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1
Österreich und der Immerwährende Reichstag: Studien zur Klientelpolitik und Parteibildung (1745-1763). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2014.
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2
Davey, Frances. A brief political and geographic history of Europe: Where are Prussia, Gaul, and the Holy Roman Empire? Hockessin, Del: Mitchell Lane, 2007.
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Davey, Frances E. A brief political and geographic history of Europe: Where are-- Prussia, Gaul, and the Holy Roman Empire. Hockessin, Del: Mitchell Lane Publishers, 2008.
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4
Bähr, Matthias. Die Sprache der Zeugen: Argumentationsstrategien bäuerlicher Gemeinden vor dem Reichskammergericht (1693-1806). Konstanz: UVK, 2012.
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5
A letter to the Friars Minor, and other writings. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1995.
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Hardy, Duncan. Associative Political Culture in the Holy Roman Empire. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198827252.001.0001.
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What was the Holy Roman Empire in the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries? At the turning point between the medieval and early modern periods, this vast central European polity was the continent’s most politically fragmented. The imperial monarchs were often weak and distant, while an array of regional actors played autonomous political roles. The Empire’s obvious differences from more centralized European kingdoms have stimulated negative judgements and fraught debates, expressed in the historiographical concepts of fractured ‘territorial states’ and a disjointed ‘imperial constitution’. This book challenges these interpretations through a wide-ranging case study of Upper Germany between 1346 and 1521. By examining the interactions of princes, prelates, nobles, and towns comparatively, it demonstrates that a range of actors and authorities shared the same toolkit of rituals, judicial systems, and configurations of government. Crucially, Upper German elites all participated in leagues, alliances, and other treaty-based associations. As frameworks for collective activity, associations were a vital means of enabling and regulating warfare, justice and arbitration, and even lordship and administration. The prevalence of associations encouraged a mentality of ‘horizontal’ membership of political communities, so that even the Empire itself came to be understood and articulated as an extensive and multi-layered association. On the basis of this evidence, the book offers a new and more coherent vision of the Holy Roman Empire as a sprawling community of interdependent elites who interacted within the framework of a shared ‘associative political culture’, which constituted an alternative structure and pathway of political development in pre-modern Europe.
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Associative Political Culture in the Holy Roman Empire: Upper Germany, 1346-1521. Oxford University Press, 2018.
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8
Walker, Mack. Johann Jacob Moser and the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation. University of North Carolina Press, 2011.
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9
Scholz, Luca. Borders and Freedom of Movement in the Holy Roman Empire. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198845676.001.0001.
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Abstract: Borders and Freedom of Movement in the Holy Roman Empire tells the history of free movement in the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, one of the most fractured landscapes in human history. The boundaries that divided its hundreds of territories make the Old Reich a uniquely valuable site for studying the ordering of movement. The focus is on safe conduct, an institution that was common throughout the early modern world but became a key framework for negotiating free movement and its restriction in the Old Reich. The book shows that attempts to escort travellers, issue letters of passage, or to criminalize the use of ‘forbidden’ roads served to transform rights of passage into excludable and fiscally exploitable goods. Mobile populations—from emperors to peasants—defied attempts to govern their mobility with actions ranging from formal protest to bloodshed. Newly designed maps show that restrictions upon moving goods and people were rarely concentrated at borders before the mid-eighteenth century, but unevenly distributed along roads and rivers. In addition, the book unearths intense intellectual debates around the rulers’ right to interfere with freedom of movement. The Empire’s political order guaranteed extensive transit rights, but apologies of free movement and claims of protection could also mask aggressive attempts of territorial expansion. Drawing on sources discovered in more than twenty archives and covering the period between the late sixteenth to the early nineteenth century, the book offers a new perspective on the unstable relationship of political authority and human mobility in the heartlands of old-regime Europe.
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Repubblica e virtù: Pensiero politico e Monarchia Cattolica fra XVI e XVII secolo. Roma: Bulzoni, 1995.
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Oestmann, Peter. The Law of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation. Edited by Heikki Pihlajamäki, Markus D. Dubber, and Mark Godfrey. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198785521.013.31.
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The Holy Roman Empire had no written constitution, but only some basic laws. Seven prince-electors elected the emperor but the political power shifted increasingly to the territories with their secular or ecclesiastical rulers. The empire passed only a few formal laws; however, the Constitutio Criminalis Carolina (1532) became one of the most important criminal codes of early modern Europe. In general, there was a mixture of ius commune, territorial statutes, and local customs. On the other hand, a well-developed court system with the Imperial Chamber Court and the Imperial Aulic Council symbolized the status of Germany as a formal country of rule of law. The harmonization of courts via the privilegia de non appellando and the harmonization of law due to the transmission of files contributed to a relatively homogeneous region of German law even if the political power was split between territories of vastly differing sizes.
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Ullmann, Walter. Medieval Papalism (Routledge Library Editions: Political Science Volume 36). Taylor & Francis Group, 2012.
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Gilsdorf, Sean J. Favor of Friends: Intercession and Aristocratic Politics in Carolingian and Ottonian Europe. BRILL, 2014.
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Kress, Berthold. Studies on the Iconography of Universities in the Holy Roman Empire: Images on Seals and Maces. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198827344.003.0003.
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This chapter provides an iconographic overview on how the universities of the Holy Roman Empire displayed their authority. It will focus on two aspects. The first is the development of iconographic formulae that can convey the constitution and activity of a university or one of its faculties; and the second is the role of coats of arms or other political signs that indicate the relation between the university and the rulers of the territory in which it was situated. A seventeenth-century legal treatise on insignia gives a long list of the signs of the head of a university: maces (Sceptra), robe (Epomis), register (Matricula), the presence of bedells, seals, books of statutes and privileges, and the keys to consistory and prison. Of these objects, only the two that regularly bear images is discussed in this chapter: the seals and the maces.
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Davey, Frances. A Brief Political and Geographic History of Europe: Where Are Prussia, Gaul, and the Holy Roman Empire? (Places in Time/a Kid's Historic Guide to the Changing Names & Places of the World). Mitchell Lane Publishers, 2007.
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17
Lee, Alexander. Humanism and Empire. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199675159.001.0001.
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For more than a century, scholars have believed that Italian humanism was predominantly ‘civic’ in outlook. Often serving in communal government, fourteenth-century humanists like Albertino Mussato and Coluccio Salutati are said to have derived from their reading of the Latin classics a rhetoric of republican liberty that was opposed to the ‘tyranny’ of neighbouring signori and of the German emperors. In this groundbreaking study, Alexander Lee challenges this long-held belief. From the death of Frederick II in 1250 to the failure of Rupert of the Palatinate’s ill-fated expedition in 1402, Lee argues, the humanists nurtured a consistent and powerful affection for the Holy Roman Empire. Though this was articulated in a variety of different ways, it was nevertheless driven more by political conviction than by cultural concerns. Surrounded by endless conflict—both within and between city states—the humanists eagerly embraced the Empire as the surest guarantee of peace and liberty, and lost no opportunity to invoke its protection. Indeed, as Lee shows, the most ardent appeals to imperial authority were made not by ‘signorial’ humanists, but by humanists in the service of communal regimes. The first comprehensive, synoptic study of humanistic ideas of Empire in the period c.1250–1402, this volume offers a radically new interpretation of fourteenth-century political thought, and raises wide-ranging questions about the foundations of modern constitutional ideas. As such, it is essential reading not just for students of Renaissance Italy and the history of political thought, but for all those interested in understanding the origins of liberty.
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Ferdinand II, Counter-Reformation Emperor, 1578-1637. Cambridge University Press, 2014.
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Bireley, Robert. Ferdinand II, Counter-Reformation Emperor, 1578-1637. Cambridge University Press, 2017.
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Hardy, Duncan. Associations and the Discourses of Peace, Common Weal, and Empire. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198827252.003.0008.
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Associations such as alliances and leagues were not merely functional tools. The rhetoric found in treaties and correspondence suggests that some members of associations perceived their participation as an activity freighted with political and moral significance. Almost all alliance and league foundation treaties and renewals contain appeals to clusters of ideas, centred on the concepts of divinely ordained peace, the common good of the community, and the Holy Roman Empire (conceptually linked, from the late fifteenth century, to the ‘German nation’). These discourses can only be found in this precise form in one other setting: the imperial diets and Empire-wide correspondence and legislation that they produced. This indicates that members of associations claimed to be involving themselves in the most significant and legitimate spheres of political activity in the Empire, even when their immediate objectives were modest and localized, or the legality of their alliances was challenged by other authorities.
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Yarrow, Simon. 3. Saints in the Middle Ages. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199676514.003.0003.
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The Church’s triumphal collaboration with the Roman Empire had ended by 500 ce. Political authority hung on in the West through the accommodation reached between two new forms of leadership, the holy man bishop and the Christian king. Saints and their relics—venerated at cathedrals, the court chapels of kings, and monasteries—fostered a new civilization, Latin Christendom. ‘Saints in the Middle Ages’ discusses the Carolingian reform of the cult of saints; the roles of saints in religious life in the Byzantine Empire; the changing relationship between church and saints in the later Middle Ages as a result of papal-led reformation; and the vernacularization of saintly patronage from the 13th‒15th centuries.
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Hardy, Duncan. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198827252.003.0001.
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Interpretations of the Holy Roman Empire have always been fraught and contested, particularly regarding the late medieval and early modern period. German historians have offered two main interpretations of the Empire in recent decades. The first sees it as a patchwork of territorial states, and the second as a Reichsverfassung: a constitutional system characterized by disjunctive or oppositional forces. This Introduction sets out how this book will re-conceptualize the Empire as a more coherent political entity, using Upper Germany as a wide-ranging case study. Viewed comparatively, the evidence from the period between 1346 and 1521 suggests that all kinds of political actors shared in the same structures, dynamics, and assumptions—the same ‘political culture’. In particular, elites constantly interacted within the framework of associations such as alliances and leagues, which are the main focus of this book, and force us to view the Empire as a more interconnected political landscape.
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Hardy, Duncan. Conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198827252.003.0014.
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It is clear from the comparative study of Upper German evidence undertaken in this book that multilateral associations were ubiquitous in the Holy Roman Empire in the period 1346–1521, and that they structured the interactions of all the diverse political actors within it. Indeed, inhabitants of the late medieval Empire used an ‘associative’ language of membership and mutual assistance, and the multilateral metaphor of the Quaternion (a symbolic amalgam of political actors of various statuses), when attempting to apprehend and articulate the structure and function of their polity. Modern unitary concepts of statehood and constitutionality, which dominate how we narrate and describe late medieval and early modern history, are inadequate to make sense of the Empire’s structure. The paradigm of ‘associative political culture’ offered in this book therefore not only reconceptualizes the Empire, but also has implications for alternative ways of envisioning political configurations and developments in pre-modern Europe.
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Hardy, Duncan. Burgundian Rule on the Upper Rhine and its Aftermath, c. 1468–77. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198827252.003.0012.
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The third case study examines the role of associative structures and dynamics on the Upper Rhine in a series of episodes which brought profound upheaval to this region: the acquisition of an archipelago of lordships and jurisdictions by the duke of Burgundy, Charles ‘the Bold’, in 1468, the controversial style of government of his administrators which culminated in a revolt in 1474, and the local and Empire-wide wars against Burgundy that followed in 1474–7. In this time of growing consolidation within the community that formed the Holy Roman Empire, interactions between political actors continued to be mediated through alliances and other contractual ties, and negotiation remained centred on Tage. Heavy-handed Burgundian governors clashed with the loose configuration of principalities like Outer Austria, and stimulated the creation of anti-Burgundian coalitions on the Upper Rhine and across the Empire which combined traditional associative formats with a new rhetoric of German nationhood.
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Hardy, Duncan. The Age of Imperial Reform, c. 1486–1521. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198827252.003.0013.
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This final case study in associative political culture’s shaping of the evolving Holy Roman Empire examines the new legislation passed during the reign of King/Emperor Maximilian, which modern historians have often called ‘imperial reforms’. At the heart of the reform narrative is the idea that the Empire experienced a constitutional watershed around 1495/1500 as a set of new institutions was established through laws issued at the imperial diets, such as the so-called ‘eternal public peace’ (Ewiger Landfriede), the imperial chamber court (Reichskammergericht), and the imperial council (Reichsregiment). However, the functions and discourses of these institutions and the legislation that created them were remarkably similar to associative practices and documentation. Viewed from the perspective of the Upper German culture of multilateral assistance through stipulated mutual obligations and adjudication and negotiation at Tage, the outcomes of ‘imperial reform’ appear not as radical departures, but as iterations of deeply rooted structures and dynamics.
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Nederman, Cary J. 9. Marsiglio of Padua. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198708926.003.0009.
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This chapter examines Marsiglio of Padua's political theory, tracing it to his opposition to the pope's interference in secular political affairs, especially Italy and the Holy Roman Empire. Marsiglio formulates theoretical principles to explain the origins and nature of the political community that depend upon a strict distinction between the temporal and spiritual realms. For Marsiglio, government and law exist in order to support the civil peace. After providing a short biography of Marsiglio, the chapter analyses his views on peace, conciliarism, consent, and ecclesiology. It also considers Marsiglio's claim that all secular governments should oppose the ecclesiastical hierarchy, that political society arises from infirmities of human nature, and that citizenship derives from all vital functions in society.
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Carl, Horst, Rainer Babel, and Christoph Kampmann, eds. Sicherheitsprobleme im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783845296142.
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The 16th and 17th centuries, characterised as they were by political, social and religious upheaval, represent a key period for historical security studies. This era was shaped by discourses of threat as well as attempts to find answers to the multiple challenges to public order and security. Such insecurity was doubtlessly accentuated by religious and confessional conflicts, as this comparative study of France and the Holy Roman Empire shows. In fact, the range of contributions in this edited volume on ‘security problems’ demonstrates how much the frames within which the issue of security was raised became more and more diverse over the course of the two centuries. In a time of evident conflict, the notion of ‘security’ was deemed increasingly important, which ultimately made it a leading concept in early modern political culture.
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Mahoney, Dennis F. Heidelberg, Dresden, Berlin, Vienna. Edited by Paul Hamilton. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199696383.013.18.
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In the various permutations of German Romanticism from its beginnings in the 1790s, two factors remain constant: a penchant for collaborative, transdisciplinary work, and the formation of small circles—often in university towns—whose particular character often depended upon and contributed to the prevailing intellectual discourse of that locale. For the four cities highlighted in the chapter heading, one further factor needs to be considered: the impact of the Napoleonic reorganization of central Europe. The breakup and dispersal of the Jena Romantics coincided with the collapse of the moribund Holy Roman Empire, which officially ended in 1806 but whose final dissolution began with the Treaty of Lunéville in 1801. This chapter looks at the interplay between history and creative collaboration, literary innovation and political aspiration or restraint, as the main energies of German Romanticism relocate themselves in these different cities at different times.
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Jansen, Christian. The Formation of German Nationalism, 1740–1850. Edited by Helmut Walser Smith. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199237395.013.0011.
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This article traces the growth of nationalism in Germany. Nation and nationalism shall be looked as modern phenomena whose roots can be traced back to pre-modern times. During the fifteenth and sixteenth century, this development intensified when the discourse on ‘nationes’ — the Latin term for nation — became more and more exclusive ‘modern’ nationalism emerged between 1740 and 1830. This period has long been known as a time of dramatic upheaval marked by the decline and disintegration of the old Holy Roman Empire, the development of civil society, the Enlightenment, and its mental, cultural, and political repercussions from the decreasing cohesion of the Christian confessions to the development of liberalism. This article traces the growth of nationalistic thoughts that shaped the growth of nationalism in Germany. The beginnings of nationalism followed by its dissemination are carefully chronicled in this article.
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Planert, Ute. International Conflict, War, and the Making of Modern Germany, 1740–1815. Edited by Helmut Walser Smith. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199237395.013.0005.
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The article traces the making of modern Germany. War made the state, and the state made war: This statement holds true for the state of Germany. Unlike in France and England, political loyalties in Germany oscillated between the Reich, the nation, and individual states, as well as between different confessions. For this reason, problems in the course of state and nation building were more complex than in those European neighbor states where centralized power was established earlier and on a mono-confessional basis. The international rivalry of power played a pivotal role for European developments in the eighteenth century. Several German language territories strove to outgrow the constraints of the Holy Roman Empire, or Old Reich, and gain influence and importance. A detailed description of Napoleonic Rule in Germany, the decline of the same, the reshaping the state and its aftermath concludes this article.
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Hardy, Duncan. Lordship and Administration. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198827252.003.0005.
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The Holy Roman Empire, and especially Upper Germany, was notoriously politically fragmented in the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries. A common way to interpret this fragmentation has been to view late medieval lordships, particularly those ruled by princes, as incipient ‘territories’, or even ‘territorial states’. However, this over-simplifies and reifies structures of lordship and administration in this period, which consisted of shifting agglomerations of assets, revenues, and jurisdictions that were dispersed among and governed by interconnected networks of political actors. Seigneurial properties and rights had become separable, commoditized, and highly mobile by the later middle ages, and these included not only fiefs (Lehen) but also loan-based pledges (Pfandschaften) and offices, all of which could be sold, transferred, or even ruled or exercised by multiple parties at once, whether these were princes, nobles, or urban elites. This fostered intensive interaction between formally autonomous political actors, generating frictions and disputes.
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Hotson, Howard. The Reformation of Common Learning. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199553389.001.0001.
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Howard Hotson’s previous contribution to this series, Commonplace Learning, explored how a fragmented political and confessional landscape turned the northwestern corner of the Holy Roman Empire into the pedagogical laboratory of post-Reformation Protestant Europe. This sequel traces the further evolution of that tradition after that region’s leading educational institutions were destroyed by the Thirty Years War (1618–1648) and their students and teachers scattered in all directions. Transplanted to the Dutch Republic, the post-Ramist tradition provided ideas, values, and methods which helped to formulate the mechanical philosophy of Descartes and institutionalize it within a network of thriving universities. Within the international diaspora of Protestant intellectuals documented in the archive of Samuel Hartlib, post-Ramist encyclopaedism provided much of the framework for the pansophic programme of Comenius, which assisted the initial spread of Baconianism and related aspirations both in England and abroad. In post-war central Europe, another branch of the tradition helped inspire Leibniz’s life-long vision of a revised combinatorial encyclopaedia as the centrepiece of a wide-ranging reform programme. But as the underlying political, confessional, educational, and intellectual context shifted after 1648, the ancient conception of the encyclopaedia as a cycle of disciplines to be mastered by every scholar exploded into a potentially infinite number of discrete topics organized alphabetically within a mere work of reference. This book weaves together many new lines of inquiry against a huge geographical and thematic canvas to contribute fresh perspectives on the fraught middle years of the seventeenth century in particular and the shape of modern knowledge more generally.
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Cruickshank, Joanna. Colonial Contexts and Global Dissent. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199683710.003.0013.
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Until late in the nineteenth century, the otherwise fractious universe of Dissent united in affirming Scripture as the supreme religious authority and in exalting the individual conscience as the final interpreter of the Bible’s message. Because of this scriptural fixation, Dissenters contributed disproportionately to the manifestly biblical character of nineteenth-century Anglo-American civilization. It is for that very reason often hard to differentiate a specifically Dissenting history of the Bible from much shared with other Protestants. General cultural influences such as an emphasis on human subjectivity had a lot to do with how Dissenters read their Bibles. The ‘Bible civilization’ to which they contributed was permeated with scriptural phrases and assumptions. Disputes about biblical authority became important because most people were privately committed to the intensive reading of Scripture with the aid of family Bibles. Scripture also lived in public through hymnody and preaching. The Bible featured heavily in political controversy, notably due to disagreements about its place in systems of public education. The tendency to found claims to religious authority on a purified reading of Scripture and to contrast this with the practice of Roman Catholicism was characteristic of Dissent, as was the tendency for those claims to clash. Dissenters divided, for instance, on prophetic interpretation or on whether biblical interpretation needed to be guided by creeds. Conflict over how to interpret the Bible deepened and widened to encompass questions about the character of Scripture itself. Representative early nineteenth-century Dissenters such as Moses Stuart and Josiah Conder held on to unsophisticated if potentially liberal assumptions about the nature of its inspiration but disputes about higher criticism would mount in the wake of Anglican controversies in the 1850s and 1860s. It was striking, however, that these disputes were not as acrimonious in the British Empire as in the United Kingdom or the United States, perhaps because Canadian or Australian Dissenters were more interested in confessional identity and national service. By the end of the century, the expanding terrain of intra-Protestant conflict made it increasingly difficult to discern a unified Dissenting voice. By 1900, it was not as clear as it had once been that ‘the Holy Scriptures are the sole authority and sufficient rule in matters of religion’.