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1

Kumin, B. "Political Culture in the Holy Roman Empire." German History 27, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghn080.

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Dixon, C. S. "Political Culture and the Reformation in the Holy Roman Empire." German History 14, no. 3 (July 1, 1996): 354–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/14.3.354.

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3

Owen, John M. "When Do Ideologies Produce Alliances?. The Holy Roman Empire, 1517-1555." International Studies Quarterly 49, no. 1 (March 2005): 73–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0020-8833.2005.00335.x.

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4

Dixon, C. S. "Review Article : Political Culture and the Reformation in the Holy Roman Empire." German History 14, no. 3 (January 1, 1996): 354–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635549601400308.

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5

Whelan, Mark. "Associative Political Culture in the Holy Roman Empire: Upper Germany, 1346–1521." German History 37, no. 2 (March 7, 2019): 246–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghz010.

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6

Boyd, Nathaniel. "The Reception of Hobbes in Germany and the Holy Roman Empire." Hobbes Studies 32, no. 1 (March 19, 2019): 22–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750257-03201002.

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This article analyses how the reception of Hobbes in Germany in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was determined within the context of the Holy Roman Empire. It argues that it is precisely this context that forms the peculiarities of the Hobbes reception in Pufendorf, Thomasius, and Hegel. It thereby offers a new way of viewing the development of the particular political theories of these three figures and their relationship to the English philosopher’s political thought.
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Blanning, Tim. "The Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation past and present*." Historical Research 85, no. 227 (July 27, 2011): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.2011.00579.x.

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8

Spruce, Damian. "Empire and Counter-Empire in the Italian Far Right." Theory, Culture & Society 24, no. 5 (September 2007): 99–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276407081285.

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What old Fascisms and new nationalisms circulate in the political spaces of Europe? Through an analysis of their split on immigration policy in 2003, this article examines the myths and ideologies of the two major far right parties in Italy, the Lega Nord and the Alleanza Nazionale. It argues that the anti-imperial mythology of the Lega, based on the defence of Lombardy against the Holy Roman Empire, has led it into a modernist politics of territoriality, borders and homogeneity. On the other hand, the Alleanza Nazionale has used its Fascist heritage, and in particular the mythologizing of the Roman empire, to open up a postmodern imperial politics, involving the expansion of borders, and the incorporation of new peoples and territories. Through the use of interviews with militants and deputies, it looks at how the Alleanza has re-articulated imperial Fascist mythologies within a new pro-European Union discourse, while the Lega has maintained its role of protest against deterritorialization despite the seeming inevitability of the territorial integration.
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SCHRÖDER, PETER. "THE CONSTITUTION OF THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE AFTER 1648: SAMUEL PUFENDORF'S ASSESSMENT IN HIS MONZAMBANO." Historical Journal 42, no. 4 (December 1999): 961–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99008754.

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The examination of Pufendorf's Monzambano shows that he was strongly interested in the question of sovereignty, and that the complex reality of the Holy Roman Empire demanded a completely new approach to the question of where sovereignty within the Empire lay. Pufendorf developed his account of the Empire as an irregular political system by using essential aspects of Hobbes's theory and thus departed from all previous writers on the forma imperii. But Pufendorf's writing on the Empire has not only to be linked with political and philosophical discussion about sovereignty within the Empire but also with his own main writings where he developed a more detailed theory regarding the issue of sovereignty in general. The peace of Westphalia was not only an international settlement but it also shaped the constitution of the Empire to a considerable degree, and this is of crucial significance for the history of political thought during the seventeenth century.
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10

Kumar, Krishan. "The time of empire." Thesis Eleven 139, no. 1 (April 2017): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513617701919.

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General and comparative studies of empire – like those of revolution – often suffer from insufficient attention to chronology. Time expresses itself both in the form that empires occur, often in succession to each other – the Roman, the Holy Roman, the Spanish, etc. – and, equally, in an awareness that this succession links empires in a genealogical sense, as part of a family of empires. This article explores the implications of taking time seriously, so that empires are not considered simply as like ‘cases’ of a general phenomenon of empire but are treated as both ‘the same and different’. Concentrating on the European empires since the time of Rome, the article shows the extent to which empires were conscious of each other, seeking both to imitate admired features as well as to escape from those thought less desirable. It also shows the difference between ancient and modern empires, considered not so much as different types as in the differences caused by their location in different points in historical time. Comparative studies of empire, the article concludes, must pay attention to both continuity and change, both similarity and difference.
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11

Richard, Olivier. "Duncan (Hardy), Associative Political Culture in the Holy Roman Empire. Upper Germany, 1346-1521." Revue d’Alsace, no. 145 (November 1, 2019): 389–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/alsace.3652.

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12

Peltzer, Jörg. "Duncan Hardy. Associative Political Culture in the Holy Roman Empire: Upper Germany, 1346–1521." American Historical Review 125, no. 4 (October 2020): 1488. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz1230.

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13

Kofler, Walter. "Nibelunge – Burgonde – Rinfranken." Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur 141, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 531–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bgsl-2019-0032.

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Abstract The Migration Period (c. 375–568 AD) left its mark on most of the Germanic heroic poems: Three medieval empires – Burgundy, Hunland, and Lombardy – are involved in struggles for power, reputation, and vengeance. But the poems were also influenced by contemporary political conditions – particularly by the presence of the Holy Roman Empire as a great power in Europe. The ›Klage‹, a sequel to the ›Nibelungenlied‹, presents not only ancient kings like Etzel and Dietrich but also the Roman-German emperor. This examination looks for parallels between the ›Klage‹ and related poems like ›Nibelungenlied‹ and ›Biterolf und Dietleib‹ dealing with a medieval empire.
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Schenk, Tobias. "Vom Reichshofrat über Cocceji zu PEBB§Y: Epochenübergreifende Überlegungen zu gerichtlichen Urteils- und Vergleichsquoten aus institutionengeschichtlicher Perspektive." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 137, no. 1 (August 25, 2020): 91–233. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgg-2020-0003.

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AbstractJudicial Decision-Making from the Perspective of Institutional History. A Diachronic Comparison of Court Procedures and Amicable Settlements in the Holy Roman Empire, Prussia, and the Federal Republic of Germany. Amicable settlements were a core practice in judicial courts of the early modern period. While recent studies tend to focus on strategies of litigants, this article shifts the attention to the process of decision-making from an institutional perspective. To that end, the author examines working procedures and tools of political influencing at court using examples of civil cases at judicial courts in the Holy Roman Empire (particularly the Imperial Aulic Council), in Prussia under the reign of Frederick the Great, and in the Federal Republic of Germany. As will be shown, throughout times institutional dispositions influence the outcome of judgements and amicable settlements at least to the same degree than strategies of litigants do.
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15

Pope, Ben. "Associative Political Culture in the Holy Roman Empire: Upper Germany, 1346–1521, by Duncan Hardy." English Historical Review 135, no. 574 (June 2020): 669–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceaa087.

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16

Bezhuk, O. M. "Religious relics of Italy." Scientific Messenger of LNU of Veterinary Medicine and Biotechnologies 20, no. 91 (November 16, 2018): 111–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.32718/nvlvet9123.

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Religions have always played a significant role in the formation of the statehood and development of such powerful states as the Byzantine Empire, the Holy Roman Empire, the Kievan Rus, or the Empire of Charlemagne. Peculiarities of the national culture are dictated by its faith. This is due to the fact that folk traditions, mentality, political structure, peculiarities of the historical trajectory of each nation including the religious development, have a tremendous influence on the religious aspects of nations and states. Religious attitudes, religious morality, practice of ceremonies, and church institutions deeply penetrate into everyday lives of people and countries in particular, largely determine their local originality as well as national and cultural identity. In general, the influence of religious-confessional factors is felt at all levels of organization of society’s life. The diversity of its manifestations is unlimited, and basically, it is not the impact on the life, but the life itself. This thesis should always be remembered either when illuminating the tourist resources of the country or the conditions of organization of the tourism business. The article is referred to the religious tourism in Italy – the country on the territory of which Christianity (Holy Roman Empire) arose. The article concideres such religious objects of Rome as Vatican, the Basilica of St. Peter, the area around the Capitol, religious practices of the city of Loreto called the Holy House, as well as the worship of sacred Turin Shroud.
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17

Glatthorn, Austin. "Staging Imperial Identity: Music Theatre, the Holy Roman Empire, and the French Revolutionary Wars." Journal of War & Culture Studies 14, no. 2 (April 3, 2021): 157–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17526272.2021.1887594.

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18

von Oer, Rudolfine Freiin. "The Imperial Diet at Regensburg and the High Law Courts of the Holy Roman Empire." Parliaments, Estates and Representation 17, no. 1 (January 1997): 78–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02606755.1997.9627016.

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19

Cohn, Henry. "The Emperor’s Old Clothes: Constitutional History and the Symbolic Language of the Holy Roman Empire." Parliaments, Estates and Representation 37, no. 3 (January 26, 2017): 341–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02606755.2016.1250406.

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20

Pestel, Friedemann. "Educating against Revolution: French Émigré Schools and the Challenge of the Next Generation." European History Quarterly 47, no. 2 (April 2017): 229–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691416688164.

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The education of children as future elites after the Restoration was a persistent concern for French émigrés after the Revolution of 1789. Focusing on discourse on émigré education and émigré schools in Britain and the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, this article examines how, in the 1790s, the émigrés' rejection of the Republic and their quest for monarchical restoration resonated in pedagogical activities. Under difficult living conditions and unclear prospects of political exile, education became a consolidating strategy of combating the Revolution with pedagogical means. The social composition, educational programmes, and public representations of émigré schools reveal their pivotal role in émigré community life, involving priests, women, writers, politicians, local supporters – and children. Comparison between Britain and the Holy Roman Empire allows for differentiating strategies of integration into the host societies and of immunization against revolutionary influences. Education contributed to strengthening the émigrés' identity and mobilizing their hosts for the ideological, military, and humanitarian struggle against the Revolution. The students' later careers call for reconsidering experiences of exile education among the elites of Napoleonic and Restoration France.
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21

Wilson, Peter H. "Bolstering the Prestige of the Habsburgs: The End of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806." International History Review 28, no. 4 (December 2006): 709–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2006.9641109.

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22

Martin, Graham. "THE PRINCIPALITY OF LIECHTENSTEIN - A LIVING FOSSIL FROM THE TIME OF THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE?" German Life and Letters 42, no. 1 (October 1988): 72–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0483.1988.tb01288.x.

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23

Strasser, Ulrike. "A case of empire envy? German Jesuits meet an Asian mystic in Spanish America." Journal of Global History 2, no. 1 (March 2007): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022807002021.

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This essay deals with the hagiographic afterlife of Catarina de San Juan, the seventeenth-century slave from Asia who became a renowned mystic in colonial Mexico, in writings by German Jesuits, notably Joseph Stöcklein’s popular Welt-Bott. Why and how was Catarina de San Juan’s story told for a German-speaking audience in Central Europe? The specific German appropriations of her vita suggest that missionary writings could serve as a transmission belt for ‘colonial fantasies’, linking the early modern period when the Holy Roman Empire did not have colonies to the modern period when the German Nation acquired colonial holdings in the Pacific.
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24

WILSON, PETER H. "STILL A MONSTROSITY? SOME REFLECTIONS ON EARLY MODERN GERMAN STATEHOOD." Historical Journal 49, no. 2 (June 2006): 565–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005334.

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The German political scientist and philosopher, Samuel von Pufendorf, described the Holy Roman Empire in 1667 as a ‘monstrosity’, because it did not fit any of the recognized definitions of a state. The issue of the Empire's statehood has been the most important consideration in its historiography in recent decades: was it a state? If so, what kind? This review addresses these questions by examining how the debate on the Empire is related to wider controversies surrounding German history, the contemporary process of European integration, and about political organization in general. It explains how these debates are rooted in the political and religious disputes of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries that still influence how the history of the Empire is written today. The four principal modern interpretations are identified and assessed: the Empire as a ‘failed nation state’, as a federation, and, more recently, as an ‘Empire-State’ or a ‘Central Europe of the Regions’. The piece concludes by offering a new explanatory framework to assess the Empire's political development.
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Kazantsev, Yuriy. "State-political and people's collaborationism in Europe in the Second World War period." E3S Web of Conferences 210 (2020): 16006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202021016006.

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Impedance coatings of cylindrical bodies’ synthesis in order to The authors of the article made an attempt to reveal the main causes and motives of mass collaboration in European countries during the Second World War. Mentally, European man has recognized himself as part of a single space for centuries, under one-man rule: the Roman Empire, the Empire of Charlemagne, and the Holy Roman Empire. The imperial idea initially suggested the European peoples’ unification under the auspices of a strong center. The second component of the European mentality was built on the idea of Eurocentrism, proclaiming the superiority of European nations over others, and Western European civilization over the rest of the world. The ruling elite of the German Empire made plans to create "Middle Europe", proclaimed in 1871, which incorporated the economic union of Germany, Austria-Hungary, Belgium, Holland, Denmark, Poland and trimmed France. In 1923, a new idea was published in the manifesto of an Austrian political scientist, Kudenhove-Kalergi - "pan-Europe." The author meant a new, political, single space, spoke about pan-Europe. At the beginning of 1925 the United States of Europe appeared as a more recent idea. These were concrete steps towards creating a united Europe. On the eve of the war years and during that period, leaders and population of European countries were increasingly inclined to take joint actions with Hitler to create a new European device to be able to oppose communist expansion. Mentally, Europe was ready to create a strong core that organized the European space.
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Steinmetz, George. "Empire in three keys." Thesis Eleven 139, no. 1 (April 2017): 46–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513617701958.

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Germany was famously a latecomer to colonialism, but it was a hybrid empire, centrally involved in all forms of imperial activity. Germans dominated the early Holy Roman Empire; Germany after 1870 was a Reich, or empire, not a state in the conventional sense; and Germany had a colonial empire between 1884 and 1918. Prussia played the role of continental imperialist in its geopolitics vis-à-vis Poland and the other states to its east. Finally, in its Weltpolitik – its global policies centered on the navy – Germany was an informal global imperialist. Although these diverse scales and practices of empire usually occupied distinct regions in the imaginations of contemporaries, there was one representational space in which the nation-state was woven together with empire in all its different registers: the Berlin trade exhibition of 1896. Because this exhibition started as a local event focused on German industry, it has not attracted much attention among historians of colonial and world fairs. Over the course of its planning, however, the 1896 exhibition emerged as an encompassing display of the multifarious German empire in all its geopolitical aspects. The exhibition attracted the attention of contemporaries as diverse as Georg Simmel and Kaiser Wilhelm. In contrast to Simmel and later theorists, I argue that it represented the empire and the nation-state, and not simply the fragmenting and commodifying force of capitalism. In contrast to Timothy Mitchell, I argue that the exhibit did not communicate a generic imperial modernity, but made visible the unique multi-scaled political formation that was the German empire-state.
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Hardy, Duncan. "Tage (Courts, Councils and Diets): Political and Judicial Nodal Points in the Holy Roman Empire, c.1300–1550*." German History 36, no. 3 (June 2, 2018): 381–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghy041.

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28

Volckart, Oliver. "‘The Dear Old Holy Roman Realm, How Does it Hold Together?’ Monetary Policies, Cross-cutting Cleavages and Political Cohesion in the Age of Reformation." German History 38, no. 3 (March 5, 2020): 365–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghaa012.

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Abstract Research has rejected Leopold von Ranke’s hypothesis that the Reformation emasculated the Holy Roman Empire and thwarted the emergence of a German nation state for centuries. However, current explanations of the Empire’s cohesion that emphasize the effects of outside pressure or political rituals are not entirely satisfactory. This article contributes to a fuller explanation by examining a factor that so far has been overlooked: monetary policies. Monetary conditions within the Empire encouraged its members to cooperate with each other and with the emperor. Moreover, cross-cutting cleavages forced actors on different sides of the confessional divide to frame coherent and fact-oriented monetary-policy arguments. This helped generate trust among the estates involved in the discussions about a common currency between the 1520s and the 1550s and contributed to the success of the negotiations. Monetary policies thus helped bridge the religious divide that had opened within the Empire, and they therefore contributed to its political cohesion.
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29

Manzo, Fiorenza. "How Sincere Was Leibniz’s Criticism of Hobbes’s Political Thought?" Leibniz Review 30 (2020): 29–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/leibniz2020302.

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This paper focuses on Leibniz’s engagement with Thomas Hobbes’s political anthropology in the Mainz-period writings, and demonstrates that Leibniz tried to construct an alternative to the English philosopher by conceiving of a physically- and ontologically-grounded psychology of actions. I provide textual evidence of this attempt, and account for Leibniz’s rejection of Hobbes’s political theory and anthropological assumptions. In doing so, I refer to diverse aspects of Leibniz’s work, thereby highlighting his aspiration to congruity and consistency between different areas of investigation. Furthermore, Leibniz’s political writings and letters will reveal another—sometimes neglected—aspect of the issue: his concern to defend and legitimize the existence of pluralist and collective constitutional political systems like the Holy Roman Empire by providing the theoretical ground of their ability to last.
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Sorkin, David. "Reform Catholicism and Religious Enlightenment." Austrian History Yearbook 30 (January 1999): 187–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800016003.

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The nature and scope of Reform Catholicism has been debated intermittently since the movement's emergence in the eighteenth century. The debate has peaked at those moments in which the movement's legacy became most relevant to the contemporary religious and political scene, and the period of the past few decades has been one of those moments.2 Reform Catholicism in the Holy Roman Empire has long been misunderstood because the politicization of the 1760s and 1770s and the radicalization of the 1780s and 1790s have cast the earlier stages into obscurity or disrepute.
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Madsen, Peter. "Købmandskab i tyrker-frygtens tid." K&K - Kultur og Klasse 45, no. 124 (December 31, 2017): 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v45i124.103644.

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Attempts from the side of the Holy See to undercut commercial relations with the Near Orient were never particularly successful, not even after the Fall of Constantinople when fear of the Turks was on the rise. Two German literary works from the following half century demonstrate how the viewpoint of the merchants is articulated within a horizon of experience that is far from religious or geo-political concerns. In Rosenplüt’s carnival play Des Türken Fastnachtspiel the Turkish Sultan is depicted as representing an idealized state (not least when it comes to the conditions of commerce) contrasting the multifarious deficiencies of the Holy Roman Empire; in the anonymous novel Fortunatus the conditions and institutions of commercial relations are foregrounded, exemplified by Alexandria and with a focus on the rational logic of commerce.
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Close, Christopher W. "City-States, Princely States, and Warfare: Corporate Alliance and State Formation in the Holy Roman Empire (1540–1610)." European History Quarterly 47, no. 2 (April 2017): 205–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691416687959.

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Scholars often view the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries as a period of general urban decline, when territorial rulers imposed their political agendas on smaller state actors such as city-states in ever more authoritative ways. Such a view is especially prevalent in studies based in the Holy Roman Empire. It forms part of a larger approach to studying the course of state formation that focuses too much on the building of internal bureaucratic institutions and not enough on the importance of interactions between state actors. Studies that examine the relationship between warfare and state formation in particular downplay the importance of city-states, arguing that the costs of war served as a prime vehicle for princely states to marginalize city-states during the Reformation era. This article re-evaluates this paradigm of urban decline through the comparative study of corporate alliances, formal cooperative associations between princely states and city-states. Specifically, it examines the fallout surrounding two conflicts between princes and city-states within the Schmalkaldic League and the Protestant Union. Controversies over the use of alliance military forces within these leagues reveal that rather than decline in the decades leading up to the Thirty Years War, urban influence within leagues increased over time because of the dynamics of war. This conclusion challenges the narratives of territoriality and urban decline that dominate much of the political history covering the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Ultimately, it presents a new way to understand the relationship between city-states, princely states, warfare, and the course of state formation in the Reformation-era Holy Roman Empire.
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Nicholas, David. "Andreas Rutz, Die Beschreibung des Raumes. Territoriale Grenzziehungen im Heiligen Römischen Reich. Form und Struktur. Studien zum sozialen Wandel in Mittelalter und früher Neuzeit, 47. Cologne, Weimar, and Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 2018, 30 black-and-white maps and drawings in text, 20 color plates. 583 pp." Mediaevistik 31, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 316–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med012018_316.

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This superb book concerns how territorial boundaries were drawn in the Holy Roman Empire between the Carolingian period and the eighteenth century. It shows how the Land, which from the twelfth century referred to the conglomeration of legal and political rights and offices that a lord held over his subjects and subject areas, became the territory, a geographical concept, in which location determined control. Measurable borders characterize the territory but not the Land. This study explains how and when the transition was made and thus concentrates on cartography and how territorial borders were perceived and eventually drawn. It uses the analytical framework of the transition in the Empire between the state based on personal relations and the institutional-territorial state. The focus is on Bavaria, Franconia, and the Rhineland and Westphalia.
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Wegman, Rob C. "New Light on Secular Polyphony at the Court of Holland in the Early Fifteenth Century: The Amsterdam Fragments." Journal of the Royal Musical Association 117, no. 2 (1992): 181–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrma/117.2.181.

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Around 1400, the northern Netherlands were little more than a loose collection of quarrelling principalities, unified to some degree by their common language, Middle Dutch. Formally this unruly area was part of the Holy Roman Empire, but the German emperor's political weakness laid it wide open to the territorial ambitions of the Burgundian dukes. Under their rule, the Netherlands saw centralized regional government for the first time in their history. But it was not until the sixteenth century, when their Spanish Habsburg successors were increasingly regarded as foreign oppressors, that anything like a unified sovereign Dutch state came within sight.
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Jones, Chris, Christoph Mauntel, and Klaus Oschema. "Controversial Terminology." Medieval History Journal 20, no. 2 (September 21, 2017): 233–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945817718640.

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In recent years, research on the concept of ‘empire’ has seen an upswing of interest in both Political Science and History. Definitions of ‘empire’ abound, as they do for words such as ‘discourse’, ‘performance’ and ‘culture’. Countless books and edited volumes concerning questions of ‘empire’ have been published since the turn of the century. On the most general level, however, the majority of studies on questions of ‘empire’ tend to neglect the European Middle Ages. Medievalists continue to associate the Latin terms imperium and imperator primarily with the (Holy) Roman Empire. A closer examination of the existing material in Latin and the vernacular languages reveals that many late medieval authors were far from limited in their use of imperial terminology. This introductory essay establishes the historiographical context for an exploration of this terminology as it was employed in the Latin West in two instances. The first is imperial self-designation, cases where rulers explicitly adopted or avoided the language of empire in referring to themselves or their realms. The second is the use of imperial terminology by authors from Latin Europe to describe and characterise distant and foreign regions of the world.
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Whaley, Joachim. "The Holy Roman Empire. A Short History. By Barbara Stollberg-Rilinger. Translated and with a Preface by Yair Mintzker." Journal of Church and State 61, no. 3 (2019): 508–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/csz047.

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Tsvietkova, Yu. "THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE WHOLE-EMPIRE LEGISLATION REGULATING THE FREEDOM OF FAITH IN THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE'S SUBJECTS IN THE 15-16th CENTURIES." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Legal Studies, no. 109 (2019): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2195/2019/1.109-7.

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The article aims to analyse the peculiarities of implementation of the Reichstags' and Emperor' acts which concern the legal relations of the Utraquism, Lutheran and Calvinism proceeding. These are the Act of the Diet of Worms 1521, the Act of the Diet of Speyer 1526, the Act of the Diet of Speyer 1529, the Speyer Protest Act 1529, the Act of the Diet of Augsburg 1530, the Religious Peace Treaty of Nuremberg 1532, the Acts of the Diets of Speyer 1542 and 1544, the Treaty of Passau 1552, the Treaty of Augsburg 1555 with the Declaratio Fernandea, the Prague Compactata 1436 signed by the Emperor Sigismund, Charles V Habsburg recess 1530, interim of Augsburg and Leipzig 1548 signed by Charles V. The article evaluates the depth of the whole-empire legislation practical implementation through the review of public-legal and private-legal freedom of faith phenomena which took place on the territories of the Imperial subjects practising different faith during the Reformation and the Counterreformation arousal. The historical, dialectical, comparative, formal, teleological methods as well as the methods of analysis and synthesis are applied to analyse historical events, legal mentalities peculiarities, definite legal causes, local legislation acts authorised by princes, magistrates, burgomasters. Based on the abovementioned, the author comes to certain conclusions. The contradictory nature of the central empire legislation on about the new confession and the legal status of its believers led to the spreading of the legal nihilism on the imperial subjects' territories. This nihilism strengthened the centrifugal processes in the Holy Roman Empire creating the threat to the state unity and integrity. Despite their victory in Shmalkalden war, the emperor and the catholic lobby realized the real scope of public and private regulation of the freedom of faith legal institute, taking place on the territories of the Empire's subjects. Their concessions they made resulted in the creation of a paradoxical social-legal and state-political dichotomy. On the one hand, granting the freedom of faith empowered local governments and increased decentralization of the Holy Roman Empire, and on the other hand it contributed to its unity and stopped the splitting processes. It has practically proved that personal concessions on common interests could hold the Empire solid.
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38

Milton, Patrick. "The Early Eighteenth-Century German Confessional Crisis: The Juridification of Religious Conflict in the Reconfessionalized Politics of the Holy Roman Empire." Central European History 49, no. 1 (March 2016): 39–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938916000042.

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AbstractThe success of the treaties of Westphalia in preserving the religious peace in the Holy Roman Empire after 1648 has been a popular scholarly theme. Many historians also realize, however, that confessional tensions and confrontations persisted well into the eighteenth century. Exploring an early eighteenth-century German confessional crisis centered in the Palatinate, this article focuses on the degree to which judicial, political, and diplomatic mechanisms successfully regulated and deescalated confessional strife. In short, it looks at the “juridification” of confessional conflict in the Empire. In so doing, it addresses a number of underresearched themes, such as the reactions of the Catholic princes and the Emperor, the internal dynamics within theCorpus Evangelicorum, as well as the international dimension of European great power politics. This not only provides a multiangle analysis of a crisis that saw the emergence of a new regime in the politics of religion, but also offers greater insight into the relationship between the powerful, militarized Protestant territorial-states of northern Germany and the Habsburg emperorship, specifically with regard to the judicial authority of the latter.
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39

Lee, Loyd E. "Baden between Revolutions: State-Building and Citizenship, 1800–1848." Central European History 24, no. 2-3 (June 1991): 248–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900019038.

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Arising from the French revolutionary upheaval and the collapse of the Holy Roman Empire, nineteenth-century Baden, as a political and administrative structure joined to a social body, had few continuities with an earlier past. Though a Napoleonic progeny, its successful transition to modern statehood started as an act of dynastic and bureaucratic will, imposed upon a recalcitrant or disinterested population. Remarkably, the new creation struck roots within its inhabitants which are still evident today. Beyond doubt the Zähringen monarch and the grand duchy's officialdom were estranged from large segments of the population at midcentury, as the revolutionary events of 1848–49 show. Nonetheless, a sense of Badenese citizenship and patriotism had become widely institutionalized by 1848.
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40

Kotova, Elena. "The German Question in the Foreign Policy of the Austrian Empire in 1850—1866." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016050-4.

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For centuries, the House of Austria (the Habsburgs) maintained its leadership in the Holy Roman Empire, and later in the German Union. But in the middle of the 19th century the situation changed, Austria lost its position in Germany, lost to Prussia in the struggle for hegemony. The article examines what factors influenced such an outcome of the German question, what policy Austria pursued in the 50—60s of the 19th century, what tasks it set for itself. The paper traces the relationship between the domestic and foreign policy of Austria. Economic weakness and political instability prevented the monarchy from pursuing a successful foreign policy. The multinational empire could not resist the challenge of nationalism and prevent the unification of Italy and Germany. Difficult relations with France and Russia, inconsistent policy towards the Middle German states largely determined this outcome. The personal factor was also important. None of the Austrian statesmen could resist such an outstanding politician as Bismarck.
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41

GOLF-FRENCH, MORGAN. "BOURGEOIS MODERNITY VERSUS THE HISTORICAL ARISTOCRACY IN CHRISTOPH MEINERS'S POLITICAL THOUGHT." Historical Journal 62, no. 4 (December 19, 2018): 943–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x18000456.

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AbstractChristoph Meiners (1747–1810), a major historian and philosopher of the German late Enlightenment, has received increasing recognition as a significant thinker in the emergence of nineteenth-century racial theories. The scholarly focus on Meiners's hierarchical view of race and its legacy has led to the classification of his broaderoeuvreas conservative, or even reactionary. By examining hisGeschichte der Ungleichheit der Stände unter den vornehmsten europäischen Völkern(1792), written in response to the French Revolution and the contemporary circumstances of the Holy Roman Empire, this article sheds new light on his work, as well as on an under-researched line of thought in the 1790s. Rather than a conservative or reactionary work, this text is a radical critique of the German aristocracy that ultimately recommends the abolition of most significant aristocratic privileges and the overhaul of its membership in favour of the bourgeoisie. This article presents not only a more complex understanding of Christoph Meiners's ideas, but also calls for a reappraisal of the categories applied to late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century intellectuals both in Germany and in Europe more broadly.
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42

Antenhofer, Christina. "Duncan Hardy, Associative Political Culture in the Holy Roman Empire. Upper Germany, 1346–1521. (Oxford Historical Monographs.) Oxford, Oxford University Press 2018." Historische Zeitschrift 310, no. 2 (April 1, 2020): 481–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2020-1119.

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43

Fedorovich, Maxim Yu. "THE ROLE OF ADVISERS IN THE PROCESS OF SHAPING POLITICAL VIEWS AND LEGAL OPINIONS OF THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE RULERS (XVI C.)." Scholarly Notes of Komsomolsk-na-Amure State Technical University 2, no. 21 (January 30, 2015): 4–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.17084/2015.i-2(21).1.

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44

Joyce, Stephen. "Contested origins of monasticism: Divergent models of authority." Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association 11 (2015): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.35253/jaema.2015.1.1.

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As Christianity moved from the periphery to the centre of the Roman empire, monasticism evolved, not without tension, from the desert of the fathers to the urban environment of bishops. Doctrinal differences and functional frictions as a source of tension between clerical and monastic interpretations of the ascetic life, as represented by the conflict between Augustine of Hippo and the arch-heresiarch Pelagius, one symptomatic of friction between the personal charisma of 'holy men' and the institutional charisma of bishops, have since influenced the discourse. This paper will examine the contested biblical origins of monasticism in order to emphasise competing institutional models of authority as a potential source of political tension between monastic and clerical interpretations of a Christian society.
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45

Noordzij, Aart. "Personen, grenzen en politieke eenheden in de veertiende eeuw." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 127, no. 4 (November 1, 2014): 579–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2014.4.noor.

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Abstract Personal agency, borders and political units in the fourteenth century. The duchy of Guelders and the history of international relationsTheories that offer a historicized account of international relations often consider the late middle ages as a period of fundamental change. Territorial political units, geographically defined borders, and distinctions between internal and external gradually developed and became increasingly important. As a result international relations were not only governed by competition between individual lords, by feudal networks, or by imperial and papal universalism, but also by the agency of newly developing geopolitical units, such as kingdoms, territories, towns, and local lordships. On the basis of the Guelders War of Succession (1371-1379) this paper offers a snapshot of this process of transition, demonstrating the dense and composite nature of international relations during the fourteenth century in the western part of the Holy Roman Empire.
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46

Grzywaczewski, Józef. "Radość Sydoniusza Apolinarego z tego, że filozofia służy teologii." Vox Patrum 58 (December 15, 2012): 315–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4081.

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The article shows Sidonius Apollinaris’ admiration for all intellectual acti­vities. For example he congratulated Faustus of Riez after reading his book „On the Holy Spirit”. In all the Sydonius’ writings one can see that he has always had a lot of respect for poets and writers as Lampridius or to scholars as Phoebus. In the context of the fall of the Roman Empire Sidonius really appreciated those who reach for the teachings of ancient philosophy, rhetoric, astronomy and music in the proclamation of the Gospel. So Claudianus Mamertus, author of the book „De sta­tu animae” did. According to Sidonius he was a great master of the three cultures: Roman, Greek and Christian. In the works of Sidonius we can see a gradual transi­tion from the vision of the Empire as a political power to the vision of the Church as a spiritual power. In this context, he gladly stated that the Plato’s Academy was working for the Church of Christ. For this reason, he appreciated each quotation from pagan’s works in Christian works. Polish reader can see common elements in Sidonius and Sienkiewicz: both writers were living in a difficult political situa­tion, the home of the two was ruled by foreign rulers: both writers set themselves the same goal – to write to encourage hearts with glorification of excellent people. Both writers wanted to help people get out of the crisis and to lay the foundations for a better future.
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47

Ogilvie, Sheilagh C. "Germany and the Seventeenth-Century Crisis." Historical Journal 35, no. 2 (June 1992): 417–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00025875.

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AbstractThis article surveys the debate on the ‘General Crisis’ of the seventeenth century in the light of hitherto neglected research. Firstly, most theories of the crisis fail to combine its economic and socio-political aspects. Secondly, few explanations of the crisis take account of evidence from the local and regional levels. Thirdly and most seriously, theories of the crisis have ignored Germany, while historians of Germany have ignored the crisis debate. This article seeks to Jill these gaps. It puts Germany at the centre of a comprehensive theory of the crisis that takes existing crisis theories as its starting point, but also shows how the Thirty Tears War, largely caused by the peculiar institutional structure of the Holy Roman Empire, in turn wrought significant institutional change, not just in Germany, but throughout Europe.
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48

Matar, Nabil. "England and Religious Plurality: Henry Stubbe, John Locke and Islam." Studies in Church History 51 (2015): 181–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840005018x.

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The Elizabethan Settlement identified religious conformity with political allegiance. Not unlike the cuius regio eius religio of the 1555 Peace of Augsburg in the Holy Roman Empire, from 1559 onwards subjects in England had to subscribe to the two Acts of Supremacy and Uniformity, the first declaring the monarch as head of the state and the second determining worship under the monarch as head of the Church. In such an Anglican monarchy, there could be no legal space for the non-Anglican subject, let alone for the non-Christian. The few Marranos (Jews forcibly converted to Christianity) lived as Portuguese immigrants, at the same time that Protestant Dutch and Walloon traders congregated in stranger churches, and whilst they were allowed to worship in their own languages, they remained outsiders to the English/Anglican polity.
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Milton, Patrick. "The Mutual Guarantee of the Peace of Westphalia in the Law of Nations and Its Impact on European Diplomacy." Journal of the History of International Law / Revue d’histoire du droit international 22, no. 1 (March 11, 2020): 101–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-12340132.

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Abstract This paper seeks to investigate how the mutual guarantee clauses of the treaties of Westphalia, which ended the Thirty Years War in 1648, affected European diplomacy until the late eighteenth century. It will first analyse the reception and impact of the guarantee of the Peace of Westphalia in the European Law of Nations and in subsequent treaty law. Secondly, it will assess the practical impact of this feature of the Law of Nations on European diplomacy, and how this influence changed over time. This will also include an analysis of how diplomacy and shifting power-political currents altered the content of the guarantee in the Law of Nations. In analysing the guarantee’s influence on diplomacy, the paper places a particular emphasis on Franco-Imperial and Swedish-Imperial relations, as well as the perception of the guarantee among diplomats and other political actors during political, constitutional and confessional conflicts within the Holy Roman Empire.
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50

François, Stéphane. "The New Knight: The French Far Right’s View of the Middle Ages." Journal of Illiberalism Studies 1, no. 1 (2021): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.53483/vcht2524.

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The far right has always taken an interest in the Middle Ages. For the French revolutionary far right, which shares an ideological matrix influenced by Julius Evola, fascination with the Middle Ages revolves around the image of the Holy Germanic Roman Empire as a political model for Europe opposed to the modern nation-state. The romantic image of the medieval knight also offers a watered-down way to celebrate and legitimize violence without having to allude to a taboo National Socialism. This obsession with the Middle Ages contrasts with the reality that these revolutionary far-right movements were rather pro-Arab during the Cold War decades. This shift reveals the transformation of their thinking and the new dominance of the Identitarian notion of ethnic withdrawal, with the knight as the symbol of a pure racial warrior defending his society against Muslim invasion.
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