Academic literature on the topic 'Political corruption - Brazil'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Political corruption - Brazil.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Political corruption - Brazil"
1
Fleischer, David. "Political corruption in Brazil." Crime, Law and Social Change 25, no. 4 (1996): 297–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00572512.
Full text
2
Silva, Marcos Fernandes da. "The political economy of corruption in Brazil." Revista de Administração de Empresas 39, no. 3 (1999): 26–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-75901999000300004.
Full textAbstract:
This article is the first part of a research on corruption in Brazil and it is theoretical. Despite this, it provides an economic interpretation of corruption using Brazil as a case study. The main objective of this research is to apply some microeconomic tools to understand the "big corruption"�. However, I am going to show that corruption is not simply a kind of crime. Rather, it is an ordinary economic activity that arises in some institutional environments. Firstly, some corruption cases in Brazil will be described. This article is aimed at showing that democracy itself does not ensure control over corruption. Secondly, I am going to do a very brief survey of institutional changes and controls over corruption in some Western Societies in which I am going to argue that corruption, its control and its illegality depend on institutional evolution by streamlining the constitutional and institutional framework. Thirdly, I am going to explain how some economic models could be adopted for a better understanding of corruption. Finally, I will present a multiple-self model applied to the public agent (politician and bureaucrat) constrained by institutions and pay-off systems.
3
Winters, Matthew S., and Rebecca Weitz-Shapiro. "Political Corruption and Partisan Engagement: Evidence from Brazil." Journal of Politics in Latin America 7, no. 1 (2015): 45–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1500700102.
Full text
4
Ferreira de Oliveira, Wilson José. "Anti-corruption protests, alliance system and political polarization." Civitas - Revista de Ciências Sociais 20, no. 3 (2020): 439–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-7289.2020.2.38032.
Full textAbstract:
The fight against corruption has become, in recent years, one of the main international causes. Many studies have been done on the effects and consequences of corrupt and corrupting practices for the political system and for the general society. However, there are still few who are dedicated to analyzing the conditions and dynamics of the fight against corruption as a public and international cause and its consequences and impacts on national political systems. Therefore, the objective of this article is to examine the emergence and spread of anti-corruption movements and protests in Brazil, between 2013 and 2018. I aim to demonstrate that the emergence and development of anti-corruption protests and mobilizations in this period are related to the crisis and collapse of the “alliance system” between the main political leaders and organizations, becoming a political resource to recompose and change such alignments. This analysis shows the relevance of the “political dimension” to understand the process of emergence and the development of protests and mobilizations against corruption.
5
Mohallem, Michael Freitas. "Electoral corruption unfolded by Operation Car Wash and political rights in Brazil." Public Administration and Policy 24, no. 1 (2021): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pap-12-2020-0057.
Full textAbstract:
PurposeThis article aims to advance the literature on the effects of corruption and its relationship to human rights violations. The article also presents an overview of existing legislative measures as well as those expected to be implemented at the national level to tackle corruption and its impacts on fundamental rights.Design/methodology/ approachThe study draws on the literature that addresses the relation between corruption and human rights, and analyses a single well-known case in Brazil (Operation Car Wash) in order to discuss both the violation of citizens’ political rights and of those being investigated.FindingsThe article suggests that the Brazilian State has failed to guarantee fundamental rights as well as to effectively control electoral corruption. By exploring the complex structure of illegal campaign financing in Brazil, the article exposes how Operation Car Wash evidenced the violation of both of the right to participate public affairs and to vote in authentic elections in Brazil.Originality/valueConsidering that the literature shows it is difficult to link the breaches of human rights with incidences of corruption, this article debates the macro context in which the Car Wash case is inserted and demonstrates the evidence that link the corrupt acts involved in this operation to the violation of specific fundamental human rights: the political rights.
6
Reich, Gary, and Pedro dos Santos. "The Rise (and Frequent Fall) of Evangelical Politicians: Organization, Theology, and Church Politics." Latin American Politics and Society 55, no. 04 (2013): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2013.00209.x.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Latin American evangelicals have become a common presence in legislative politics. Brazil exemplifies the potential clout of evangelical legislators and a troubling tendency toward political corruption. This article explains the quality of evangelical interest representation by focusing on church organization and theology, arguing that evangelicals approach electoral politics via three different modes: rejection; participation as individual, politically engaged believers; and engagement as church corporate project. While individual participation is unrelated to political corruption, the corporate model fosters machine politics, characterized in Brazil by resource-based politics, narrow voter bases, and frequent party switching. We link these characteristics to evangelical involvement in two corruption scandals that occurred during the administration of President Lula da Silva. The analysis shows the central role of evangelical organization and theology in shaping interest representation and suggests future duplication of the church-as-political-machine model, particularly where the “Prosperity Theology” variant of pentecostalism is strong.
7
Moro, Sérgio Fernando. "Preventing Systemic Corruption in Brazil." Daedalus 147, no. 3 (2018): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00508.
Full textAbstract:
This essay describes the Brazilian anticorruption operation known as Operação Lava Jato (“Operation Car Wash”), its findings, and its results based on cases tried up to March 2018. Told from the perspective of the federal judge of the Thirteenth Federal Criminal Court of Curitiba, in whose court most of the Lava Jato cases have been prosecuted, this massive criminal case offers lessons that may be useful to other anticorruption efforts. Preventing systemic corruption is a challenge, but it is a necessary step for the improvement of democracy.
8
Brollo, Fernanda, Tommaso Nannicini, Roberto Perotti, and Guido Tabellini. "The Political Resource Curse." American Economic Review 103, no. 5 (2013): 1759–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.103.5.1759.
Full textAbstract:
This paper studies the effect of additional government revenues on political corruption and on the quality of politicians, both with theory and data. The theory is based on a political agency model with career concerns and endogenous entry of candidates. The data refer to Brazil, where federal transfers to municipal governments change exogenously at given population thresholds, allowing us to implement a regression discontinuity design. The empirical evidence shows that larger transfers increase observed corruption and reduce the average education of candidates for mayor. These and other more specific empirical results are in line with the predictions of the theory. (JEL D72, D73, H77, O17, O18)
9
Winters, Matthew S., and Rebecca Weitz-Shapiro. "Information credibility and responses to corruption: a replication and extension in Argentina." Political Science Research and Methods 8, no. 1 (2018): 169–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2018.50.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractExisting research shows that survey respondents are sensitive to the source of information about political corruption and respond more strongly to information from more credible sources. This behavior occurs more frequently among the politically sophisticated. In a nation-wide survey in Argentina, we successfully replicate results originally found in a study in Brazil. In addition, we examine whether citizens process information about corruption differently depending on their partisan identities. At odds with our initial expectations, we find that copartisans, opposition partisans, and other/non-partisans distinguish between information sources in very similar ways. These results suggest that even though partisanship affects baseline assessments of political candidates, citizens of all types are sensitive to the credibility of information they receive about political corruption.
10
Rios Petrarca, Fernanda. "Carwash operation and the complex mechanism of political corruption in Brazil." Civitas - Revista de Ciências Sociais 20, no. 3 (2020): 425–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-7289.2020.3.37882.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyzes the relationship between the governance structures of hidden exchange networks as well as the regulation and protection mechanisms of the corrupt system. It is assumed that the actors interact in a complex network of corrupt exchanges based on an informal system of behavioral rules. The empirical material that serves as the basis for this discussion constitutes the extensive set of legal and journalistic data produced from the “Carwash” operation. The analysis showed that it is, on the one hand, a systemic corruption and, on the other hand, networks whose governance structure is centrifugal. Contrary to what the legal narrative of the operation affirmed, the Brazilian case demonstrates a polycentric system with a high capacity to develop autonomous networks.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political corruption - Brazil"
1
PAULA, MURILO RAMOS RODRIGUES DE. "ESTIMATING THE NATURE OF POLITICAL CORRUPTION: EVIDENCE FROM A POLICY EXPERIMENT IN BRAZIL." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2014. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=25501@1.
Full textAbstract:
PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO<br>COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR<br>PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO<br>O objetivo deste artigo é investigar se a corrupção em países em desenvolvimento está relacionada simplesmente a políticos visando à extração de renda ou se reflete um mecanismo mais complexo de retribuição aos financiadores de campanha com recursos públicos. Se os políticos decidem entre se engajar ou não na atividade ilícita de forma racional, deveríamos esperar uma queda na corrupção decorrente do aumento da punição à corrupção ou elevação na probabilidade de auditorias (Becker, 1968). Além disso, se a corrupção for uma forma de retribuição aos financiadores de campanha desses políticos, uma elevação na punição provocaria não somente uma queda na corrupção observada como também uma diminuição na demanda por recursos para projetos mais corruptíveis, como os de infraestrutura (Mauro 1998). Nesse artigo testamos essas explicações usando um experimento realizado no Brasil em 2009. Usando o fato de que alguns municípios foram aleatoriamente escolhidos para terem a probabilidade de serem auditados elevada, analisamos dados públicos dos convênios entre municípios e União. Encontramos uma queda considerável nos recursos solicitados para obras em infraestrutura. Ainda, encontramos efeitos mais pronunciados no caso em que o município foi auditado no passado, evidência de que prefeitos de fato respondem a políticas críveis. Por fim, esse efeito é mais forte se o prefeito foi fortemente financiado por construtoras. Em suma, nossos resultados sugerem que os prefeitos possuem um compromisso de retribuir financiadores de campanha e que respondem a políticas críveis contra a corrupção reduzindo os pedidos de recursos para projetos de infraestrutura.<br>This paper proposes a test to estimate the nature of political corruption in developing countries: embezzlement by self-enriching politicians versus corruption that originates as a quid-pro-quo from campaign contributions. If politicians make their decision about being or not being corrupt rationally, then increasing the punishment for corrupt practices or the probability of getting caught should reduce corrupt practices (Becker, 1968). If corruption is a response of politicians to firms that finance their campaigns, an increase in punishment should yield not only a reduction in corruption but also a reduction in the demand for projects that are corruptible, such as projects on infrastructure. We test these explanations for corrupt practices using a randomized policy experiment in Brazil. We exploit the fact that some municipalities were randomly chosen to have their probability of being audited increased and we analyze public data of block grants. We find a significant decrease in the resources requested by the mayors to execute projects in infrastructure. Also, this effect is more pronounced if the municipality has been audited in the past, evidence that mayors respond to credible policies. Finally, this effect is larger if mayor s campaign was strongly financed by construction companies. In sum, our findings suggest that mayors are committed with campaign contributors and respond to larger probability of audits by reducing the amount of resources requested for infrastructure projects.
2
Carneiro, Fernanda Maria Afonso. "A corrupção como fenômeno político econômico: uma abordagem teórica e um estudo de caso no Brasil." Doctoral thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/11342.
Full textAbstract:
A investigação apresentada encontra-se inserida na especialidade de Cooperação
e Desenvolvimento e situa-se no contexto da corrupção como fenômeno político e
econômico, dentro de uma abordagem teórica e de um estudo de caso no Brasil. Tendo
como finalidade encontrar respostas ao objeto da investigação. As questões de partida
que norteou a investigação foram: Será que a causa da corrupção está atrelada aos
fatores políticos, econômicos e sociais? Se a causa do não desenvolvimento do Nordeste
brasileiro é devido à seca ou ao fato de haver um grau elevado de corrupção política,
econômica e social na região? O estudo teve como objetivos saber em que medida os
propósitos dos parlamentares são efetivos, em termos de contribuição e sugestões ao
desenvolvimento da região; quais as competências adquiridas pelos mesmos, na prática,
durante o seu pleito, na condução de soluções para o combate deste fenômeno; qual a
relação entre a corrupção e o contexto político, econômico e social no Brasil e em
especial na região Nordeste; quais os fatores que contribuem para a elevação dos níveis
de corrupção; e quais os efeitos que esta prática impacta no bem–estar da sociedade,
sugerindo propostas, com base na análise de dados e na apresentação de um modelo
empiricamente testável através dos dados coletados na aplicação das entrevistas
estruturadas. Para tanto, desenvolveu-se um estudo de caso com 15 questões, aplicandose
a este uma metodologia qualitativa. Foi adotado diferentes procedimentos de
investigação como: revisão da literatura, consulta de legislação, entrevista e a aplicação
de questionários. O estudo decorreu no Congresso Nacional brasileiro, nos dois
agrupamentos do parlamento (deputados federais e senadores) envolvendo os mais
variados partidos com atuação na região Nordeste, feito em dois momentos distintos,
antes da realização das eleições gerais de 2011 e depois da realização das eleições
municipais de 2012. Com base no enquadramento legal e conceitual da corrupção como
um fenômeno político, econômico e social e depois da aplicação metodológica escolhida, o que se constatou foi que o caráter evolutivo da corrupção é devido ao fator
político, em seguida ao fator econômico e por último ao fator social. Verificou-se que as
medidas que poderiam ser adotadas para combater a corrupção seria uma mais efetiva
participação da sociedade civil; a ação da mídia, como instrumento de denúncia; e da
justiça, como ente punitivo; ### ABSTRACT:
The research presented is inserted into the subfield of Cooperation and
Development focusing in the context of corruption as a political and economic
phenomenon, within a theoretical approach and a case study in Brazil. For the purposes
of finding answers to the object of research the starting questions that guided the
research were: Does the cause of corruption is linked to the political, economic and
social phenomena? If not the cause of the underdevelopment of the Brazilian Northeast
is due to drought or the fact that there is a high degree of political, economic and social
corruption that hinders development in the region? The study aimed to determine to
what extent the purposes of parliamentarians are effective in terms of input and
suggestions to the region's development, what skills acquired by them in practice during
his election, in driving solutions to combat this phenomenon, what is the relationship
between corruption and political, economic and social issues in Brazil and especially in
the Northeast, which factors contribute to higher levels of corruption, and what effects
this practice impacts on the welfare of society, suggesting proposals, based on data
analysis and presentation of an empirically testable model using data collected in the
application of structured interviews. To this end, we developed a case study with 15 questions, applying this qualitative methodology. We adopted different procedures as
research: literature review, consultation legislation, interviews and questionnaires. The
study took place in the Brazilian National Congress, the two groupings of parliament
(deputies and senators) involving various parties with operations in the Northeast, made
at two different times, prior to the 2011 general elections and after the elections
municipal 2012. Based on the conceptual framework of law and corruption as a
phenomenon of political, economic and social origins and with our chosen
methodological approach, it was found that the evolutionary character of the corruption
was first due to the political factor, then the economic factor and finally the social
factor. It was found that the measures that could be adopted to fight corruption would be
a more effective participation of civil society, the action of the media as an instrument
of denunciation, and justice, as being punitive.
3
Vásquez, Rodrigo Alonso. "Confiança institucional e corrupção política no Brasil pós 1985." [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279228.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Raquel Meneguello<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-16T08:50:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
Vasquez_RodrigoAlonso_M.pdf: 1875429 bytes, checksum: 30e486e513f299f9f9490ea656f923ff (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2010<br>Resumo: Os cidadãos brasileiros majoritariamente apóiam a democracia como forma ideal de governo e apresentam baixos níveis de confiança institucional, sobretudo, ao Congresso Nacional e aos partidos políticos. Esse cenário, conforme os resultados da pesquisa mostram, não é indício de uma crise da democracia, mas sim da emergência de cidadãos críticos, que têm preferência pela democracia e estão insatisfeitos com o desempenho do regime e suas instituições. As análises feitas sugerem que a baixa confiança institucional está associada às experiências diretas e indiretas dos cidadãos com elas e às suas preferências políticas. Avaliações negativas com relação ao desempenho das instituições e impressões de que elas não agem de acordo com as suas normas legais, influem negativamente na confiança institucional e no apoio ao regime. Neste sentido, os constantes escândalos de corrupção envolvendo membros da elite-política administrativa nacional, que ocupam importantes cargos nas instituições de representação, reforçam as avaliações negativas dos cidadãos sobre estas e consequentemente, à baixa confiança institucional. Os dados aqui trabalhados são provenientes, principalmente, do survey "A Desconfiança dos cidadãos nas instituições democráticas", elaborado pelo Projeto Temático de mesmo nome, financiado pela Fapesp (processo 04/07953-8)<br>Abstract: The great majority of the Brazilian citizens do support democracy as the ideal form of government, but they do present low levels of institutional confidence - especially in the National Congress and in political parties. This background, confirmed by results of surveys, does not indicate a crisis in democracy. It points out the emerging number of critical citizens, who prefer democracy, but are not satisfied with the performance of the political system and its institutions. The analyses done tend to indicate that the low institutional confidence is associated to direct and indirect experiences of the citizens when dealing with such institutions and their political preferences. Negative evaluation regarding the performance of such institutions and the impressions that they do not act in agreement with legal norms, do have a negative influence in institutional confidence and in offering support to a democratic regime. In this sense, the constant scandals of corruption involving members of the national administrative political elite, who hold important offices in the representative institutions, reinforce the negative evaluations of the citizens and as a consequence, there is a low institutional confidence. All information used in this research mainly comes from a survey "A Desconfiança dos Cidadãos nas Instituições Democráticas" (Mistrust of Citizens in Democratic Institutions) elaborated by Research Thematic Project and financed by Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (Fapesp; process 04/07953-8)<br>Mestrado<br>Ciencia Politica<br>Mestre em Ciência Política
4
Cavalcanti, Francisco de Lima. "Essays on Brazilian Political Economy." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/664500.
Full textAbstract:
The article 1 addresses the role of political parties and studies whether popularity shocks are crucial for electoral accountability beyond their effects on voter behavior.
It specifically examines the impact of the revelation of information about a government's conduct on the types of candidates who stand for election. The empirical test focuses on the Brazilian city council elections in 2004 and 2008.
The identification approach exploits the randomness of the timing of the release of audit reports on the use of federal funds by municipal governments. The study finds that when the audit reveals a high level of corruption (i.e., when it represents a negative popularity shock), the parties supporting the incumbent select more educated candidates. On the contrary, parties pick, on average, less educated candidates when the audit finds low levels of corruption (i.e., when it represents a positive popularity shock). These effects are stronger in municipalities that have easier access to local media. The evidence confirms that parties are strategic players that consider specific features of the electoral competition when making decisions and that their decisions are affected by shocks that influence the electoral race.
The article 2 is devoted to examining aspects of the voter preference assumptions. Citizen assessment of government performance is a cornerstone of successful democratic functioning. However, accountability is a double-edged sword. When voters misunderstand the stakes, and provide the wrong incentives to elected officials, political accountability leads to an implementation of suboptimal welfare policies. This paper reveals that an electorate can demand clientelism. To address this question, I study the behavior of voters in a context of vote-buying in Brazilian politics known as the drought industry. The data cover the Brazilian democratic elections from 1998 to 2012, and as empirical strategies I implement both fixed-effects models with panel data and a regression discontinuity design with heterogeneous treatment effects. I find evidence that after a drought, voters increase the vote share of local incumbent parties that are politically aligned with the central government to ensure the inflow of partisan government aid relief. Such behavior reinforces the central government's incentives to bias policies in favor of politically aligned municipalities to influence elections. Consequently, the cycle of distortion of aid relief allocation is perpetuated.
In connection with the findings indicating that the incidence of droughts and the Brazilian political economy are directly linked, the article 3 investigates the behavior of the local governments regarding the level of corruption. The analysis studies whether the allocation of aid relief policies increases the level of corruption in the context of natural disasters. More specifically, the study investigates the number of federal emergency declarations against droughts, as a proxy for aid relief, and the number of irregularities in the local governments' expenditures found by auditors in Brazilian cities during a full mayor's term. The study implements an instrumental variable approach exploiting the quasi-random nature of the cycle component of a municipality's aridity relative to its trend. The findings show that an additional recognition of the state of emergency leads to an increase in corruption per capita for an entire term of a mayor.
5
Santos, Evânio José de Moura. "Corrupção eleitoral, princípio da proporcionalidade e proteção jurídica insuficiente." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2018. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/21304.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-08-08T11:25:22Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
Evânio José de Moura Santos.pdf: 2039739 bytes, checksum: b1951e54cd75153dcca601f9d330950e (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T11:25:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
Evânio José de Moura Santos.pdf: 2039739 bytes, checksum: b1951e54cd75153dcca601f9d330950e (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2018-06-18<br>The study of electoral fraud and the financing of electoral campaigns, grave problems that contaminate the regular dispute for elective positions, responsible for capturing the politician through economic power are the main focus of this doctoral thesis.
The analysis of the phenomenon of corruption is carried out by comparing the treaties and conventions that deal with the subject, restricting the investigation to verify the applicable sanctions for the crime of electoral fraud (article 299, Electoral Code) and of the slush fund, perusing the protected legal interest and the devaluation of the criminal conduct practiced.
In the context of a constitutional perspective, an analysis of the principle of proportionality and of the implicit criminal warrants is made, concluding that there is insufficient legal protection, especially with regard to the penalties applicable to the practice of said crime, existing a gap in punishability concerning the slush fund.
After this confirmation, several proposals for legislative amendment (lege ferenda), imperative to combat electoral fraud, are presented, such as the urgent political reform, adequate campaign funding, typification of the slush fund and money laundering, insertion of rules of compliance within political parties, restriction of party fragmentation and appropriate criminal punishment for candidates, political leaders and voters who violate electoral criminal rules, notably because the practice of electoral fraud constitutes an attack on the Democratic State, causing numerous damages to democracy and citizenship<br>O estudo da corrupção eleitoral e do financiamento de campanhas eleitorais, graves problemas que contaminam a regular disputa por cargos eletivos, responsáveis pela captação do político pelo poder econômico, consistem no cerne do presente trabalho.
Promove-se detida análise do fenômeno da corrupção, fazendo-se o cotejo com os tratados e convenções que versam sobre o assunto, restringindo a pesquisa para a verificação das sanções aplicáveis para o crime de corrupção eleitoral (art. 299, Código Eleitoral) e do caixa dois eleitoral, perscrutando o bens jurídicos tutelados e o desvalor das condutas delituosas praticadas.
No âmbito de uma perspectiva constitucional, realiza-se uma análise do princípio da proporcionalidade e dos mandados implícitos de criminalidade, concluindo pela existência de uma proteção jurídica insuficiente, notadamente com relação às penas aplicáveis para a prática de mencionado ilícito, existindo lacuna de punibilidade com relação ao caixa dois eleitoral.
Após referida constatação, apresentam-se diversas propostas de alteração legislativa (lege ferenda) imprescindíveis para o combate à corrupção eleitoral, tais como a inadiável reforma política, adequado financiamento de campanha, tipificação do caixa dois e da lavagem de dinheiro eleitoral, inserção de regras de compliance no âmbito dos partidos políticos, restrição a fragmentação partidária e adequada punição criminal para os candidatos, líderes políticos e eleitores que violarem as regras penais eleitorais, notadamente em razão de constituir a prática da corrupção eleitoral verdadeiro atentado ao estado democrático de direito, provocando inúmeros prejuízos à democracia e à cidadania
6
Andorfato, João Jacinto Anhê. "A efetividade das garantias processuais penais e o discurso de combate à corrupção." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2018. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/21005.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-04-13T14:21:42Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
João Jacinto Anhê Andorfato.pdf: 963613 bytes, checksum: b5f045fcb8877b348d581a2c23a9da24 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-13T14:21:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
João Jacinto Anhê Andorfato.pdf: 963613 bytes, checksum: b5f045fcb8877b348d581a2c23a9da24 (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2018-02-19<br>The recent corruption scandals exposed a old problem. In an emergency agenda, a
punitive movement emerges that does not only occupy the discourses of lay Brazilians,
but also mobilizes our police, judicial and public prosecutorial authorities, who are
moved by public opinion to draw up new strategies and new measures to combat the
problem. Corruption in no way should be tolerated and must be harshly repressed by
society and by the agencies of criminal prosecution. Notwithstandng, combating
corruption or any other crime, however serious it may be the offense and its social
consequences, does not justify the distortion of criminal procedural guarantees that
historically are the foundation of control and limitation in face of the punitive power of
the State. Society must ensure that it is able to discern the excesses of the state's
punitive power and the institutions that exercise it in order to avoid the emergence of
pathologies such as criminal and procedural law of exception in which moral values are
enough to support the criminal sciences: the good becomes a criminal value, the truth a
procedural value and the justice a legal value. The desire for punitiveness sometimes
obfuscates the necessary precautions to legitimize the interventions of the organs of
criminal prosecution, which, in view of the current political crisis, makes it essential to
analyze the idea of Justice from the perspective of criminal procedural lessons, placing
in poles of contraposition the criminal procedural guarantees and the anti-corruption
discourse<br>Os recentes escândalos de corrupção expôs às escâncaras um antigo problema. Em uma
pauta de emergência, surge um movimento punitivista que não ocupa somente os
discursos dos brasileiros leigos, mas também mobiliza nossas autoridades policiais,
judiciárias e membros do ministério público, que movidos pela opinião pública se
colocam à disposição para traçar novas estratégias e elaborar novas medidas para
combater o problema. A corrupção de forma alguma deve ser tolerada e necessita ser
duramente debelada pela sociedade e pelos órgãos de persecução penal. Contudo, o
combate à corrupção ou à qualquer outra criminalidade, por maior que seja a gravidade
do ilícito e suas consequências sociais, não justifica o desvirtuamento das garantias
processuais penais que historicamente são o alicerce de controle e limitação frente ao
poder punitivo do Estado. A sociedade deve zelar pela capacidade de discernir sobre os
excessos do poder punitivo estatal e das instituições que o exercem, a fim de evitar o
surgimento de patologias como um direito penal e processual penal de exceção em que
valores morais bastam para sustentar as ciências criminais: o bom se torna um valor
penal, a verdade um valor processual e o justo um valor jurídico. O desejo de
punitividade por vezes ofusca as cautelas necessárias para se legitimar as intervenções
dos órgãos de persecução penal, o que, diante da atual crise política, torna
imprescindível a análise da ideia de Justiça sob a perspectiva da dogmática processual
penal, colocando em polos de contraposição as garantias processuais penais e o discurso
de combate à corrupção
7
Santos, Flávio Rosendo dos. "A influência política na gestão das empresas estatais à luz do direito fundamental à boa administração e da governança corporativa e pública." Universidade Tecnológica Federal do Paraná, 2015. http://repositorio.utfpr.edu.br/jspui/handle/1/1592.
Full textAbstract:
Este estudo dedica-se a explicar em que medida a influência política na gestão das empresas estatais pode ser considerada legítima à luz do direito fundamental à boa administração pública e da governança corporativa e pública, motivo pelo qual se empreendeu pesquisa bibliográfica e documental pautada no método dedutivo de trabalho, na qual foram investigados e apresentados conceitos e questões relativas ao Estado, governo, política, Administração Pública direita e indireta, princípios constitucionais da Administração Pública, direito fundamental à boa administração pública, governança corporativa e pública e empresas estatais. Com base nas premissas encontradas nas obras e legislações consultadas, foi possível concluir que a influência política na gestão das empresas estatais pode ser considerada legítima à luz do direito fundamental à boa administração pública quando promova o interesse público e o atingimento de finalidades públicas, com eficácia, eficiência e observância dos direitos dos cidadãos e dos princípios e regras que compõem o regime jurídico da Administração Pública; e pode ser considerada legítima à luz da governança corporativa e pública se, de forma transparente e conforme as normas pertinentes, busca propiciar não o benefício privado dos agentes políticos, mas a promoção do interesse público ou, em outras palavras, o incremento do valor público produzido por elas, sem deixar de proteger e garantir os direitos de seus stakeholders e shareholders.<br>This study is dedicated to explain the extent to which political influence in the management of state-owned enterprises can be considered legitimate in the light of the fundamental right to good governance and corporate and public governance, for which was undertaken bibliographical and documentary research guided by the deductive method of work, in which were investigated and presented concepts and issues relating to the State, Government, politics, Public Administration, constitutional principles of Public Administration, the fundamental right to good administration, corporate and public governance and state enterprises. Based on the assumptions found in the works and consulted laws it was possible to conclude that the political influence in state-owned enterprises management can be considered legitimate in the light of the fundamental right to good governance if it promotes the public interest and the public purposes achievement, effectively, efficiently and if it preserves the citizens' rights and the principles and rules that make up the legal framework for public administration; and can be considered legitimate in the light of corporate and public governance to the extent that, in a transparent manner and according to the relevant rules, it seeks not the private benefit of politicians, but to promote the public interest or, in other words, the increase of public value produced by them, while protecting and guaranteeing the rights of its stakeholders and shareholders.
8
Santos, Adair Loredo dos. "Democracia, controle e corrupção: o caso da “Máfia dos Auditores Fiscais” na cidade de São Paulo: 2013." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2018. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/21711.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-12-11T12:41:18Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
Adair Loredo dos Santos.pdf: 1125875 bytes, checksum: 1d3818285716300d123b1f56dd164d7b (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-12-11T12:41:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
Adair Loredo dos Santos.pdf: 1125875 bytes, checksum: 1d3818285716300d123b1f56dd164d7b (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2018-10-29<br>In this study, the administrations of mayors of Gilberto Kassab and Fernando Haddad were
analyzed with the intention of demonstrating the performance of democratic controls in the
fight against corruption, as well as the practices in the public policy of the city of Sao Paulo
during the period of their administrations. As a result, the case known as the "Audit Tax Mafia"
was analyzed, which shows the State's fragility in containing, restraining, and extirpating these
criminal organizations located within its core. It also emphasizes the importance of
administrative actions and decisions aimed at interfering in partisan and personal political
interests, or as reinforcers of practices of corruption and disorder. The study demonstrates that
the institutional apparatus, which should exercise the function of control, suffers numerous
negative interferences and, to a large extent, treats the cases superficially and without the rigor
that a realignment of paths would require, as well as in the sphere of Justice. As a result,
corruption becomes "institutionalized" and becomes a part of the current politicaladministrative
system, within a promiscuous correlation between the executive and legislative
branches and several other agents, among them lies a section of public officials<br>Neste estudo foram analisadas as práticas na política pública do município de São Paulo, no
período das gestões dos prefeitos Gilberto Kassab e Fernando Haddad, a fim de demonstrar a
atuação dos controles democráticos no combate à corrupção. Para isso, analisou-se o caso
conhecido como “Máfia dos Auditores Fiscais”, o qual mostra a fragilidade do Estado em
conter, coibir e em extirpar essas organizações criminosas instaladas em seu cerne. Além de
ressaltar a importância de ações e decisões administrativas voltadas para a ingerência de
interesses políticos partidários e pessoais, ou como reforçadores de práticas de corrupção e de
desmandos. O estudo demonstra que o aparato institucional, que deveria exercer a função de
controladoria, sofre inúmeras interferências negativas e, em grande parte, trata os casos de
maneira superficial e sem o rigor que uma correção de rota exigiria, inclusive na esfera da
Justiça. Com isso, a corrupção acaba “institucionalizada” e como parte do sistema políticoadministrativo
vigente, numa correlação promíscua entre os poderes executivo, legislativo e
diversos outros agentes, dentre eles, uma parte de funcionários públicos
9
Emilio, Marcos Roberto. "Mecanismos de combate á corrupção e a experiência do governo do estado do Maranhão de 2015 A 2017." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2018. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/21504.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-10-19T11:50:17Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
Marcos Roberto Emilio.pdf: 2440497 bytes, checksum: 17e2d694935776656f7e8f09d51b74bd (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-19T11:50:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
Marcos Roberto Emilio.pdf: 2440497 bytes, checksum: 17e2d694935776656f7e8f09d51b74bd (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2018-08-06<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES<br>This Master Thesis aims to study the main mechanisms for preventing and fighting corruption, emphasizing those of transparency and accountability; in addition to understand how these public policies are built, it seeks to understand the importance of State and society in running these mechanisms and to analyze the experience of the State Government of Maranhão related to the fight against corruption between 2015 and 2017. In order to understand the phenomenon of corruption, firstly it is necessary to understand the particularities of its conceptualization, classification and measurement, once it is necessary to consider the context of its occurrence, laws in force and its effects in society. Therefore, a research was also carried out on the concept of corruption through a brief analysis of the modern period using Machiavelli's thought and main trends in social sciences in the contemporary period, seeking to achieve its expression in the Brazilian reality<br>Esta dissertação tem como objeto de estudo os principais mecanismos de prevenção e combate à corrupção, evidenciando os de transparência e accountability; além de entender como essas políticas públicas são construídas, busca também compreender a importância do Estado e da sociedade no funcionamento desses mecanismos e analisar a experiência do governo do estado do Maranhão relacionada ao combate à corrupção no período de 2015 a 2017. Para entendermos o fenômeno da corrupção, torna-se necessário, primeiramente, compreendermos as particularidades de sua conceituação, tipificação e mensuração, uma vez que é preciso considerar o contexto de sua ocorrência, as leis vigentes e os efeitos na sociedade. Em razão disso, realizou-se também, uma pesquisa sobre o conceito de corrupção através de uma sucinta análise do período moderno recorrendo ao pensamento de Maquiavel e das principais vertentes das ciências sociais no período contemporâneo, buscando alcançar sua expressão na realidade brasileira
10
Volejnik, Adriana Cristina Pino. "A prova pericial cont??bil na A????o Penal 470: o caso Mensal??o / Adriana Cristina Pino Volejnik." FECAP, 2017. http://tede.fecap.br:8080/jspui/handle/jspui/736.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted by Elba Lopes (elba.lopes@fecap.br) on 2017-08-15T20:21:00Z
No. of bitstreams: 2
Adriana Cristina Pino Volejnik.pdf: 3552207 bytes, checksum: ce70bc720af6e42f000e13a805cc35e9 (MD5)
license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-15T20:21:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2
Adriana Cristina Pino Volejnik.pdf: 3552207 bytes, checksum: ce70bc720af6e42f000e13a805cc35e9 (MD5)
license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2017-01-26<br>This is a study about how the legal evidence was organized within the criminal sphere, the reason behind it and how this forensic accounting report was added into the Court Case number 470 (AP 470/2007), the "Mensal??o". Structured on both qualitative research and the analysis of the case files (about 63.000 pages until the rulling) through a protocol based on Dempster's Evidence Theory. The data was structured, categorized and classified to allow not only for better identification of the main phases of the "Mensal??o" and of it's documentation, but also to identify characteristics on both technical evidence and forensic accounting report. Throughout the process, 215 pieces of technical evidence were found, of which 30 were mentioned at the rulling by Ministers of the Supreme Court, rapporteur and proofreader. Among these 30 where the 8 main reports made by the Brazillian Federal Police's accounting expert, reggarded as the most solid and complete documents on the AP 470/2007 case. The whole process estabilished the forensic accounting within the criminal sphere, seeing how it transformed financial transgression into something tangible. It estabilished the role of the accounting expert as an asset to solve both criminal and legal questions, as well reinforcing the importance of the forensic accounting as a powerfull tool in the battle against corruption.<br>Esta pesquisa investigou como foi organizado o conjunto probat??rio no ??mbito criminal, o prop??sito e a forma das provas periciais cont??beis juntadas ?? A????o Penal 470, o Caso Mensal??o. ?? uma pesquisa qualitativa e documental. Foi analisada a ??ntegra dos autos da A????o Penal 470 (cerca de 63.000 p??ginas, at?? a emiss??o do Ac??rd??o), com o uso de um protocolo de an??lise, apoiado na Teoria das Provas. O material foi sistematizado por meio de classifica????o e categoriza????o dos dados, o que permitiu identificar as principais fases do processo e pe??as processuais, as caracter??sticas das mat??rias t??cnico-cient??ficas e dos laudos periciais cont??beis. Foram localizadas 215 provas de natureza t??cnica. Dessas, 30 foram mencionadas no Ac??rd??o pelos Ministros do STF, Relator e Revisor, sendo 8 os Laudos periciais cont??beis estudados, produzidos por peritos cont??beis da Pol??cia Federal, por terem sido as provas cont??beis mais robustas da AP 470/2007. Foi constatada a utilidade da per??cia cont??bil no ??mbito criminal, na medida em que trouxe materialidade a crimes de natureza patrimonial financeira. Constatou-se como atuam os peritos oficiais para colaborar na resolu????o de quest??es legais, em atendimento ??s demandas do conjunto de operadores legais do Mensal??o. Busca-se contribuir para consolidar o entendimento sobre a import??ncia da per??cia cont??bil no combate ?? corrup????o.
Books on the topic "Political corruption - Brazil"
1
Corruption and democracy in Brazil: The struggle for accountability. University of Notre Dame Press, 2011.
Find full text
2
Power, Timothy J. Corruption and democracy in Brazil: The struggle for accountability. University of Notre Dame Press, 2011.
Find full text
3
Fleischer, David V. Corruption in Brazil: Defining, measuring, and reducing : a report of the CSIS Americas Program. CSIS, 2002.
Find full text
4
Teixeira, Carla Costa. A honra da política: Decoro parlamentar e cassação de mandato no Congresso Nacional, 1949-1994. Relume Dumará, 1998.
Find full text
5
Marques, Karla Padilha Rebelo. Atividade de inteligência no combate à̀ corrupção: O papel do Ministério Público. EdUFAL, 2011.
Find full text
6
Azevedo, Débora Bithiah de. Parlamento mutilado: Deputados federais cassados pela ditadura de 1964. Câmara dos Deputados, Centro de Documentação e Informação, 2012.
Find full text
7
1964-, Trigo Luciano, ed. Nervos de aço: Um retrato da política e dos políticos no Brasil. Topbooks, 2006.
Find full text
10
A esperança estilhaçada: Crônica da crise que abalou o PT e o governo Lula. Planeta, 2005.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Political corruption - Brazil"
1
Ferraz, Claudio, and Frederico Finan. "Fighting Political Corruption: Evidence from Brazil." In Institutions, Governance and the Control of Corruption. Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-65684-7_9.
Full text
2
de Souza Martins, José. "Clientelism and Corruption in Contemporary Brazil." In Political Corruption in Europe and Latin America. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24588-8_10.
Full text
3
Pohlmann, Markus, and Elizangela Valarini. "The Fight Against Corruption in Brazil: A Case of Good Governance?" In Knowledge for Governance. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47150-7_10.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe “Operation Carwash” is so far the biggest corruption scandal in Brazilian history. It did spoil a major part of the political system, and some of the established governance practices in Brazil. In this article, we are taking a closer look into the big corruption case, analyzing the unlawful practices of the Brazilian construction companies, and their relationship with the public sector more thoroughly. By carrying out content analyses of court files, we reveal the systemic corrupt pattern behind by connecting the level of regulations with the level of organizational crime. Furthermore, we ask, if the recent changes in law enforcement are accompanied by a changing environment of good governance? Our answer presented in the second part of the article is no. The political reactions to the “operation carwash” revealed in fact, how many of the “old-school” governance practices survived in Brazil.
4
"Corruption in Brazil." In Political Corruption in Comparative Perspective. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315601151-7.
Full text
5
PORTO, MAURO P. "The Media and Political Accountability." In Corruption and Democracy in Brazil. University of Notre Dame Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv19m61t1.9.
Full text
6
Damgaard, Mads Bjelke. "The Media System and Political Journalism of Brazil." In Media Leaks and Corruption in Brazil. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351049306-2.
Full text
7
Yadav, Vineeta. "Brazil and India: Business Lobbying and Corruption." In Political Parties, Business Groups, and Corruption in Developing Countries. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199735907.003.0005.
Full text
8
Valarini, Elizangela, and Maria Eugenia Trombini. "Populist grammar, politicians and judges: a case study of political corruption in Brazil." In Populism and Corruption. Edward Elgar Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781839109676.00015.
Full text
9
Damgaard, Mads Bjelke. "Lawfare and the Judiciary-Political Relations during the Lava-Jato Corruption Scandal." In Media Leaks and Corruption in Brazil. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351049306-4.
Full text
10
Tankha, Sunil. "Economic, political, and social transformation in Brazil." In Handbook of BRICS and Emerging Economies. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198827535.003.0041.
Full textAbstract:
Brazil’s current economic and political crises are not merely manifestations of corruption and economic mismanagement but are a persistent feature of the country’s economic, political, and social structures. This chapter elaborates a historical narrative analysis which shows the underlying dynamics of the formation and re-formation of political alliances as the country balances conservative and modernizing ideations and interests. In this scheme, because Brazil has not yet in its social sphere resolved its demographic debt nor completed in its economic sphere a structural transformation, the country lurches between competing economic and social approaches and discourses, always progressing but with a considerable degree of disorder.
Conference papers on the topic "Political corruption - Brazil"
1
Rios, Ricardo A., Caio S. Lopes, Fabio H. G. Sikansi, Paulo A. Pagliosa, and Rodrigo F. de Mello. "Analyzing the Public Opinion on the Brazilian Political and Corruption Issues." In 2017 Brazilian Conference on Intelligent Systems (BRACIS). IEEE, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/bracis.2017.37.
Full text
2
Carvalho, Ricardo Silva, Rommel Novaes Carvalho, Marcelo Ladeira, Fernando Mendes Monteiro, and Gilson Liborio de Oliveira Mendes. "Using Political Party Affiliation Data to Measure Civil Servants' Risk of Corruption." In 2014 Brazilian Conference on Intelligent Systems (BRACIS). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/bracis.2014.39.
Full text