 3 (July 1, 1996): 354–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/14.3.354.

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Owen, John M. "When Do Ideologies Produce Alliances?. The Holy Roman Empire, 1517-1555." International Studies Quarterly 49, no. 1 (March 2005): 73–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0020-8833.2005.00335.x.

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Dixon, C. S. "Review Article : Political Culture and the Reformation in the Holy Roman Empire." German History 14, no. 3 (January 1, 1996): 354–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635549601400308.

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Whelan, Mark. "Associative Political Culture in the Holy Roman Empire: Upper Germany, 1346–1521." German History 37, no. 2 (March 7, 2019): 246–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghz010.

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Boyd, Nathaniel. "The Reception of Hobbes in Germany and the Holy Roman Empire." Hobbes Studies 32, no. 1 (March 19, 2019): 22–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750257-03201002.

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This article analyses how the reception of Hobbes in Germany in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was determined within the context of the Holy Roman Empire. It argues that it is precisely this context that forms the peculiarities of the Hobbes reception in Pufendorf, Thomasius, and Hegel. It thereby offers a new way of viewing the development of the particular political theories of these three figures and their relationship to the English philosopher’s political thought.
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Blanning, Tim. "The Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation past and present*." Historical Research 85, no. 227 (July 27, 2011): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.2011.00579.x.

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Spruce, Damian. "Empire and Counter-Empire in the Italian Far Right." Theory, Culture & Society 24, no. 5 (September 2007): 99–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276407081285.

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What old Fascisms and new nationalisms circulate in the political spaces of Europe? Through an analysis of their split on immigration policy in 2003, this article examines the myths and ideologies of the two major far right parties in Italy, the Lega Nord and the Alleanza Nazionale. It argues that the anti-imperial mythology of the Lega, based on the defence of Lombardy against the Holy Roman Empire, has led it into a modernist politics of territoriality, borders and homogeneity. On the other hand, the Alleanza Nazionale has used its Fascist heritage, and in particular the mythologizing of the Roman empire, to open up a postmodern imperial politics, involving the expansion of borders, and the incorporation of new peoples and territories. Through the use of interviews with militants and deputies, it looks at how the Alleanza has re-articulated imperial Fascist mythologies within a new pro-European Union discourse, while the Lega has maintained its role of protest against deterritorialization despite the seeming inevitability of the territorial integration.
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SCHRÖDER, PETER. "THE CONSTITUTION OF THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE AFTER 1648: SAMUEL PUFENDORF'S ASSESSMENT IN HIS MONZAMBANO." Historical Journal 42, no. 4 (December 1999): 961–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99008754.

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The examination of Pufendorf's Monzambano shows that he was strongly interested in the question of sovereignty, and that the complex reality of the Holy Roman Empire demanded a completely new approach to the question of where sovereignty within the Empire lay. Pufendorf developed his account of the Empire as an irregular political system by using essential aspects of Hobbes's theory and thus departed from all previous writers on the forma imperii. But Pufendorf's writing on the Empire has not only to be linked with political and philosophical discussion about sovereignty within the Empire but also with his own main writings where he developed a more detailed theory regarding the issue of sovereignty in general. The peace of Westphalia was not only an international settlement but it also shaped the constitution of the Empire to a considerable degree, and this is of crucial significance for the history of political thought during the seventeenth century.
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Kumar, Krishan. "The time of empire." Thesis Eleven 139, no. 1 (April 2017): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513617701919.

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General and comparative studies of empire – like those of revolution – often suffer from insufficient attention to chronology. Time expresses itself both in the form that empires occur, often in succession to each other – the Roman, the Holy Roman, the Spanish, etc. – and, equally, in an awareness that this succession links empires in a genealogical sense, as part of a family of empires. This article explores the implications of taking time seriously, so that empires are not considered simply as like ‘cases’ of a general phenomenon of empire but are treated as both ‘the same and different’. Concentrating on the European empires since the time of Rome, the article shows the extent to which empires were conscious of each other, seeking both to imitate admired features as well as to escape from those thought less desirable. It also shows the difference between ancient and modern empires, considered not so much as different types as in the differences caused by their location in different points in historical time. Comparative studies of empire, the article concludes, must pay attention to both continuity and change, both similarity and difference.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political consultants Holy Roman Empire"

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Hardy, Duncan. "Associative political culture in the Holy Roman Empire : the Upper Rhine, c.1350-1500." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4250cf2c-a228-49f2-bc60-8086b1c8b1a0.

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Historians have long struggled to conceptualise the Holy Roman Empire in the later Middle Ages. This thesis seeks to provide an interpretation of political life in the Empire which captures the structures and dynamics in evidence in the sources. It does so through a comparative study of the varied socio-political elites along the Upper Rhine between 1350 and 1500, with frequent reference to other regions of the Empire. The thesis is divided into three sections. Part I, consisting of four chapters, examines the shared and interconnective characteristics of several spheres of activity - the documentary, judicial, ritual, military, and administrative - in which various elites interacted through the same practices and conventions. Part II (five chapters) deals with the types of contractual association which emerged organically from these shared and interconnective structures and practices. It shows that these associations - leagues, alliances, judicial agreements, coinage unions, and others - were more common and more similar than typically assumed, that they regulated key judicial and military affairs, and that they reflected a shared ideology which emphasised peace-keeping and the common good within the Empire's framework. Part III of the thesis shows how the structures and dynamics explored in Parts I and II played out in specific situations by reference to three case studies in the 1370s-'80s, 1410s-'30s, and 1460s-'70s. All three demonstrate how the 'associative political culture' model can illuminate events which were previously considered to be moments of crisis or chaos, or the products of 'territorial' or 'constitutional' processes. The thesis concludes by arguing that, in light of this evidence, the Holy Roman Empire is best understood as a community of interdependent elites who interacted within a shared 'associative political culture'. This conclusion highlights the need for a new paradigm beyond those of the 'territory', the 'constitution', or the centralising 'state'.
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Limbach, Eric H. "Political opposition to Ludwig the Bavarian in the chronicles of Heinrich von Diessenhoven, Matthias von Neuenberg, and Johann von Viktring." Ohio : Ohio University, 2004. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1090934860.

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Desenclos, Camille. "Les mots du pouvoir : la communication politique de la France dans le Saint-Empire au début de la Guerre de Trente Ans (1617-1624)." Thesis, Paris, Ecole nationale des chartes, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014ENCP0002/document.

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La notion de communication politique reçoit des définitions diverses qui paraissent irréconciliables : définition de politologue fondée sur une organisation contemporaine de la politique poussant le concept dans le domaine de la propagande, définition de médiéviste mettant l'accent sur l'oralité et la symbolique des images. Amorcé en Allemagne dans les années 1990, un mouvement historiographique tend à se développer en France, mais sans pour autant offrir une définition applicable à l'ensemble de la modernité.En revenant au sens premier de la communication politique, soit à l’histoire politique et plus particulièrement diplomatique, il s'agit ici d’étudier la politique extérieure de la France et ses moyens (réseaux de communication et d'information, correspondances, production imprimée, etc.) et ainsi de retrouver le sens de l’action diplomatique française. Au-Delà de la simple étude fonctionnelle, seule une étude approfondie de la communication peut permettre de voir si et comment un État peut maîtriser un tel outil et dans quel(s) espace(s).Pour ce faire, le Saint-Empire au début de la guerre de Trente Ans fait office de terrain d'étude. La mise en place des différents acteurs et le déroulement des premiers affrontements en font un élément d'observation riche. L'étude se place également dans une période bien définie de l'histoire politique française : l'exercice personnel par Pierre Brulart, vicomte de Puisieux, de la charge de secrétaire d'État aux Affaires étrangères entre avril 1617 et février 1624
The concept of political communication is confronted to various definitions which seem incompatible. The political one is based onto a contemporary management of the politics which pulls the concept to the field of propaganda. The medievalist one emphasizes the orality and the symbolic of images. Some studies have been led in Germany since the 1990's and intend to grow up in France but they do not offer a definition which could apply the modern era.We would come back to the initial meaning of the political communication, i.e. to the political and diplomatic history, in order to study the foreign politics of France and its means (communication and information networks, correspondences, printed documents, etc.) and find the direction of the diplomatic action of France. In addition to a classic functional study, a thorough study of communication should allow to observe if and how a State can control such tool and in which space(s).The Holy Roman Empire at the beginning of the Thirty Years War has been chosen as object for this study. The establishment of the various protagonists and the first confrontations turn it to a rich observation field. The study focuses too on a well defined period of the french politic history: the personal practice by Pierre Brulart, viscount of Puisieux, of the office of secretary of State for Foreign Affairs between april 1617 and february 1624
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Boestad, Tobias. "« Pour le profit du commun marchand » : la genèse de la Hanse (XIIe siècle-milieu du XIVe siècle)." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020SORUL078.

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Si la communauté de villes commerciales connue sous le nom de Hanse allemande n’émerge qu’à partir de la seconde moitié du XIVe siècle, les marchands de l’Empire n’ont pas attendu cette époque pour s’associer sur les différents marchés qu’ils fréquentent en Europe du Nord. Dès la fin du XIIe siècle, de premières associations les regroupant sont attestées en Angleterre et dans l’espace baltique. Alors que l’organisation de ces groupements se complexifie et que leur influence politique s’accroît progressivement, au point de représenter bientôt les intérêts commerciaux de l’ensemble des villes de langue bas-allemande, la référence au « profit du commun marchand » se diffuse en leur sein, nourrissant une coopération durable. Cette étude vise à mettre en lumière les ressorts politiques de la solidarité entre marchands et villes allemandes, en accordant une attention toute particulière aux discours qu’elle suscite et à la valeur normative de ceux-ci. Elle entend ainsi renverser la perspective constitutionnaliste qui a longtemps caractrisé les études juridiques sur la Hanse, afin de mettre en évidence les mécanismes juridiques par lesquels les expériences politiques du XIIIe et du début du XIVe siècle ont donné naissance un régime intermunicipal de prise de décision, doté de règles spécifiques et agissant suivant un système de principes et de valeurs propres. Après une présentation des principales étapes et charnières de la genèse de la Hanse, ce travail met au jour les ferments de la communauté hanséatique et enfin la manière dont certains de ses acteurs, notamment la ville de Lubeck, ont su transformer en principe juridique cette coopération politique et économique
Although the commercial organisation known as the Hanse did not emerge until the second half of the 14th century, merchants from the Holy Roman Empire did not wait until then to join forces on the various marketplaces they frequented in Northern Europe. On the contrary, some of their associations could already be found in England and in the Baltic Rim at the end of the 12th century. Over time, such groupings developed into more complex organisations. Their political influence increased as they came to represent the commercial interests of all Low German cities, whereas the reference to “the common merchant’s profit” spread within them and paved the way to lasting cooperation. This study seeks to shed light on the political motives of solidarity between German merchants and cities, with particular attention to the discourses produced about it and their normative value. Its aim is to turn around the constitutionalist perspective which has characterised legal studies on the Hanse for a long time, and to highlight the legal mechanisms by which the political experiences of the 13th and early 14th centuries were able to produce an inter-municipal decision-making regime, abiding by specific rules and by its own system of principles and values. After having presented the main steps and chronological milestones in the genesis of the Hanse, this work considers the foundations of the Hanseatic community and finally the way in which some of its actors, in particular the city of Lubeck, were able to turn a political and economic cooperation into a legal principle
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Schick, Sébastien. "Des liaisons avantageuses : action des ministres, liens de dépendance et diplomatie anglaise dans le Saint-Empire romain germanique (années 1720-1750)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010695.

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La thèse porte sur l’utilisation, par les principaux ministres allemands du 18ème siècle, de leurs liens interpersonnels de dépendance (patronage, amitié...) lorsqu’il faut agir au-delà des frontières du territoire. Il s’agit de mettre au jour un mode d’action particulier, qui s’appuie sur les liens de dépendance. Nous analysons en quoi ces liens sont particulièrement efficaces dans le cadre de l’action à distance, et se trouvent à la base du pouvoir des ministres. L’offensive diplomatique anglaise des années 1720 et 1750 dans le Saint-Empire sert de cadre à l’analyse : nous observons comment les ministres de certains territoires (les principautés de Hanovre, de Prusse, de Cologne, de Saxe et de Wolfenbüttel) utilisent ces liens pour contrer ou aider cette diplomatie. Ce faisant, le travail entremêle des objets historiographiques habituellement séparés, et les renouvelle ainsi. C’est le cas du fonctionnement du Saint-Empire : l’observer à partir de ces liens permet de contourner la question de sa nature politique, et d’insister sur l’entremêlement des échelles étatiques. Les réseaux ministériels, qui irriguent l’espace impérial, apparaissent comme l’une des conditions du fonctionnement de cette société politique. C’est le cas, aussi, de l’histoire des affaires étrangères : en soulignant le poids des réseaux personnels des ministres dans l’action diplomatique, nous interrogeons le modèle d’une diplomatie de plus en plus professionnelle. Pour agir au-delà des frontières, les ministres sont en partie dépendants de leurs liens personnels de dépendance, qui représentent un niveau incontournable de l’action diplomatique, parallèle et complémentaire à la diplomatie officielle
This PhD analyses how the principal German ministers of the 18th century use their personal and informal relationships (friendship, patronage…) when they have to act beyond the borders of their state : in other words, it focuses on a particular way of acting. These relationships appear to be particularly efficient when it comes to taking action at a distance, and they are, therefore, fundamental for the power of the ministers. The scope of the work is the English diplomatic offensive in the Holy Roman Empire of the 1720's and 1750's : we observe how the ministers of several German territories (Hanover, Prussia, Cologne, Saxony and Wolfenbüttel) used their relations to act for or against this diplomacy. Through this analysis, we want to link different historiographical topics, which remain usually separate, and renew them by doing so: first, the functioning of the Holy Roman Empire, which depends not only on its institutions, but also depends on the networks which irrigate the Empire. To look at them is a way to avoid the question of its political nature, and to see how the imperial level and the level of the territories were functioning as a common system. Second, the diplomatic history: by looking at the personal networks of the ministers, we are able to challenge the idea of an ever-more “professional” diplomacy during modern times. The ministers and the princes depended on these personal networks, which constituted a parallel and complementary level of the “official” diplomacy
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Fetté, Mirka Campbell. "Saving political face : the structures of power in Hans von Aachen’s Allegories on the long Turkish war." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-3218.

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Hans von Aachen, court artist to the Habsburg Holy Roman Emperor Rudolf II in Prague, created a series of small painting called the Allegories on the Long Turkish War. Von Aachen made the Allegories between 1604 and 1606 and Rudolf II kept them bound in a red book in his Kunstkammer. This series selects events and battles from the Long War against the Ottoman Empire, 1593-1606, to create a flattering propagandistic image of the emperor in order to strengthen his support. Rudolf’s brother, Archduke Matthias of Austria, began plotting against the emperor beginning in 1600. By 1606 he was actively usurping Rudolf’s political power. I examine von Aachen’s visual description of imperial power, the alternate history the Allegories present, and the ways they engage with Neo-Platonic theories to convey validity to viewers. In my thesis, I outline the events of the Long War in order to compare them to von Aachen’s portrayals and to understand how he restructures chronological history to convey his message about Rudolf’s rulership. I briefly analyze each painting but I focus primarily on the eighth scene, the Conquest of Székesfehérvár. Sultan Mehmed III sits opposite Rudolf II in dignified defeat in this painting. I investigate the visual treatment of the sultan through the historical interactions between the Ottoman and Holy Roman Empires and propose the political function served by depicting him as a noble enemy. I finally discuss the way von Aachen uses symbols and allegory to convey a potent message and convince the viewer of its validity. Ultimately, these works should be seen as political propaganda used to combat Rudolf’s brother Archduke Matthias’ political takeover and not as Rudolf’s fantastical escapism from his losing battle against his brother.
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Vladyková, Markéta. "Vliv učení Viléma z Ockhamu na politiku Ludvíka IV. Bavorského." Doctoral thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-312103.

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The Influence of William of Ockham teaching to the politics of Louis IV of Bavaria The aim of this work is to find out how far was the King of the Romans and Emperor Louis IV of Bavaria willing or able to use the idea fulfilled in work of the Franciscan monk William of Ockham while patterning his state policy. William of Ockham was living for many years at Louis's court and he reacted to the actual political situation in the Roman Empire by his work. Two elections took place after the death of the Roman Emperor Henry VII of Luxembourg. Louis of Bavaria and Friedrich of Habsburg became two Kings of the Romans and enemies to each other, too. This was followed by many years lasting fight for the throne which paralysed all Empire politics and was only finished when Friedrich was taken captive in the battle of Mühldorf. The new Pope John XXII was elected after two years lasting sede vacante in 1316. When Louis of Bavaria began exercise his right to the Italian part of the Empire after the battle of Mühldorf fully, he got into a disagreement with John XXII. It was ended up not only by a denial of king's right to the Northern Italy but also to Germany and Burgundy and to the start of the trial against the person of Louis IV. The king refused all Pope's demands through three appellations - of Nuremberg,...
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Books on the topic "Political consultants Holy Roman Empire"

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Österreich und der Immerwährende Reichstag: Studien zur Klientelpolitik und Parteibildung (1745-1763). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2014.

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Davey, Frances. A brief political and geographic history of Europe: Where are Prussia, Gaul, and the Holy Roman Empire? Hockessin, Del: Mitchell Lane, 2007.

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Davey, Frances E. A brief political and geographic history of Europe: Where are-- Prussia, Gaul, and the Holy Roman Empire. Hockessin, Del: Mitchell Lane Publishers, 2008.

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Bähr, Matthias. Die Sprache der Zeugen: Argumentationsstrategien bäuerlicher Gemeinden vor dem Reichskammergericht (1693-1806). Konstanz: UVK, 2012.

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A letter to the Friars Minor, and other writings. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1995.

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Hardy, Duncan. Associative Political Culture in the Holy Roman Empire. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198827252.001.0001.

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What was the Holy Roman Empire in the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries? At the turning point between the medieval and early modern periods, this vast central European polity was the continent’s most politically fragmented. The imperial monarchs were often weak and distant, while an array of regional actors played autonomous political roles. The Empire’s obvious differences from more centralized European kingdoms have stimulated negative judgements and fraught debates, expressed in the historiographical concepts of fractured ‘territorial states’ and a disjointed ‘imperial constitution’. This book challenges these interpretations through a wide-ranging case study of Upper Germany between 1346 and 1521. By examining the interactions of princes, prelates, nobles, and towns comparatively, it demonstrates that a range of actors and authorities shared the same toolkit of rituals, judicial systems, and configurations of government. Crucially, Upper German elites all participated in leagues, alliances, and other treaty-based associations. As frameworks for collective activity, associations were a vital means of enabling and regulating warfare, justice and arbitration, and even lordship and administration. The prevalence of associations encouraged a mentality of ‘horizontal’ membership of political communities, so that even the Empire itself came to be understood and articulated as an extensive and multi-layered association. On the basis of this evidence, the book offers a new and more coherent vision of the Holy Roman Empire as a sprawling community of interdependent elites who interacted within the framework of a shared ‘associative political culture’, which constituted an alternative structure and pathway of political development in pre-modern Europe.
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Associative Political Culture in the Holy Roman Empire: Upper Germany, 1346-1521. Oxford University Press, 2018.

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Walker, Mack. Johann Jacob Moser and the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation. University of North Carolina Press, 2011.

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Scholz, Luca. Borders and Freedom of Movement in the Holy Roman Empire. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198845676.001.0001.

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Abstract: Borders and Freedom of Movement in the Holy Roman Empire tells the history of free movement in the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, one of the most fractured landscapes in human history. The boundaries that divided its hundreds of territories make the Old Reich a uniquely valuable site for studying the ordering of movement. The focus is on safe conduct, an institution that was common throughout the early modern world but became a key framework for negotiating free movement and its restriction in the Old Reich. The book shows that attempts to escort travellers, issue letters of passage, or to criminalize the use of ‘forbidden’ roads served to transform rights of passage into excludable and fiscally exploitable goods. Mobile populations—from emperors to peasants—defied attempts to govern their mobility with actions ranging from formal protest to bloodshed. Newly designed maps show that restrictions upon moving goods and people were rarely concentrated at borders before the mid-eighteenth century, but unevenly distributed along roads and rivers. In addition, the book unearths intense intellectual debates around the rulers’ right to interfere with freedom of movement. The Empire’s political order guaranteed extensive transit rights, but apologies of free movement and claims of protection could also mask aggressive attempts of territorial expansion. Drawing on sources discovered in more than twenty archives and covering the period between the late sixteenth to the early nineteenth century, the book offers a new perspective on the unstable relationship of political authority and human mobility in the heartlands of old-regime Europe.
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Repubblica e virtù: Pensiero politico e Monarchia Cattolica fra XVI e XVII secolo. Roma: Bulzoni, 1995.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political consultants Holy Roman Empire"

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Rublack, Hans-Christoph. "Political and Social Norms in Urban Communities in the Holy Roman Empire." In Religion, Politics and Social Protest, 24–60. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003195382-2.

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Kainz, Howard P. "Political Milestones: Three Romes, Three Reichs, Three Kingdoms, and a “Holy Roman Empire”." In Democracy and the “Kingdom of God”, 73–81. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-1638-1_11.

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Rowe, Michael. "The Political Culture of the Holy Roman Empire on the Eve of its Destruction." In The Bee and the Eagle, 42–64. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230236738_3.

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"POLITICAL POLARIZATION, 1740–1790." In The Holy Roman Empire, 120–31. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvc778tr.14.

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"8. Political Polarization, 1740–1790." In The Holy Roman Empire, 120–31. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400890262-012.

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"From Empires To Absolutist States: Political Change In Early Modern Europe." In The Holy Roman Empire and The Ottomans. I.B.Tauris, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755608492.ch-002.

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Press, Volker. "Constitutional development and political thought in the Holy Roman Empire." In The New Cambridge Modern History, 505–25. Cambridge University Press, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/chol9780521345361.020.

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"The Personal Is Political: Convents In The Holy Roman Empire." In Politics and Reformations: Histories and Reformations, 197–215. BRILL, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004161726.i-476.42.

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"Privy Council Deliberations on Trust: The Holy Roman Empire around 1600." In Trust and Happiness in the History of European Political Thought, 281–301. BRILL, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004353671_015.

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Wiesner, Merry. "The Holy Roman Empire: women and politics beyond liberalism, individual rights, and revolutionary theory." In Women Writers and the Early Modern British Political Tradition, 305–23. Cambridge University Press, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511558580.020.

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Conference papers on the topic "Political consultants Holy Roman Empire"

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Natsvaladze, Mamuka. "“GREEK PROJECT” – CLUE TO THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA 50-90-IES OF XVIII CENTURY." In Proceedings of the XXIII International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25112020/7247.

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Abstract:
Global international project of the 70-80-s of the XVIII century envisaging a new distribution of Europe based on the areas of the Ottoman Empire is reviewed in the article. This topic acquires a final feature in a conceptual form in the correspondence between Catherine II and the Emperor of Austria and the Holy Roman Empire Josephus II under the name of "Greek Project". The article is a scientific fragment of a monograph, reviewing the Greek Project in regard of the Caucasus for the first time in historiography. Initially, Soviet historiography strictly separated itself from the Greek Project, since the objective research of the latter would ensure presenting the Russian Empire as an aggressive state. Afterwards, the research of this project was converted into a narrow political framework and presented as a plan to conquer Crimea. The Greek Project can be unequivocally considered as a key to the history of Georgia of 50-80-ies of the XVIII century. A number of studies have shown that numerous problematic questions remain unanswered until the present day without considering the Greek Project. Patience and tolerance shown by the King of Kartli - Kakheti Erekle II towards the Russian intrigues cannot be explained without the Greek Project. Georgia acquires qualitatively different and desired form of all time through the implementation of the Greek Project. The Greek Project is an attempt to create a Christian global political model, a political background that can serve as a precondition for the restoration of a real united Caucasian Home, ensuring a guarantee of irreversible development and security for all royal principalities and khanate in the Caucasus. This is the reason, the state oriented thinker Erekle II, avoids responding with aggression to the permanent intrigues of Russia. Erekle II tries to get involved in this great political game as a sovereign of a full-fledged political entity. Such attitude of Erekle is a guarantee of success for the Imperial Court of St. Petersburg. However, Russia chooses a completely different way - confronting Erekle's benevolent alliance with hostile, imperial sentiments. The main message of these sentiments is that a united Caucasus, independent Georgian kingdoms for Russia is considered to be an anti-Russian phenomenon. This consistent and hostile attitude towards the Caucasus became the reason for the failure of Russian policy - it could neither establish a model of Christian globalization nor neutralize the Ottomans. Therefore, the study and understanding of the referred problem is rather important to determine the directions and priorities of modern political processes.
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