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Li, Jie Sheng. "The political economy of foreign aid flows." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6735/.
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This thesis examines the rise in bilateral aid disbursements over multilateral aid between 2000 and 2010. It would be simply stated that such a trend would be due donor nations focusing on strategic self-interests. I argue, using a combination of principal-agent theory, foreign policy analysis and the effect of institutions, that new political actors in donor nations found a window of opportunity to alter the level foreign disbursements and in several cases, increase the overall level of foreign aid. Bilateral aid eventually rose due to both the worldviews of these new decision makers as well as how their policies were influenced and shaped by local institutions. In this thesis, I focus on the US, the UK and Japan as donor nations and the World Bank’s International Development Association. In the US case, political and cultural institutions along with the worldviews Bush Administration officials shifted US bilateral aid upwards. In the UK, local institutions along with the perspectives of New Labour officials result in higher British bilateral aid disbursements. Japan’s political actors initially focused on the country’s economy but later actors, with their worldviews and shaped by historical norms, increased Japan’s bilateral aid vis-à-vis its contributions to IOs.
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Munyanyi, Rachael Mationesa. "The political economy of food aid: a case of Zimbabwe." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_8972_1182748616.
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The food security crisis which gripped the sub Sahara Africa after the drought in 1999/2000 threatened development initiatives in these countries. Zimbabwe&rsquo
s situation has since worsened and the country has failed to recuperate from the food problems, even after an improvement in the climatic conditions. International and local food aid activities then became a priority in the fight to sustain the right to food for the affected regions. It is argued in this research that if food aid is distributed on the basis of need it will enable the vulnerable populations recuperate form food insecurity problems. It is also postulated that if well implemented, food aid programmes are also able to play the dual role of averting starvation and leading to long term development. This thesis departs from the allegations of food aid politicisation in Zimbabwe.
Using the rational choice and neopatrimonial theories of individual behaviour, this research endeavored to ascertain whether political decisions influenced the government food aid distributions which were conducted through the Grain Marketing Board. In line with these theories, it is argued in this study that politicians behave in a manner that maximizes the fulfillment of their individual needs rather than the needs of the people who vote them in positions of power.
A qualitative approach was adopted in this study and data was gathered through household interviews in the Seke and Goromonzi districts of the Mashonaland East province in Zimbabwe. Furthermore, interviews were conducted with food aid experts from the governmental and non governmental organisations dealing with food security issues in Zimbabwe.
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Vattuone, Santiago Esteban. "Essays on the political economy of international financial institutions aid." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/3311.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2006.Thesis research directed by: Economics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Seelkopf, Laura P. "The political economy of foreign aid collection : arguments and applications." Thesis, University of Essex, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.558990.
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The essential purpose of foreign aid is to reduce poverty and to help millions of people in the developing world. Yet, already the Marshall Plan demonstrates that donor governments frequently use development assistance as a foreign policy tool in order to promote their interests at the international stage. This ambivalence points to the need for a clear understanding of aid allocation, also as starting point for a better comprehension how aid affects development. Furthermore, the study of foreign aid allocation is not only fundamental for our knowledge on aid effectiveness, but also allows insights into the foreign policy preferences of rich governments toward the developing world. In order to address this, the following thesis highlights the importance of foreign aid as a foreign policy tool and illus- trates in three substantial chapters how developed states use financial assistance to buy policy concessions from developing countries. In this context, the author first contrasts the official aid doctrine with the actual, more hidden agenda over the last six decades, and also emphasizes important av- enues for further research. Second and by building upon existing research, the dissertation shows how donor governments strategically distinguish between con- ditional and unconditional aid to support more democratic developing countries that face political turmoil. Third, the thesis focuses on the public and private good aspects of aid, and explores how foreign aid might be used for access to raw materials - a case with potentially clear negative externalities to other donors. It is argued that donor governments allocate more aid to possible trading partners in mineral ores to secure their companies access to these resources. Against this background, the theoretical and empirical analyses of donors' aid allocation behavior illustrate that donor governments use foreign aid as a policy tool to further their very own interests in developing countries. Yet, this may not necessarily be detrimental to recipient needs. With the increasing international integration and the rise of more, heterogeneous donor countries, recipients become ever more important. Consequently, also the political economy of foreign aid.
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Sardoschau, Sulin. "Migration, aid, and conflict : essays in political economy and development." Thesis, Paris 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA01E053.
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Cette dissertation aborde le concept mondialisation comme résultat d'une compétition politique, à travers une analyse des sources et conséquences de conflit, tout en mettant en lumière sa dimension socio-culturelle. Dans le cadre thématique de l'économie politique et de l'économie du développement, nous adressons un large éventail de sujets qui sont actuellement au centre du débat public. En particulier, j'explore les liens entre migrations et attitudes, aide et conflit, ainsi que les conséquences intergénérationnelles des conflits dans le développement économique. Je traite ces sujets de façon théorique et empirique, en utilisant un grand nombre de stratégies économétriques. La composante empirique de cette dissertation comprend une analyse de la migration et de la proximité culturelle sur plusieurs pays; une analyse à l'échelon sous-national de l'aide Chinoise en Afrique, et une analyse sur les conséquences de la guerre en Irak au niveau des ménagesThis dissertation sheds light on the concept of globalization as a result of political competition, analyzing the sources and consequences of conflict, as well as highlighting the socio-cultural dimensions of globalization. Under the thematic umbrella of political economics and economic development, I address a broad range of topics that have been at the center of the public debate in recent years. ln particular, I explore the links between migration and culture, attitudes, aid and conflict, and the inter-generational consequences of conflict for economic development. I address these subjects both theoretically and empirically, using a broad set econometric strategies. The empirical component of this dissertation comprises a global cross-country analysis of migration and cultural proximity, a sub-national analysis on Chinese aid in Africa, and a household-level analysis on the consequences of war in Iraq
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Bobiash, Donald J. "South-South aid : West African case studies." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302945.
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Calvo-Gonzalez, Oscar. "The political economy of conditional foreign aid to Spain, 1950-1963 : relief of input bottlenecks, economic policy change and political credibility." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/106/.
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This thesis advances our understanding of the effects of foreign aid programmes in the Spanish economy during the 1950s. It does so by concentrating on three aspects. First, it considers the contribution to economic growth of aid-financed goods by relieving input bottlenecks. Results from an input-output analysis downplay the alleged importance of aid in increasing Spanish output by providing raw materials and other inputs. Second, it discusses the extent to which foreign donors influenced Spanish economic policy-making. Based on original archival sources from both recipient and donors, it is argued here that the United States was particularly ineffective at imposing its economic policy agenda. Surprisingly, the best way to increase the likelihood of the adoption of economic policy reform was not to exercise outright leverage but to provide further unconditional aid disbursements. The analysis of the involvement of the International Monetary Fund and Organisation for European Economic Co-operation to underwrite the 1959 Spanish Stabilisation Plan suggests that the multilateral organisations were acutely aware of the overriding importance of a true commitment to the reforms by the local policy-makers. Rather than relying on formal conditionality, they ascertained such commitment by monitoring the internal support for the reform programme whilst carefully avoiding any instance that may jeopardise the cohesion of the domestic pro-reform coalition. Third, the dissertation motivates a 'credibility hypothesis' under which the American aid-for-bases programme improved the political credibility of the regime and with it private businesses' expectations. A range of both qualitative and quantitative evidence, of which the use of financial market data is paramount, supports the hypothesis. This result contributes to solving the puzzle of Spanish economic history during a period that sees the resumption of economic growth after a stagnant first decade under Franco's rule despite very limited policy change.
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Hoffman, Alecia Dionne. "The influence of China's foreign aid policies on the political economy of Nigeria, 1979-2010." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2015. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/3132.
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This study examines the influence of China's foreign aid policies on the political economic development of Nigeria for the years 1979-2010. Three research questions were proposed and examined in this study: (1) What were the micro-macro political economic drivers of the relationship between China and Nigeria? (2) How has China's foreign aid policy between the years 1979 to 2010 influenced the political economy of the Federal Republic of Nigeria? (3) What role has the international community played in the relationship between Nigeria and China? The international community in this context includes the United States, Soviet Union/Russia, United Kingdom, World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund.
This study was based on the premise that the guiding principles which undergird China's foreign policy formulation, "Principles of Peaceful Coexistence," are no longer applicable in the 21st century. This assertion is made due to China's newly acquired position as the second largest economy in the world. This point is the crux of this research.
The methodological approach utilized was case study and comparative analysis. Scholarly books, journals, government websites, and information from multilateral institutions such as the Bretton Woods Institutions and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development were consulted. An additional source, AidData, which works closely with the aforementioned multilateral institutions, was also used. The sectors examined in this study include health, education, oil and mining and infrastructure in Nigeria. Time series design was utilized to track the influence of aid over the time period of study for the independent variable, China, and also the antecedent and intervening variables of the international community. The study was informed by two theoretical paradigms, complex interdependence and micro-macro linkage model guided by a political economic perspective highlighting the use of neo-mercantilism and neo classical realism by China.
The findings indicate that the sectors of infrastructure and oil and mining are prominent sectors that have received a great deal of attention from China as compared to the global powers and the multilateral institutions. Two reasons can be attributed to this phenomenon: (1) From the Nigerian perspective, the trade and abundant natural resource oil and natural gas in exchange for infrastructure projects has been utilized to help place the country on a more sound economic footing; and (2) From the Chinese perspective, the economic and modernization goals that it wishes to fulfill to help facilitate its rise as a global power are assisted through both the human and natural resources provided by Nigeria.
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Lyons, Stephen. "The political economy of inequality : poverty, drought and aid programmes in Botswana, c. 1982 - 1988." Thesis, University of Salford, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.293030.
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Egan, Erica Ann. "Socialism, the state and aid-effectiveness : a case study of the emergency program in Zambezia province, Mozambique 1988-1992." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.241256.
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de, Renzio Paolo. "Buying better governance : the political economy of budget reforms in aid-dependent countries, 1997-2007." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a56c6b13-dfce-4337-bc35-eded2b8f6954.
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The quality of governance and institutions is increasingly seen as a fundamental factor in shaping the development prospects of poor countries. As a consequence, donor agencies have increasingly allocated resources to providing technical assistance for improving governance standards in such countries, with mixed results. This thesis investigates the domestic and external factors affecting the outcomes of reforms aimed at improving the quality of government budget institutions across a sample of 16 aid-dependent countries. It provides a new definition of the quality of budget institutions, and develops an analytical framework that identifies the key factors at play in the political economy of budget reforms. The analysis starts with a medium-N ‘pattern finding’ approach, based on a new dataset tracking changes in the quality of budget institutions over the period 2001 to 2007. This is followed by a small-N ‘process tracing’ approach, with in-depth case studies of Mozambique and Burkina Faso (with additional evidence from Tanzania), looking at both overall reform trajectories and four specific budget reform areas. The results show that among domestic factors, economic and political stability are preconditions for successful budget reforms. A minimum degree of government leadership and commitment to reforms is also a very important factor shaping budget reform outcomes, alongside the centralisation of budget institutions. Surprisingly, among external factors, the level of technical assistance and the use of so-called programme aid modalities were less important than the overall fragmentation of aid flows and the ways in which technical assistance is delivered in influencing budget reform outcomes. Donors’ hopes of ‘buying’ better budget governance, therefore, are more likely to be enhanced not by additional resources, but by better behaviour. Moreover, such strategy is likely to work only in countries with enough capacity and interest in reforms.
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Magalhães, Rafael Nunes. "A economia política da ajuda externa." Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-11032019-102543/.
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Esta tese consiste em três estudos que investigam os impactos políticos do investimento em ajuda externa, assim como as estratégias de alocação interna por parte dos líderes dos países receptores. Explorando diferentes níveis de análise e conjuntos de países, eles buscam contribuir com o entendimento de escolhas estratégicas feitas por parte dos países doadores e por parte dos países recipientes. O capítulo 1 explora como líderes locais utilizam recursos de ajuda externa para se perpetuar no poder. Os resultados mostram que, em eleições competitivas, líderes direcionam recursos com o objetivo de ampliar sua base para além dos core voters. Quando as eleições não são competitivas, os líderes têm menos motivos para duvidar de sua sobrevivência eleitoral e direcionam recursos para distritos de sua etnia. A disponibilidade de informações sobre ajuda externa em nível sub-nacional é rara, e esse estudo toma proveito da liberação de novas bases de dados que sistematizam os investimentos chineses na África. O capítulo 2 adota um nível de análise mais tradicional nos estudos de ajuda externa. Utilizando-se dados de 155 países entre 1960 e 2011, ele investiga se o investimento em ajuda externa tem efeitos heterogêneos em países com regimes democráticos e autoritários. Os resultados demonstram que países democráticos alocam ajuda de maneira mais efetiva do que países autoritários, mas as estimativas apresentam volatilidade. O capítulo 3 investiga o possível impacto da ajuda externa sobre a intensidade de conflitos civis. Em países com menor grau de institucionalização, investimentos em ajuda externa podem ser utilizados como uma ferramenta para fortalecer facções que estão no poder. O trabalho usa uma estimação em dois estágios para calcular o impacto dos fluxos de ajuda sobre a probabilidade de intensificação do conflito. Os resultados mostram que a ajuda externa pode contribuir para transformar pequenos conflitos em conflitos maiores, mas não dão evidência de que ela cria conflitos em países anteriormente pacíficos.This thesis consists of three studies that investigate the political impacts of foreign aid investment, as well as the internal allocation strategies by the leaders of the recipient countries. Exploring different levels of analysis and sets of countries, they seek to contribute to the understanding of strategic choices made by donor countries and recipient leaders. Chapter 1 explores how local leaders use foreign aid resources to perpetuate themselves in power. The findings show that in competitive elections, leaders direct resources to broaden their base beyond core voters. When elections are not competitive, leaders have less reason to doubt their political survival and direct resources to their ethnic districts. The availability of foreign aid information at the sub-national level is rare, and this study takes advantage of the release of new databases that systematize Chinese investments in Africa. Chapter 2 adopts a more traditional level of analysis in foreign aid studies. Using data from 155 countries between 1960 and 2011, it investigates whether investment in foreign aid has heterogeneous effects in countries with democratic and authoritarian regimes. The results demonstrate that democratic countries allocate aid more effectively than authoritarian countries, but the estimates present robustness problems. Chapter 3 investigates the possible impact of foreign aid on the intensity of civil conflict. In countries with a lower degree of institutionalization, foreign aid investments can be used as a tool to strengthen factions in power. The paper uses a two-stage estimation to calculate the impact of aid flows on the likelihood of conflict escalation. The results show that foreign aid can contribute to turning small conflicts into major conflicts, but they do not give evidence that it creates conflicts in previously peaceful countries.
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Wright, Joseph. "Political regimes and foreign aid how aid affects growth and democratization /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1459915991&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Jadallah, Dina. "United States Economic Aid: Imperfect Hegemony in Egypt." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/314671.
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Even though aid is a cornerstone of the Egyptian-American relationship, there is little research about economic aid's role in achieving US objectives, especially in producing policy alignment that would normalize Israel. Likewise, an under-studied derivative question is how the stipulation to maintain peace with Israel affected the (1) economic and structural processes of aligning Egypt with the American vision of `market-democracy' and (2) Egyptian critical assessments of the (non-military) effects associated with alignment into the American orbit? I argue that a reforming and democratizing narrative was used to transform Egypt into a stable "market-democracy" whose prosperity entailed pursuit of a "warm" peace. The transformation depended upon a dual strategy, combining the targeting of "natural allies" among a complicit elite as well as on privatization to align businesses, territories, civil organizations, and institutions or segments therein with American interests. The strategy's success in achieving alignment was also its weakness. Dependence on an autocratic elite for the implementation of reforms had the counter-effects of facilitating corruption and of reducing regime incentives to expand its constituencies of support beyond direct beneficiaries of the neoliberal privatizing changes. Instead of debate and engagement with opposing views to build new alliances, the strategy superseded and avoided sites of opposition. Therefore, contrary to the original aim of aid provision, the peace remained cold while its normalization dimensions became discursive triggers used as prisms with which to judge aid, the neoliberal reformist agenda, as well as normalization. The new partnerships provoked the production of competing conceptualizations of the proper relationship between the state and its citizens, conveyed in legal and constitutional re-definitions and re-distributions of rights and duties, as well as in divergent nationalist visions for Egypt's future. These competing ideas ranged between a nationalism that is globalizing, free-market, US- and regime-supported and another vision that is traditional, historically-informed, and socio-culturally-sensitive. Normalization's connection with aid had the counter-theoretical effect of reducing aid's ability to engender Gramscian hegemony. The US strategy of targeting allies and of privatization to effect normalization could not overcome extant socio-political forces whose discourses charged that aid produced anything but subordination (taba'iyya) - which differed significantly from promises of "peace, stability, and growth". Ultimately, even "reforming and democratizing" aid efforts could not disguise the subordinating effects of market and political alignment, and thus were not sufficient to elicit a new "common sense."
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Eichenauer, Vera Z. [Verfasser], and Axel [Akademischer Betreuer] Dreher. "The Political Economy of Foreign Aid: Allocation, Timing, and Effectivenes / Vera Z. Eichenauer ; Betreuer: Axel Dreher." Heidelberg : Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1177691825/34.
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Marston, Jasmin [Verfasser], Rüdiger [Akademischer Betreuer] Glaser, and Tim [Akademischer Betreuer] Freytag. "Aid and agriculture : : a constructivist approach to a political economy analysis of sustainable agriculture in Ghana." Freiburg : Universität, 2017. http://d-nb.info/116284017X/34.
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Tabbasum, Salamat Ali. "The political economy of the United States aid for development and democracy in Pakistan since 2002." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708280.
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Eichenauer, Vera [Verfasser], and Axel [Akademischer Betreuer] Dreher. "The Political Economy of Foreign Aid: Allocation, Timing, and Effectivenes / Vera Z. Eichenauer ; Betreuer: Axel Dreher." Heidelberg : Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, 2018. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:16-heidok-241373.
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Suweon, Kim. "The political economy of aid-oriented foreign policy change: elite perspectives on mercantilism in Korea and Ghana." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4021.
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Philosophiae Doctor - PhDThe thesis examines how elite perspectives on foreign aid affect the subsequent path of aid dependence. The focus is on aid-seeking foreign policy change. Two foreign policy change cases are examined for the study, which took place in Korea under Park Chung-hee and in Ghana under Rawlings through a lens of comparative historical analysis. The thesis aims to make two original contributions to knowledge. First, it explains recipient foreign policy using two different forms of mercantilism, and second, it reveals the dependent path created by the mercantilist oriented elite. Mercantilism in the thesis is used as dual-frameworked concept. First, it is a lens to see state behaviour. Despite the fact that mercantilism has been mainly used to explain a donor‘s behaviour, it can elucidate that of an aid-recipient state when the aid-seeking country is in dire need of the foreign aid for the survival of the state. The thesis applies mercantilism to explain aid-receiving countries‘behaviour. Second, more importantly, mercantilism also explains elite perspectives. The elite in aid receiving countries search for foreign aid not only for the wealth and power of their state, but also for the prosperity and survival of themselves. Mercantilism is used as an ostensible principle in practicing the private search for advantages of the elite. The thesis uses the dual-mercantilism idea to examine aid-seeking foreign policy in Korea and Ghana. In Korea, the elite saw the key to their survival in industrialising the nation, and their search for foreign aid took place based on that raison d’être. In Ghana, on the other hand, the elite found the way to their survival and prosperity in acquiring more foreign aid and the aid per se became the ultimate goal. The thesis finds industrial mercantilism a useful framework to understand the elite perspective in Korea
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Geiger, Till. "Studies in the political economy and economic impact of British defence expenditure and American military aid to Britain, 1945-1955." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302297.
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This dissertation examines political aspects and the economic impact of the British defence effort during the period of the first cold war (1945-1955). The study consists of nine case studies which are grouped under three headings - Studies in the Political Economy of British Defence Expenditure, Studies in the Economic Impact of British Defence Expenditure, and Studies in the Political Economy of American Military Aid to Britain. These case studies stress the historical contingent nature of the British defence effort reflecting the experience of the second world war. Aware of the country's military and economic vulnerability, policy-makers remained determined to maintain a global presence and a high level of military preparedness. However, policy-makers failed to assess critically whether this policy was appropriate for the nuclear age and the cold war. As a consequence, the governments' foreign and defence policy imposed considerable costs on the economy and society. For example, its defence procurement policy led to subsidising under-employed defence production capacity in order to preserve the military production base for another global war. During the Korean war the commitment to this defence procurement strategy induced an over-commitment to defence production which reduced British economic growth in this period. This over-commitment of resources to defence contributed to the relatively slower growth of the British economy from the early 1950s onwards. During the Korean war, the British government embarked on an arguably excessive defence programme, because ministers sought to insure a lasting American commitment to the defence of western Europe. As a consequence, Britain paid the price for its military and economic vulnerability in terms of slower economic growth.
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Hamza, Mohamed El-Mahdy. "Shelter policies : the state, foreign aid and economic reform; the case of Egypt." Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.263037.
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The thesis examines policy making, especially in the shelter sector, from a different perspective: the impact of the macro-level political economy on the micro-level intervention. To establish this relationship more precisely, a conceptual framework which explores the effects of the role and nature of the state, foreign aid (USAID), and economic reform (IMF/World Bank) is utilised. This framework is deployed to investigate the interaction between these three key elements and how they affected shifts and changes in shelter policies in Egypt from the 1950s. By 1952 the government assumed a more central role in service provision with its socialist orientation. On the macro-political level, dramaticc hanges have taken place since then, but, in effect were not mirrored with adequatere form on the structural or organisational levels, with regards to tackling the shelter needs of the country. The core of the thesis explores, from the shelter sector perspective, the role of the state as an interest mediator throughout different periods. This reveals that the shelter sector always formed an important investment priority susceptible to both internal and external determinants. Internal determinants are related to domestic priorities influenced by changes in the social structure, class interests, and resource allocation. External determinants concern the role played by international agencies in promoting development models in which the shelter sector plays an often uncertain role, or direct political pressure as a part of geo-strategic concerns. The state's receptiveness and ability to mediate is constrained by the extent to which external agendas fit or conflict with the state's development ideology, perceptions of equity, social justice and stability. Using an inductive approach, the empirical evidence is drawn from interviews with key figures in policy making as well as independent observers. The thesis argues that in order to provide a refined understanding to the housing question it has to be put in its broader socio-economic and political context. Outcomes have generally been technocratic solutions to a problem that is largely structural in nature. The gap between the political and technocratic levels of policy making and implementation is a central theme in the study. The distinctive responses to the shelter question, from both levels, over four decades in Egypt, and under a highly complex and rapidly changing political environment are reflected in the outcomes. Perceptions, priorities and criteria driving decision making of key actors, and the state's central role in mediating between external and internal interests, as well as its own, were the main themes deployed in the investigation. The findings suggest that policy making is an outcome of the interaction among the needs of the state (especially the autocratic tendencies of the leadership, and the technocrats) and external forces which determine policies according to a different agenda (geo-political): outcomes, therefore, may not be generated by a conscious policy making process, but rather, directly, from political impact. The study also suggests that structural changes in development paradigms do not appear to be the main determinant of policy shifts. A combination of short-term and specific international objectives and national interests of the state appear to be more instrumental in policy shifts and modifications in approaches.
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Adhikari, Ratnakar. "Political economy of aid for trade : an inquiry into supply-side constraints facing South Asian least developed countries." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2011. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/43395/.
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Kim, Dong-Jin Dan. "The political economy of trade and development in the multilateral trading system : the World Trade Organisation's Aid for Trade agenda." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608191.
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Banya, Momoh Michael. "The political economy of HIV/AIDS in Sierra Leone." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.446615.
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Honda, Tomoko. "Japan's aid policy : tension in aid reform for poverty reduction." Thesis, Swansea University, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.678554.
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Mulonya, Rodrick K. A. R. "The political economy of development aid: an investigation of three donor-funded HIV/AIDS programmes broadcast by Malawi television from 2004 to 2007." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002926.
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Development aid in most of the developing countries can sometimes compromise the principles of public service broadcasting (PSB). This may be true when reflected against the tension between donor financed programmes in Malawi and the mandate of Television Malawi (TVM). Although the donor intentions are noble, the strings attached to the funding are sometimes retrogressive to the role of PSBs. A case in point is how donors dictate terms on the HIV/Aids communication strategies at TVM. Producers receive money from donors with strings attached on how the money should be used and accounted for. If producers deviate they are sanctioned through withholding funding, shifting schedules and reducing the funding frequency. The donors also dictate who to interview on what subject, how to conduct capacity building. Some scholars have researched much on the impact of commercialisation of the media. This study is a departure from these traditional interferences; it interrogates the interest of philanthropy tendencies by international donors in the three chosen HIV/Aids programmes broadcast by TVM. The study investigates the extent of pressure exerted by donors on the producers of HIV/Aids programmes in Malawi. Thus, the study seeks to illicit specifics in the power relationship between the donor and the producer hence the study employs the political economy of development aid as applied to the public service broadcasting and communication for development. The study employed qualitative research methods and techniques (in-depth interviews, case study and document analysis). The study reveals how donor ideologies dominate the Aids messages-content output of the texts constructed. The study argues that cultural alienation of the Malawian audiences retards efforts of donors in combating HIV infection rate.
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Raines, John W. "Folding a Losing Brand: Modeling Party Brand Loyalty and the Power of Niche Groups in International Political Economy Decision-Making." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1514783093309436.
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Yazlyyev, Begench. "Analysis of Development Aid Management in Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan: Understanding Donor-Recipient Relations in Comparative Perspective." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/39632.
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Both Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan were part of the former Soviet Union and were integrated into its political, economic and governance systems. As Union republics, they remained isolated from the outside world, with little direct interaction with external actors. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, both Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan established relations with a number of bilateral donors and multilateral development agencies. Despite their many similarities (e.g., social, cultural, religious, linguistic, geographic) and a shared history, the two countries’ post-Soviet development trajectories diverged dramatically. While Kyrgyzstan quickly launched transition reforms, liberalizing its economy and polity with support from external donors, Turkmenistan adopted a more gradual approach to political and economic reform and managed to minimize the influence of external actors in domestic affairs.
This thesis analyzes the donor-recipient interaction in Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan across three sectors: governance, rural development, and environment. The analysis focuses on the management of aid through an anthropological, political economy-directed inquiry of relations between foreign donors and aid recipients at the micro level (daily interactions in managing aid). Collective action theory, evolutionary theory and adaptive behavior approaches are utilized to analyze the interaction on micro-level. However, the analysis is also situated in a broader, macro-level context of development and security priorities of the two states, for which the realist branch of the international relations theories is applied. Methodologically, the study is based on the triangulation of findings from various sources, including the content analysis of primary and secondary sources as well as the analysis of over 60 semi-structured interviews involving government and donor officials from the two countries.
The thesis does not attempt to analyze whether development aid was effective. Instead, using similar analyses of aid interactions (Mosse, 2005; Swedlund, 2017), this thesis aims to investigate how aid interactions ‘happen’ (Wedel, 1998). While I agree that the sustainability of development aid is hampered by the inability of both donors and recipients to ‘make credible commitments’ (Swedlund, 2017), in this thesis I argue that aid interactions are also influenced by other factors, namely the political sensitivity of the sectors to which the aid is given (governance, rural development, environment), regime characteristics, availability or absence of natural resource-based revenues, and geopolitics. These factors, taken together, affect the aid bargaining process in important ways. The thesis makes a three-fold contribution to the existing knowledge on aid relations. First, it expands the knowledge on the agency of recipient governments by putting them at the core of the analysis. Second, it contributes to the very limited number of cross-sectoral and cross-country comparative studies on both aid management and on public policy making in general and in Central Asia in particular. Thirdly, it provides a detailed account of how development aid has been managed in Turkmenistan, a country on which no serious academic literature related to aid management has been produced to date.
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Haaß, Felix [Verfasser], Margit [Akademischer Betreuer] Bussmann, Caroline [Akademischer Betreuer] Hartzell, Margit [Gutachter] Bussmann, and Caroline [Gutachter] Hartzell. "Buying democracy? The political economy of foreign aid, power-sharing governments, and post-conflict political development / Felix Haaß ; Gutachter: Margit Bussmann, Caroline Hartzell ; Margit Bussmann, Caroline Hartzell." Greifswald : Ernst-Moritz-Arndt-Universität, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1153713004/34.
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Gehart, Sebastian Hubert. "The aid effectiveness agenda : OECD DAC and World Bank strategic agency in foreign aid politics." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/63948/.
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This thesis examines the role of two international organisations (IOs), the OECD DAC and the World Bank, in shaping the international aid effectiveness agenda, a policy agenda encouraging reforms of foreign aid policy to improve foreign aid. With particular emphasis on a period in the 1990s, when both IOs faced criticism and the need to adapt to changing geopolitics, it argues that the OECD DAC and the World Bank contributed to shaping the aid effectiveness agenda, and specifically the policy problems the agenda highlights and the policy solutions it recommends, in ways tied directly to these IOs’ specific fields of expertise and their unique institutional interests at the time. In doing so, both IOs adapted, evolved, and expanded the mechanisms by which they exercise their authority as international expert bureaucracies, and both strategically expanded the way in which they interact with their political environment. As a consequence, both IOs helped shape the present-day ideational framework among foreign aid experts and policymakers on how more effective foreign aid is achieved, which, in turn, favours the authority of both these IOs to advice and to act in the efforts to improve the effectiveness of foreign aid. Helping to shape the aid effectiveness agenda thus allowed the OECD DAC and the World Bank to strengthen their authority as expert bureaucracies in this specialised field of policy.
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Utuk, Nseobong George. "The United States foreign aid in African countries: a comparative study of the socio-economic impact of U.S. aid in Egypt, The Sudan and Zaire, 1965-1982." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1988. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1490.
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Does the United States bilateral aid to African countries promote socio-economic dependence or development? This is the major question considered in the study.
The modernization analysts contend that bilateral aid from the United States promotes development whereas the radical analysts maintain that it promotes dependency.
The research consisted of a critical analysis of the United States foreign aid program in the African nations of Egypt, Sudan and Zaire. It involved the investigation and evaluation of the economic and social consequences of the American foreign aid program in countries under study. Using the aggregate data of projects sponsored by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), the effects of foreign aid (independent variable) on such dependent variables as income distribution, trade, employ ment, debt burden, technology, and agricultural development were studied.
Our analysis and evaluation of the available data strongly support the dependence/development paradigm. Despite official claims to the contrary, the study shows that the effects of aid have been increased underdevelopment and inequality in countries that are recipients of such aid.
The United States foreign aid to Africa is often not intended for development but for geopolitical and strategic considerations, weapons of cold war and of control of recipients and for monetary gains. Besides, since aid is often tied to domestic procurement, it often imposes control on the recipient in decisions concerning develop ment.
A lot of waste results from mismanagement, and massive debts are incurred by countries that depend heavily on aid. Therefore, rather than promote development, it pro motes inequality and dependence.
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Carr, Douglas Alan. "ENVIRONMENTAL REGULATORY POLICY: POLITICAL ECONOMY, INDUSTRIAL GEOGRAPHY, AND INTERGOVERNMENTAL FISCAL EFFECTS." Lexington, Ky. : [University of Kentucky Libraries], 2007. http://lib.uky.edu/ETD/ukypuad2007d00621/carr_dissertation.pdf.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Kentucky, 2007.Title from document title page (viewed on August 6, 2007). Document formatted into pages; contains: vii, 92 p. : ill., maps (some col.). Includes abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 89-91).
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Phan, Thu Anh Mason T. David. "Do different political regime types use foreign aid differently to improve human develop?" [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2009. http://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc12182.
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Deerfield, Amanda. "A Study of Corruption, Foreign Aid, and Economic Growth." UKnowledge, 2013. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/msppa_etds/5.
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Foreign aid donors increasingly demand that aid is used efficiently and effectively. This study examines the effect of corruption levels, measured by the Corruption Perceptions Index, within a recipient country on the levels of economic growth. A growing literature outlines the mechanisms through which corruption impedes economic growth and is summarized within. Additionally, as longevity gains may result from foreign aid but are not captured in economic growth, this study computes a variable called the Life Quality Indicator (LQI) that combines such gains with economic growth and examines corruption’s effect on LQI growth. As any windfall, foreign aid has been argued to exacerbate problems within corrupt countries—causing economic decline. This study develops an interaction of corruption levels and the ratio of aid receipts to GDP to examine the effects of this interaction on economic growth and LQI growth. Conducting a regression analysis shows the relationships between the interaction term and economic growth and the interaction term and LQI growth are negative, leading to policy recommendations that corrupt countries not receive foreign aid.
Using game theory, this study predicts the outcomes of interactions between aid recipients and donors during the Cold War, post-Cold War, and in the present. The present predicted outcomes suggest that recipients will be the winners because they are able to choose between receiving aid from emerging donors and from the Development Assistant Committee (DAC). Policy guidance to the aid community includes understanding that emerging donors may exert influence on aid recipients and programs to monitor this influence ensuring that it does not become exploitation may be necessary.
Finally, a case study of Russia is presented, highlighting its corruption and foreign aid receipts in the post-Soviet timeframe. A separate analysis is conducted on the Former Soviet Union (FSU) countries to determine whether Russia’s corruption and foreign aid receipts caused lower levels of economic and LQI growth than that experienced by other FSU countries. While results do not show this, the negative relationship between the interaction term and economic and LQI growth is also found in this subset.
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Nkomana, Nqaba. "Good governance and democracy as political conditionalities for foreign aid: the case of Zimbabwe." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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This study was an investigation of the relationship between political conditionality and self-determination using Zimbabwe as a case study. The Zimbabwean land issue illustrates the challenges posed by external influences on supposedly autonomous domestic policy decision-making processes.
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Montanari, Lisa <1977>. "Foreign aid effectiveness. An investigation of the role of internal political constraints and ownership." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2007. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/484/.
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Kibria, Ahsan. "Essays on Natural Resources and Economic Development." DigitalCommons@USU, 2018. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/7016.
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This dissertation studies the political economy of natural resources and how these resources may pose an opportunity or a threat to a country and comprises three essays.
The first essay explores how economic development can impact the consumption behavior of natural resources, with focus on fossil fuels. It suggests the existence of an inverted U-shaped relationship between fossil fuel share in the energy mix and economic development. Particularly, the essay illustrates an evidence that fossil fuel's share in the energy mix increases as a country develops, however, after reaching a real income per capita of around US$16,000, the country reduces the share of fossil fuel in its energy mix. Perhaps this policy shift is due to concerns about air quality from its population.
The second essay analyzes the impact of foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows on the risk of violence both theoretically and empirically. The theoretical model suggests that FDI inflows into skilled-labor intensive resources sector reduce the risk of violence, while such inflows increase the likelihood of violence when these are channeled through the unskilled-labor intensive resources sector. The empirical analysis focusing Sub-Saharan African countries indeed supports the outcome of the theoretical model.
To understand the donor behavior in aid allocation, the third essay presents a theoretical model of aid allocation and political alignment. The equilibrium of this model suggests that geopolitical alignment with the donors increases the aid receipts. The model also suggests that donors allocate more aid to recipient countries with higher human capital levels. These propositions are empirically tested using a unique dataset of aid allocation by the resource-rich Arab donors. The results of empirical analysis support the predictions of the theoretical model.
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Murray, De lopez Jenna. "Becoming (m)other : political economy and maternal transition in urban Chiapas." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2016. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/becoming-mother-political-economy-and-maternal-transition-in-urban-chiapas(c023a170-3294-4e15-b783-ef3a0ec0a4cf).html.
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Based upon fieldwork in San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas, South East Mexico, this thesis is about how mestiza women in a low-income barrio become mothers. As such, it is an engagement with theories of embodiment, maternal subjectivity, transformation of self and gendered modernities. The chapters are intended to evoke discussion around the roles that mestiza women, the wider Mexican society and the state play in simultaneously embracing and rejecting constructed notions of the good mother. Competing notions of good motherhood come about through local practices and ideals, and also through discourses of risk and global health. The thesis is structured so that the corporeal processes of maternity (pregnancy, birth and nurturing) provide a common and interlinking theme which also demonstrate maternal transition as a life event akin to others. In doing so, this thesis is ultimately about the way in which gendered beings experience change. I intend this thesis to be both a political and theoretical project which highlights the lives of a community of women in a particular moment in their history. This thesis provides further evidence for the need to formulate new global theories of change that foreground gender in global processes. The women I met during fieldwork, and whose narratives have shaped the direction of this thesis, show that when individuals have recourse to a mixed economy of health care and are not reliant on state intervention, it can result in an outcome that better meets with the woman’s expectations. Women’s combined use of lay and clinical services reveal ways in which they make active attempts to avoid negative pre and postnatal experiences. In doing so, they embody a maternal identity that is deeply rooted in local ways of being-in-the-world. By managing the process of maternity more akin to local ways of thinking about gendered personhood, the women reveal how social change is both assimilated and contested in daily life.
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Phan, Thu Anh. "Do Different Political Regime Types Use Foreign Aid Differently to Improve Human Development?" Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc12182/.
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Existing literature on foreign aid does not indicate what type of political regime is best to achieve human development outcomes or use aid funds more efficiently. I contend that political leaders of different regime types have personal incentives that motivate them to utilize foreign aid to reflect their interests in providing more or less basic social services for their citizens. Using a data set of 126 aid-recipient countries between the years of 1990 and 2007, I employ fixed effects estimation to test the model. The overall results of this research indicate that foreign aid and democratic institutionalization have a positive effect on total enrollment in primary education, while political regime types show little difference from one another in providing public health and education for their citizens.
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Noer, Kristin. "Donor response to human rights violations : a regime in foreign aid?" Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=24099.
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Using regime theory, we consider in this thesis whether there is evidence of the gradual establishment of norms, principles, rules and regulations governing donor policies with regards to linking foreign aid to human rights practices. We hypothesize that, despite the constraints caused by the multiplicity of foreign policy objectives for any given donor, there is evidence of a developing human rights regime in the foreign aid policies and practices of donors of aid. Using a historical approach, we study the aid policies and practices of two international organizations (the United Nations and the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development) and two aid donors (Norway and the United States). We investigate the donors' policy statements, monitoring mechanisms, policy implementation and changes in donor behavior for evidence of the presence of a regime. Our findings suggest regime development occurring over three distinct periods of time (1945-50; 1973-83; 1989-94), with the resulting regime operating at three distinct levels with varying degrees of efficiency and effectiveness.
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Smith, Parker T. "The Rise of China: Assessing "Revisionist" Behavior in the Global Economy." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1556282376960416.
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Rammutle, Radithebe. "Foreign aid and NGO-state relations in South Africa : post-1994 developments." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53429.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates the impact of foreign aid on the relations between Non- Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and the state in South Africa since 1994. There are three different ways in which NGOs can interact with the state and public policy: viz. they can support and help to implement policies, attempt to reform policies, or oppose them. During apartheid, the nature of NGO-state relations was characterised by political confrontation and distrust. NGOs primarily served as organisations of opposition to the state's exclusivist and dehumanising policies. Many NGOs, however, also provided developmental and social services to communities who were neglected by the apartheid state. After the first democratic election in 1994, the role of NGOs underwent a significant process of change. Various factors contributed to this change. This study, however, primarily focuses on the role of foreign aid and its effect on NGO activities in South Africa, post-1994. This study relied on secondary data sources (both qualitative and quantitative) available in the area of NGO state relations. The study also focused on two major donor agencies in South Africa: European Union (EU) and United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Analysis of data reveals that, since 1994 much of the funding that was previously directly channeled to civil society now goes to the state, which distributes it to targetted NGOs. As a result many NOOs have collapsed because of a shortage of financial resources to sustain their work. Secondly, since 1994 the rationale and purpose behind international donor policies has been to advance the New Policy Agenda (NPA), which is aimed at promoting free market-orientated reforms and the consolidation of liberal democracy. As a result, foreign aid donors have endorsed the liberal economic policies, which are set out in the government's macroeconomic strategy, viz. Growth, Employment, and Redistribution (GEAR). Thus, both government and donors have prioritised NGOs who are involved in service delivery rather than those that are likely to challenge and oppose liberal market policies. They have also shown preference to NGOs that are more concerned with the norms and practices of procedural democracy as opposed to those that are concerned with issues of participatory and social democracy. This has resulted in constraining the overtly political and advocacy role, which characterised NGOs during the apartheid era. International donors, via government disbursement institutions such as the National Development Agency (NDA), have also constrained the work of NGOs by insisting on numerous managerial related requirements that have been made conditional for the receiving of financial support. Many small, informal, rural community based organisation that lack the required administrative capacity have, as a result, been facing serious financial crises. Subsequently, NGO-state relations, since 1994, have become less adversarial and confrontational. Most NGOs, complement and support the state's social services delivery programmes and also serve as organisations which help shape the norms and practices of procedural democracy. The study concludes, that the persistent inequality, poverty and unemployment which is associated with the GEAR macroeconomic policy and endorsed by international donor agencies, will lead to the resurgence of advocacy NGOs. Furthermore, in order to resuscitate their role and to ensure their vitality as organisations, which promote participatory democracy, it is essential to focus on strategies, which can effectively challenge the current funding environment to NGOs. These include, building the administrative capacity of both the NDA and NGOs, ensuring NDA independence, and ensuring recognition by funding institutions of the importance of advocacy NGOs in the consolidation of economic democracy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die impak van buitelandse hulp op die verhoudinge tussen Nie-Regeringsorganisasies (NRO'S) en die staat sedert 1994. Daar is drie verskillende wyses waarop NRO's interaksie kan bewerkstellig met die staat en met openbare beleid, naamlik, hulle kan help om beleid te implementeer, hulle kan help om beleid te verander, of hulle kan beleid teenstaan. Tydens apartheid, is die aard van NRO - staat verhoudings gekenmerk deur konfrontasie en wantroue. Die NRO's het primêr gedien as organisasies van opposrsie teen die staat se eksklusiwistiese en onmenslikingsbeleid. Talle NRO's het egter ook ontwikkelings- en sosiale dienste voorsien aan gemeenskappe wat afgeskeep is deur die apartheidstaat. Na die eerste demokratiese verkiesing in 1994, het die rol van NRO's 'n beduidende proses van verandering ondergaan. 'n Verskeidenheid faktore het bygedra tot hierdie verandering. Hierdie studie fokus egter primêr op die rol van buitelandse hulp en die uitwerking daarvan op NRO's se aktiwiteite in Suid-Afrika na 1994. Hierdie studie het staatgemaak op sekondêre bronne (kwalitatief sowel as kwantitatief) in die gebied van NRO's - staat verhoudinge. Die studie fokus ook op twee belangrike donateur agentskappe in Suid-Afrika: die Europese Unie (EU) en die Verenigde State Agentskap vir Internasionale Ontwikkeling (VSAlO). 'n Analise van die data toon aan dat, sedert 1994, heelwat van die befondsing wat voorheen direk gekanaliseer is aan die openbare gemeenskap, nou na die staat gaan, wat dit versprei na geteikende NRO's. Gevolglik het talle NRO's ineengestort vanweë 'n tekort aan finansiële bronne om hulle werk vol te hou. Tweedens, sedert 1994 was dit die rasionaal en doelstelling van internasionale donateurskapsbeleid om die Nuwe Beleid Agenda (NBA) te bevorder, wat as doelstelling het die bevordering van vrye mark-georiënteerde hervormings en die konsolidasie van 'n liberale demokrasie. Gevolglik het buitelandse hulp donateurs liberale ekonomiese beleidvorming onderskryfwat uiteengesit word in die regering se makro-ekonomiese strategie, nl. Groei, Werkverskaffing en Herverdeling (GEAR). Dus het sowel die regering as donateurs prioriteit gegee aan NRO's wat betrokke is in dienslewering, eerder as dié wat geneig is om liberale markbeleid teen te staan. Hulle het ook voorkeur gegee aan NRO's wat meer besorg is oor die norme en praktyke van 'n prosedurele demokrasie in teenstelling met dié wat besorgd is oor die vraagstukke van 'n deelnemende en sosiale demokrasie. Dit het die resultaat gehad dat die openlike politiese en kampvegtersrol wat kenmerkend van die NRO's was gedurende die apartheidsera, beperk is. Internasionale donateurs het, Vla regerings-instellings soos die Nasionale Ontwikkelingsagentskap (NOA), ook die werk van NRO's beperk deur die aandrang op talle bestuursverwante vereistes wat as voorwaarde gestel is vir die ontvangs van finansiële ondersteuning. Talle klein, informele landelike gemeenskaps-gebaseerde organisasies wat die vereiste administratiewe kapasiteit kort, het gevolglik ernstige finansiële krisisse begin ondervind. Daaropvolgend, het NRO-staat verhoudinge sedert 1994 minder konfronterend begin raak. Die meeste NRO's ondersteun die staat se diensleweringsprogramme en dien ook as organisasies wat help om die norme en praktyke van 'n prosedurale demokrasie te vorm. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat die voortdurende ongelykheid, armoede en werkloosheid wat geassosieer word met die makro-ekonomiese beleid van die regering se program vir Groei, Werkskepping en Herverdeling (GEAR) sal lei tot In nuwe opkoms van kampvegter NRO's. Voorts, ten einde hulle rol te stimuleer en hulle lewenskragtigheid as organisasies te verseker, kan ons die huidige befondsingsomgewing van NRO's doeltreffend uitdaag. Dit sluit in die bou van die administratiewe kapasiteit van beide die NOA en NRO's, die versekering van NOA onafhanklikheid, en die versekering van die erkenning deur befondsingsinstellings van die belangrikheid van kampvegter NRO's in die konsolidasie van 'n ekonomiese demokrasie.
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Langlois, Francis. "Gravity, good governance, political affinity, economic interests and food aid : do categories and delivery modes matter?" Thesis, Université Laval, 2011. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2011/27727/27727.pdf.
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Puisque les programmes d’aide alimentaire peuvent atténuer les conséquences malheureuses des pénuries alimentaires survenant dans certains pays, leur importance est capitale. Mais, quelles sont les facteurs conditionnant le volume d’aide alimentaire envoyé aux pays potentiellement receveurs ? Cette étude novatrice répondra à ces questions en appliquant le modèle gravitationnel, habituellement utilisé pour expliquer le commerce international, au schème de distribution de l’aide alimentaire internationale. En effet, en considérant les 15 plus gros programmes nationaux de dons alimentaires, cette étude teste l’impact de la distance entre les donateurs et les receveurs ainsi que celui de la population de ces derniers sur la décision d’envoyer ou non de l’aide alimentaire. De plus, ce mémoire exposera de nouvelles hypothèses jusqu'à présent omises par la littérature et proposera une méthodologie plus efficace pour étudier le phénomène. Entre autres, nous trouvons que la gravité, la bonne gouvernance, les besoins, les affinités politiques et les intérêts économiques influencent l’élaboration du schème de distribution de l’aide alimentaire, mais que leur influence varie selon la catégorie et le moyen de livraison de l’aide alimentaire. De plus, nous trouvons que lorsque les donneurs donnent de la nourriture de leur propre production, ils prennent moins en compte le fait qu’ils aident un pays ami ou un pays économiquement fermé puisqu’ils aident leur propre économie.Since food aid can mitigate the unfortunate consequences of food shortages in certain countries, the importance of such programs is crucial. However, what are the factors conditioning the volume of food aid sent to potential recipient countries? This innovative study will answer this question by applying the gravity model, often used to explain international trade patterns in distribution of international food aid. Indeed, in considering the 15 largest national programs of food donations, this study will test the impact of the distance between donators and receivers, as well as the impact of the populations of each, on the decision to send or not to send food aid. In addition, this thesis will outline new hypotheses that have been hitherto omitted from the literature, and will propose a more efficient methodology to study the phenomenon. Among others we find that gravity, good governance, needs, political affinity and economic interests matter in the food aid distribution patterns but that their influence vary across food aid categories and delivery modes. We also find that when donors give food from their own production they are less fussy about whether they are helping a friendly country or an economically closed country because in fact they are helping their own economy.
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Hughes, Caroline. "Dependent Communities: Aid and Politics in Cambodia and East Timor." Southeast Asia Program Publications, Cornell University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6272.
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Dependent Communities investigates the political situations in contemporary Cambodia and East Timor, where powerful international donors intervened following deadly civil conflicts. This comparative analysis critiques international policies that focus on rebuilding state institutions to accommodate the global market. In addition, it explores the dilemmas of politicians in Cambodia and East Timor who struggle to satisfy both wealthy foreign benefactors and constituents at home-groups whose interests frequently conflict.Hughes argues that the policies of Western aid organizations tend to stifle active political engagement by the citizens of countries that have been torn apart by war. The neoliberal ideology promulgated by United Nations administrations and other international NGOs advocates state sovereignty, but in fact "sovereignty" is too flimsy a foundation for effective modern democratic politics. The result is an oppressive peace that tends to rob survivors and former resistance fighters of their agency and aspirations for genuine postwar independence.In her study of these two cases, Hughes demonstrates that the clientelist strategies of Hun Sen, Cambodia's postwar leader, have created a shadow network of elites and their followers that has been comparatively effective in serving the country's villages, even though so often coercive and corrupt. East Timor's postwar leaders, on the other hand, have alienated voters by attempting to follow the guidelines of the donors closely and ignoring the immediate needs and voices of the people.Dependent Communities offers a searing analysis of contemporary international aid strategies based on the author's years of fieldwork in Cambodia and East Timor.
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Watson, Samantha. "The limits of self help : policy and political economy in rural Andhra Pradesh." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-limits-of-self-help-policy-and-political-economy-in-rural-andhra-pradesh(e3d798e0-0010-4aed-8ad4-6f069ccafd1c).html.
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This thesis analyses the scope for the “self-help” model of rural development to succeed in its broadly stated aims of enabling rural women to advance their social status and enhance their own and/or their family’s livelihoods. The thesis is organised around two key sites of investigation. The first questions the potential for “self-help” to operate within existing social relations - expressed in access to land, other assets and resources (including credit), and in different forms, conditions, and relations of labour. The second questions its potential to intervene in, and potentially overturn, these relations. These questions are embedded in a wider analysis of the ways in which individual and collective attempts to advance living conditions (or at least defend them from deterioration) are defined by historically (re)produced social relations. Analysis is centred on the South Indian State of Andhra Pradesh, where the “self-help” policy approach, now widely replicated as a model for central and federal interventions, is most established. This is a mixed-methods study. It draws on statistical analysis of large-scale secondary survey data, analysis of primary fieldwork, and of government policy documents and other relevant documentation. The thesis engages directly with the philosophical issues this raises, to develop a foundation for the logically consistent assimilation of statistical and “qualitative” methods into mixed methods research. Fieldwork centred on two villages in southern Chittoor district and relied primarily on repeated in-depth interviews with members of four self help groups and, where applicable, their husbands (30 respondents in total). Local officials and programme staff and bank managers were also interviewed. In addition, multi-level logit regression analysis was conducted with two large-scale, complex secondary data sets; the All India National Survey Sample (round 61; schedule 10; 2004/05) and the Young Lives Project Survey (round two; 2005/2006). An innovative weighting procedure was applied to adjust for the latter’s non-random sampling procedure.The findings demonstrate the tensions invoked by state policy emphasising agential action in the absence of due regard for the structural relations within which actions not only take place, but in which the conditions for their possibility and articulation are generated, institutionalised, and reproduced. This situation is exacerbated by unfolding ecological crisis in the fieldwork village sites, problematising the land-based solutions traditionally advocated by the Indian Left. The thesis concludes that Andhra’s self-help programmes can perform a non-trivial ameliorative role in the short-term, but this is undermined by a wider tendency to reproduce and potentially exacerbate ongoing processes of rural differentiation.
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Blemings, Travis I. "The Politics of Development Aid: Understanding the Lending Practices of the World Bank Group." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2017. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/454225.
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Political SciencePh.D.
This study examines variations in the lending strategies of the four main agencies of the World Bank. Countries with similar basic development and demographic attributes often receive very different amounts of financial support from the different agencies of the World Bank. Utilizing regression analysis of panel-data covering the years between 1990 through 2011, the study finds that variation in the allocation of development aid both within and between the different World Bank agencies (IBRD, IDA, IFC, and MIGA) do not generally reflect patterns in objective indicators of economic need or institutional quality among recipients. Rather, statistical analysis shows that World Bank aid is positively correlated with several measures of donor influence. Utilizing a multi-donor model of political influence, the study finds evidence that the Bank’s top donors, countries such as the United States, United Kingdom, and Japan disproportionately influence the Bank to lend in ways that support their foreign policy interests. Countries with close economic, political, and geostrategic ties to powerful donors tend to receive more aid on average than their less well-connected peers. The data show that the Bank often lends in ways that contradict its own lending criteria. Despite the Bank’s explicit emphasis on economic need and institutional quality, the agencies of the World Bank often provide greater amounts of assistance to those with less need and poor quality governance. The study has implications for the study of international organizations, institutional design, and how donor influence at the World Bank is mediated by variations in internal agency structures.
Temple University--Theses
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Ashley, Keith H. "Interaction, population movement, and political economy the changing social landscape of northeastern Florida (a.d. 900-1500) /." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2003. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0002312.
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Fuentes, Vilma Elisa. "The political effects of disaster and foreign aid national and subnational governance in Honduras after Hurricane Mitch /." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2003. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0000683.
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Santipitaksakul, Siriwan. "The effect of liberalisation of foreign direct investment on the economic development of Thailand : an empirical and political economy approach." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2010. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/907w2/the-effect-of-liberalisation-of-foreign-direct-investment-on-the-economic-development-of-thailand-an-empirical-and-political-economy-approach.
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This study seeks to assess the impact of the liberalisation of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) on the Thai economic development. The case study of Thailand is interesting because the country has embraced market-driven development policies, particularly FDI and export-led growth strategy, for nearly forty years but her economic performance is far from being excellent. The need for assessing these policies is critical because it is observed that Transnational Corporations (TNCs) have increasingly benefited from the government‟s investment incentive scheme more than domestic investment projects. This study offers a multi-disciplinary literature review showing that FDI not only generates an inflow of resources into the host economy but also creates an outflow of other types of resources. While FDI may bring additional capital and advanced technology that contributing to economic growth, the introduction of superior firms into the domestic markets in developing countries may also amplify the magnitude of market imperfections. These imperfections may be found to be more beneficial to TNCs than to domestic entrepreneurs. Thus, without sufficient and appropriate government interventions, domestic entrepreneurs may find difficulties in developing their ownership-specific advantages. This advantage at the aggregate level can be regarded as the productive capability of the nation that helps to increase the country‟s competitive advantages along its development path. Thus, liberalising FDI without strategic planning may cause an unfavourable impact on economic development. Under these circumstances, the dependency remains tenable to explain the phenomenon. The study‟s proposition is approached and validated by the use of political economy and empirical analyses. From political economy analysis, it shows that Thailand has a number of economic features suggesting it to be a capital-dependent state as argued by dependency theory. The empirical analysis is then carried out to assess the impact of inward FDI on the Thai GNI. The framework and methods used in empirical study are borrowed from the Growth Economics. The income regressions, using the quarterly time series data from Q1:1970 - Q4:2009, show that in the case of Thailand, inward FDI has been beneficial to the growth of the economy only in the short run but has a negative impact on the GNI in the long run. Moreover, the study found that the empirical evidence appears to support the claim of Thailand being a capital-dependent state. It found that inward FDI empirically explains an increase in income deficits and totals imports. These impacts render the balance of payments in a vulnerable position. The study then concludes that, given the nature of the Thai political economy, the liberalisation of FDI seems to make Thailand a capital dependent state, and that Thailand has not fully benefited from FDI.
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Ahmed, H. O. "The Soviet Union and the Gulf countries between 1968 and 1980 : The impact of Soviet economic aid, military assistance and political influence." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.378246.
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