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Camacho, David E. "Chicano Urban Politics: The Role of the Political Entrepreneur." University of Arizona, Mexican American Studies and Research Center, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/218632.
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Oka, Takashi. "A political biography of Ozawa Ichiro: Reformer and policy entrepreneur." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.491080.
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Ozawa Ichiro is presented as a policy entrepreneur in the Kingdonian sense, dedicated to turning Japan into what he calls "a normal nation". In so doing, he is attacking Japanese exceptionalism - the idea that the Japanese are somehow unique. The thesis takes the form of a political biography based on three hypotheses: that Ozawa's ideas were distinctive; that he was a policy entrepreneur; and that he had an impact on political change. The time frame covers 18 years, beginning with Ozawa appointment as LDP Secretary General in 1989, and ending with the upper house election of 2007, in which Ozawa for the first time achieved his goal of victory in an election by an opposition party strong enough to compete with the long-ruling LDP.
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Cook, Jeffery B. "The ambassador of development Aretas Brooks Fleming, West Virginia's political entrepreneur, 1839-1923 /." Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 1998. http://etd.wvu.edu/templates/showETD.cfm?recnum=350.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--West Virginia University, 1998.<br>Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains vi, 402 p. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 350-380).
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Chan, Hing-lung. "Mapping the political risk perceptions and strategies of Hong Kong Chinese entrepreneurs." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 1995. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B42574468.
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Chan, Hing-lung, and 陳興龍. "Mapping the political risk perceptions and strategies of Hong Kong Chinese entrepreneurs." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1995. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42574468.
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Jones, Sharon L. "The economic trend in immigration policy: a comparative analysis of the entrepreneur/investor program in Canada, United States and Australia." Related Electronic Resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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Alza, Barco Carlos. "Governmental Agenda-Setting: The Role of Political Entrepreneurs in Two Peruvian Case Studies." Revista de Ciencia Política y Gobierno, 2014. http://revistas.pucp.edu.pe/index.php/cienciapolitica/article/view/12538/13098.
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El artículo enfatiza el papel que cumplen los emprendedores de política en la definición de las agendas gubernamentales, cuya relevancia cobra mayor visibilidad en contextos donde el sistema político y la institucionalidad gubernamental se encuentran debilitados. Para ello se desarrolla el proceso de establecimiento de agenda de políticas públicas con un enfoque politológico, revisando los subprocesos que lo conforman: la estructuración del problema público y la solución de alternativas.El enfoque metodológico del artículo considera los casos como fuente de identificación de prácticas, estrategias y discursos, instrumentalizándolos para la generación de evidencia desde donde se revisa la teoría. A partir de la evidencia recogida en dos casos de estudio referidos al feminicidio y al trabajo infantil, el artículo discute algunos aspectos teóricos sobre el establecimiento de agenda, reconociéndolo como un proceso compuesto de prácticas realizadas por los actores aplicando estrategias para lograr su cometido y usando discursos, como el de los derechos humanos, para lograr la aceptación de sus propuestas. En el desarrollo teórico construido a partir de bibliografía relevante sobre el tema y de la evidencia ofrecida por los casos de estudio, se propone diferenciar entre prácticas y estrategias, planteando la necesidad de recuperar la retórica como elemento de análisis para el establecimiento de la agenda, tema frecuentemente olvidado en los estudios de agenda en nuestro medio. El análisis de los casos permite identificar actores claves para el establecimiento de agenda: por un lado, la cooperación internacional que, a través de la OIT como ente canalizador de recursos, legitimó su participación en los procesos de establecimiento de agenda sobre la erradicación del trabajo infantil; y por otro, la incursión de feministas en el espacio burocrático y político, fortaleciendo las capacidades institucionales del Estado para el diseño de las políticas públicas para enfrentar la violencia contra las mujeres.
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Dagher, Walid Jalal. "Le comportement activiste des ONG libanaises : un essai sur la persistance du communautarisme." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015AIXM2007.
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L'économie des organisations étudie l'ensemble des arrangements institutionnels permettant la mise en oeuvre de la production et l'échange de biens et de services. Dans cette thèse, nous analysons le comportement activiste des organisations non gouvernementales spécifiques au Liban. Il apparaît que le mode de gouvernance des ONG libanaises est fondé sur un concept de solidarité intra-communautaire. Comment expliquer le recours des Libanais aux services offerts par les ONG ? Ainsi, nous avons démontré que ces ONG locales sont conduites de manière à atteindre des objectifs de nature politique. La théorie de l’entrepreneuriat politique est parfaitement adaptable à ce cadre d’analyse. Un nouvel équilibre politique dans la société libanaise est trouvé. Afin de mettre en évidence l’activisme des ONG libanaises, nous avons proposé une méthodologie empirique, qui se base à la fois sur une démarche quantitative et qualitative. Le modèle proposé a pour objectif principal de montrer l’existence d’une relation entre la perception des bénéficiaires des services rendus par les ONG et leur appartenance communautaire. Ainsi nous avons démontré qu’au Liban, la plupart des bénéficiaires appartenant à une communauté particulière connaît et identifie les ONG qui leur sont favorables en matière de redistribution. Il s’agit d’une explication de la persistance du communautarisme. Les ONG libanaises comme les groupes de pression jouent un rôle intermédiaire sur le marché politique. Cette intermédiation de la démocratie représentative permet de penser les jeux et les stratégies des groupes de pression mais surtout de sortir de l’idéal normatif de la démocratie représentative égalitaire<br>The economy of organizations examines the institutional mechanisms that lead to the production and exchange of goods and services. This thesis analyzes the mode of operation of NGOs which are specific to the Lebanese Society. It raises the following question: how can one explain the appeal of NGOs to the Lebanese people and the lure to use and benefit from its services? This thesis has demonstrated that these NGOs operate to achieve certain goals of political nature. The theory of political entrepreneurship applies to this concept and is considered as the theoretical framework of this dissertation. Accordingly, this thesis posits that a new political balance is achieved in the Lebanese society. In order to highlight the effectiveness of Lebanese NGOs, this thesis proposes an empirical methodology based on both quantitative and qualitative approach. The main objective of the proposed model is to underscore the existence of a relation between the perception of individuals benefiting form services rendered by NGOs and their sectarian affiliations. This dissertation reveals that the majority of people benefiting of NGOs services in Lebanon belong to a certain sect that favors people pertaining to its denomination in terms of redistribution. This signifies that the effects of sectarianism are still rampart in the Lebanese society. Lebanese NGOs can be considered as pressure groups that play an intermediary role on the Lebanese political scene. This intermediation of representative democracy allows a reconsideration of political strategies of pressure groups especially as to go beyond the norms of egalitarian representative democracy used in the Lebanese model of governance
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Eriksson, Leif. "Varför uppkommer nya partier? : En motivanalys av Miljöpartiet och Junilistans bildande." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-1722.
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<p>The aim of this study has been to investigate why we saw the formation of the green party and junilistan in Swedish politics. The questions being asked is why the individuals behind the party decided to take the step towards forming a new party as well as why they felt it worth forming it.</p><p>The theories being used is the sequential model created by Gissur Ó Erlingsson, which is complemented with theoretical assumptions by Paul Lucardie. The sequential model illustrates the party forming processes in three steps, which then through process-tracing allows for the identification of events that have exerted an influence on the entrepreneur to decide taking the step towards forming a new party. With the help of Lucardie I presented assumptions which gave me possibility to investigate why they then felt it worth forming the new party.</p><p>The conclusion showed that the step toward party formation in both cases occurred when the entrepreneurs experienced that their demands where not met. The second question was divided in to two sub questions which showed that the entrepreneurs in both cases made the calculation that a new party would find support amongst the electorate but regarding the ability to finance and attach competence the result was more diverging.</p>
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Nobile, Didier. "Application du concept d’orientation entrepreneuriale au champ des collectivités territoriales : Mise en place d’un dispositif d’accompagnement de l’élu entrepreneur." Thesis, Université de Lorraine, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LORR0342/document.
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L’orientation entrepreneuriale constitue un concept éprouvé en sciences de gestion. Si les travaux qui lui sont consacrés concernent très majoritairement les entreprises privées et retiennent une approche quantitative, on assiste à présent à une aspiration au renouvellement de la recherche autour du concept (méthodologie, champ d’application...). Cette thèse s’inscrit dans ce courant en abordant l’orientation entrepreneuriale des élus locaux par le biais d’une démarche d’accompagnement par la prospective. Pour ce faire nous émettons deux propositions de recherche : la première repose sur le bien fondé de l’utilisation de ce concept chez les élus des collectivités territoriales et la seconde sur l’efficacité des démarches d’accompagnement fondées sur la prospective pour ces élus. Après une revue de littérature consacrée à la dimension entrepreneuriale des élus et une première approche du concept dans les collectivités territoriales au travers de trois minis cas, nous déployons une démarche qualitative de recherche intervention de type ingénierique. Cette dernière a pour objet d’accompagner la structuration de la filière Santé-Biotechnologies en Lorraine. A l’issue de cette thèse nous concluons à la validité des propositions émises. Nous mettons ensuite en évidence les apports conceptuels et managériaux et nous envisageons les perspectives de recherche qu’elle génère<br>Entrepreneurial orientation is now a highly-proven concept in management sciences. While the work devoted to the subject mostly relates to private enterprises and adopts a quantitative approach, a fresh current has now undertaken to revisit research in this field (methodology, scope…). This doctor’s thesis is in line with the new trend and shows elected local officials’ entrepreneurial orientation through a prospective accompaniment approach. To do this, I have come up with two research proposals. The first is based on stressing the relevance of resorting to the concept in a political environment, and the second rests on the efficiency of the prospective guiding steps destined for elected officials. The review of literature devoted to the entrepreneurial dimension of elected politicians followed by a preliminary approach of the concept through three case studies pave the way for an engineering qualitative approach of action research. It is meant to provide guidance for the structuring of the Health and Biotechnology sector in the Lorraine region. The conclusion of the thesis shows the relevance of the submissions and highlights the conceptual and managerial contributions before it opens up on some forms of potential ensuing research
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Dagher, Walid Jalal. "Le comportement activiste des ONG libanaises : un essai sur la persistance du communautarisme." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Aix-Marseille, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015AIXM2007.
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L'économie des organisations étudie l'ensemble des arrangements institutionnels permettant la mise en oeuvre de la production et l'échange de biens et de services. Dans cette thèse, nous analysons le comportement activiste des organisations non gouvernementales spécifiques au Liban. Il apparaît que le mode de gouvernance des ONG libanaises est fondé sur un concept de solidarité intra-communautaire. Comment expliquer le recours des Libanais aux services offerts par les ONG ? Ainsi, nous avons démontré que ces ONG locales sont conduites de manière à atteindre des objectifs de nature politique. La théorie de l’entrepreneuriat politique est parfaitement adaptable à ce cadre d’analyse. Un nouvel équilibre politique dans la société libanaise est trouvé. Afin de mettre en évidence l’activisme des ONG libanaises, nous avons proposé une méthodologie empirique, qui se base à la fois sur une démarche quantitative et qualitative. Le modèle proposé a pour objectif principal de montrer l’existence d’une relation entre la perception des bénéficiaires des services rendus par les ONG et leur appartenance communautaire. Ainsi nous avons démontré qu’au Liban, la plupart des bénéficiaires appartenant à une communauté particulière connaît et identifie les ONG qui leur sont favorables en matière de redistribution. Il s’agit d’une explication de la persistance du communautarisme. Les ONG libanaises comme les groupes de pression jouent un rôle intermédiaire sur le marché politique. Cette intermédiation de la démocratie représentative permet de penser les jeux et les stratégies des groupes de pression mais surtout de sortir de l’idéal normatif de la démocratie représentative égalitaire<br>The economy of organizations examines the institutional mechanisms that lead to the production and exchange of goods and services. This thesis analyzes the mode of operation of NGOs which are specific to the Lebanese Society. It raises the following question: how can one explain the appeal of NGOs to the Lebanese people and the lure to use and benefit from its services? This thesis has demonstrated that these NGOs operate to achieve certain goals of political nature. The theory of political entrepreneurship applies to this concept and is considered as the theoretical framework of this dissertation. Accordingly, this thesis posits that a new political balance is achieved in the Lebanese society. In order to highlight the effectiveness of Lebanese NGOs, this thesis proposes an empirical methodology based on both quantitative and qualitative approach. The main objective of the proposed model is to underscore the existence of a relation between the perception of individuals benefiting form services rendered by NGOs and their sectarian affiliations. This dissertation reveals that the majority of people benefiting of NGOs services in Lebanon belong to a certain sect that favors people pertaining to its denomination in terms of redistribution. This signifies that the effects of sectarianism are still rampart in the Lebanese society. Lebanese NGOs can be considered as pressure groups that play an intermediary role on the Lebanese political scene. This intermediation of representative democracy allows a reconsideration of political strategies of pressure groups especially as to go beyond the norms of egalitarian representative democracy used in the Lebanese model of governance
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Bessard, Rudy. "Pouvoir personnel et ressources politiques : Gaston Flosse en Polynesie francaise." Thesis, Pau, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PAUU2011/document.
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L’entrepreneur politique tend à dominer un espace sociopolitique par le jeu stratégique d’une matrice de ressources politiques. Ainsi, le leadership du notable Gaston Flosse, dans la collectivité d’outre-mer de Polynésie française, présente les facettes d’un pouvoir personnel en République. Ce type de domination de l’espace polynésien est mis en évidence par la plasticité d’un leadership politique autoritaire, fondé sur de multiples ressources matérielles et symboliques. L’étude de ce leadership politique interroge l’exercice de la démocratie représentative à Tahiti et dans la Vème République<br>The strategic mobilization of multidimensional political resources allows the political leader to take power in a political space. Then, the leader uses a combination of political capacities to keep the power and extend his domination. Thus, the political leadership of the Boss Gaston Flosse, in the overseas collectivity of French Polynesia, has become a personal rule inside the French Republic. The domination of the Polynesian sociopolitical space is illustrated by the plasticity of an authoritarian leadership, which questions the expressions of democracy in Tahiti, and in the French political regime
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Ma, Chicheng. "Institutional environment and private entrepreneurs' political connections /." View abstract or full-text, 2008. http://library.ust.hk/cgi/db/thesis.pl?SOSC%202008%20MA.
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Ureta, Ivan. "Diplomatic and political entrepreneurs and brokers designing and managing euro-Mediterranean politics : the Franco-Spanish paradigm." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2014. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/diplomatic-and-political-entrepreneurs-and-brokers-designing-and-managing-euromediterranean-politics(27fafed9-6d00-4b00-beca-b4a2dc54ac04).html.
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This thesis analyses how Spain as a raising power in the Mediterranean, has developed its diplomatic strategies and mechanisms to gain diplomatic influence, international recognition and power. On the other side, it also analyses how France as a competing and rival power reacted to those diplomatic offenses and to what extent they became collaborators or competitors. Geopolitical interests, domestic politics, historical and contextual pre-conditions architected their diplomatic strategy. Political communication and lobbying strategies deployed by them as political entrepreneurs and brokers, were defined to construct a new socio-political imaginary and to gather political and public opinion’ consensus in order to achieve planned aims and objectives. This thesis focuses on the evaluation of the policies propelled by these political brokers and entrepreneurs. In order to propose a valid evaluation system the thesis has implemented a wide number of methodological tools that will allow the researcher to understand –and explain and demonstrate – complex scenarios and dynamics, avoiding generalizations and speculation in the process. In order to do so the researcher has adopted a long-term, multivariable –quantitative and qualitative analysis- that allows a better understanding of political, diplomatic and socio-economic trends, mechanisms and processes. The thesis avoids also a Eurocentric approach and has developed a symmetric discourse aiming at placing European and southern Mediterranean interests at the same level. This thesis concludes demonstrating that Western leaders, political entrepreneurs and brokers, have been trying to find and support cooperative and collaborative regimes. In parallel, leaders from Southern Mediterranean countries have been playing that game in order to consolidate their leadership. Despite the number of Euro-Mediterranean initiatives, projects and mechanisms European partners did not show a commitment to choosing the right objectives and expectations for the challenges they faced. Therefore, at a managerial level, these policies have been ambiguous and scarcely productive.
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Carvalho, Marcelo Bastos Seráfico de Assis. "O empresário local e a zona franca de Manaus : reprodução social e globalização econômica." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/180569.
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O foco da análise desta tese são as relações econômicas e políticas do empresário local com a Zona Franca de Manaus. O empresário local é entendido como o proprietário dos meios de produção que tem na cidade seu centro decisório, o que o diferencia de empresários nacionais e de executivos de empresas transnacionais. As relações econômicas são analisadas segundo as modalidades de localização desse empresário na economia da zona franca, compreendidas em termos das oportunidades diretas e indiretas de lucratividade criadas pelos incentivos fiscais característicos desse mecanismo de dinamização da economia. As relações políticas são consideradas a partir das posições coletivas que adota, particularmente no que diz respeito ao período pós-liberalização da economia nacional. A pesquisa se baseou em entrevistas realizadas com empresários tradicionais e modernos, com lideranças empresariais locais, consultores econômicos e técnicos governamentais, e em análise documental. As conclusões mostram que os empresários locais são economicamente dependentes da Zona Franca de Manaus e que essa dependência se traduz em termos da defesa do modelo. Isso se deve ao fato de que a manutenção da zona franca, a despeito dos impasses e ameaças postos para sua existência, assegura-lhes condições de lucratividade. Nesse sentido é que se pode dizer que o empresário local se subordina economicamente e acomoda politicamente à zona franca, e que isso lhe permite reproduzir-se socialmente.<br>The focus of the analysis of this thesis are the economic and political relations of the local entrepreneur with the free zone of Manaus. By local entrepreneur I understand the owner of the means of production whose center of decision is located in the city, definition that allows me to set a difference among him and the national entrepreneur and the executives of transnational enterprises. The economic relations are analyzed through the modalities of localization of this entrepreneur in the free zone economy, understood in terms of the direct and indirect profit opportunities generated by the fiscal incentives characteristic of this mechanism of economic dinamization. The political relations selected are the collective positions of this entrepreneur regarding, mainly, the context of national economic liberalization. The research is based on interviews with local entrepreneur leaders, economic consultants and governmental technicians, as well as on documental analysis. The conclusions show that the local entrepreneur is dependent fo the free trade zone and that this dependence is translated in terms of the political defende of the economic model. It is explained by the fact that the maintenance of the free zone, no matter the impasses and menaces put to its existence, ensure for them favorable profit conditions. In this sense, It is possible to affirm that the local entrepreneur is economically subordinated and politically accommodated to the free zone, and does not portrays any political alternative of regional development.<br>El foco de la análisis intentadas en esta tesis son las relaciones económicas y políticas del empresario local con la Zona Franca de Manaus. Entiendo al empresario local como el propietario de los medios de producción que tiene a la ciudad como centro de decisiones de sus empresas, lo que establece su diferencia con los empresarios nacionales y con los executivos de empresas transnacionales. Las relaciones económicas son analizadas por medio de las modalidades de localización de ese empresario en la economía de la zona franca, la cual es comprendida en términos de las oportunidades directas e indirectas de lucro generadas por los incentivos fiscales característicos de ese mecanismo de dinamización económica. Las relaciones políticas son consideradas a partir de las posiciones colectivas que asume, particularmente en lo que toca la liberalización de la economía nacional. La investigación se ha basado en entrevistas con líderes empresariales locales, consultores económicos y técnicos gubernamentales, así como en análisis documentales. Las conclusiones muestran que los empresarios locales son económicamente dependientes de la zona franca e que esa dependiencia es traducida en términos de la defensa del modelo. Esto se debe al hecho de que la manutención de la zona franca, no obstante los impases y amenazas colocados a su existencia, les garantiza condiciones favorables de ganancia. En ese sentido es que se puede decir que el empresario local subordinase económicamente y acomodase políticamente a la zona franca, sin proponer un proyecto alternativo de desarrollo para la región.
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Uchôa, Mariana Torres. "A construção do capital social coletivo a partir do engajamento cívico e a confiança dos empreendedores: uma análise em regiões com elevados índices de pobreza." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2018. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/8781.
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Previous issue date: 2018-05-03<br>Poverty affects about 41% of Africa´s total population and a promising method to reduce such low index is social capital. Social Capital can be measured by the level of institutional confidence and civic engagement, and entrepreneurs are direct contributors to ramp it up within society. Thus, the purpose of this research is to evaluate the influence of entrepreneurs civic engagement in their level of institutional confidence. To support the research´s purpose, the Afrobarometer database from 34 countries and multiple regression analysis has been used. The results show that entrepreneurs´ political and social engagement influence in their institutional confidence; entrepreneurs contribute more to building institutional confidence through civic engagement than non-entrepreneurs; lastly, entrepreneurs out of opportunity contribute more than entrepreneurs out of necessity.<br>A pobreza afeta cerca de 41% da população total da África e um possível mecanismo de redução desse índice é o capital social, formado, entre outros, pelo nível de confiança institucional e pelo engajamento cívico. Um dos possíveis atores que podem construir esse capital social são os empreendedores. Nesse contexto essa pesquisa teve como objetivo avaliar a influência do engajamento cívico formado pelo engajamento comunitário e político dos empreendedores em seu nível de confiança institucional. Para cumprir com o objetivo, foi utilizado a base de dados Afrobarômetro, constituída a partir de dados de 34 países africanos. E como método foi realizada a análise de regressão múltipla. Os resultados mostraram que tanto o engajamento político quanto o comunitário dos empreendedores influenciam em sua confiança institucional; que o grupo dos empreendedores contribuem mais para a construção da confiança institucional por meio do engajamento civíco do que o grupo dos não empreendedores; assim como os empreendedores por oportunidade que também contribuem mais do que os empreendedores por necessidade.
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Taylor, Ariel Judith Stapleton. "Cuba in transition : entrepreneurs, tourism and political compromise in Havana." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/36904.
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Since the early 1990’s Havana, Cuba has undergone considerable socioeconomic
transformation resulting from the legalization of some forms of private enterprise. Paladares,
Cuban owned and operated restaurants, have emerged in Havana as a significant industry,
fueled largely by both tourism and Havana’s second economy. The liberalization of Cuba’s
domestic economy has, in turn, impacted social and political ideologies, particularly among
Havana’s wealthiest paladar owners. Concerns and speculation about the future role of
Communism in the country have made the role of paladares increasingly problematic for
both researchers and political officials in the region. However, this research demonstrates
that more modest paladar owners attempt to mediate principles of socialism and capitalism
by largely acquiescing to stringent government regulations. Alternatively, their wealthy
counterparts engage openly in illicit business practices, often with near impunity from Cuban
officials now indentured to the financial dividends traded for toleration. This research spans
four neighbourhoods across Havana and draws on interview data gathered from nine paladar
owners and ten weeks of participant observation. This thesis argues that paladares are not
antithetical with ongoing social security and political stability for Cuban people and that
tourism along with the second economy it helps to enhance are themselves detrimental to
many of the gains championed by Cuba’s revolution.
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Davies, Rodrigo. "Civic crowdfunding : participatory communities, entrepreneurs and the political economy of place." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/89954.
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Thesis: S.M., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Comparative Media Studies, 2014.<br>Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.<br>Includes bibliographical references (pages 151-173).<br>Crowdfunding, the raising of capital from a large and diverse pool of donors via online platforms, has grown exponentially in the past five years, spurred by the rise of Kickstarter and IndieGoGo. While legislative attention in the US has turned to the potential to use crowdfunding as a means of raising capital for companies, less attention has been paid to the use of crowdfunding for civic projects - projects involving either directly or indirectly, the use of government funds, assets or sponsorship, which may include the development of public assets. This project analyzes the subgenre of civic crowdfunding from three perspectives. First, it provides a comprehensive quantitative overview of the subgenre of civic crowdfunding, its most common project types and its geographic distribution. Second, it describes three edge cases, projects that, while uncommon, demonstrate the current limits, aspirations and potential future path of the subgenre. Third, it analyzes the historical and intellectual paradigms within which civic crowdfunding projects and platforms are operating: whether they are best located within the historical context of community fundraising, participatory planning, entrepreneurial culture or a combination of the three. In addressing these questions, the thesis will explore the potential benefits and challenges of using crowdfunding as a means of executing community-oriented projects in the built environment, and offer proposals for how public and non-profit institutions can engage with crowdfunding to realize civic outcomes.<br>by Rodrigo Davies.<br>S.M.
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Hou, Yue Ph D. Massachusetts Institute of Technology. "Participatory autocracy : private entrepreneurs, legislatures, and property protection in China." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/101808.
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Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2015.<br>Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.<br>Includes bibliographical references (pages 209-229).<br>This dissertation addresses the puzzle of why individuals in authoritarian systems seek office in formal institutions, which are often dismissed as weak and ineffective. I argue that individuals seek office mainly to protect their property from government expropriation in China. In contrast to prior work, I argue that instead of being passive takers of existing institutional arrangements, private entrepreneurs in China actively seek opportunities within formal institutions to advance their interests. By holding seats in local legislatures, entrepreneurs signal to local bureaucrats that they have access to higher-level government officials to report illicit predatory behavior. This signal, in turn, deters local officials from demanding bribes, ad hoc taxes, and other types of informal payments. I deploy both qualitative and quantitative methods to support the argument. First, to understand state-business relations in China, I conducted 106 in-depth interviews with private entrepreneurs, government officials, and local scholars in five provinces during 16 months of fieldwork. I show that even while government expropriation is an endemic problem, private entrepreneurs who are also legislative officeholders are less likely to experience severe expropriation. Second, using a nationally representative survey of private entrepreneurs, I quantitatively show that entrepreneurs who have seats in the local legislatures on average spend 25 percent less on informal payments to local officials compared to entrepreneurs without such a political status. To investigate the causal link between formal office and protection of property, I conducted field experiments on Chinese bureaucrats to understand how local bureaucracies respond to constituents with connections to formal institutions. These experiments involved directly contacting officials to examine how they respond to realistic messages from citizens. Using an experimental manipulation, I demonstrate that Chinese bureaucrats are 35 percent more likely to respond to a constituent with connections to formal institutions. These findings challenge prominent theories of authoritarian politics, which see authoritarian institutions as instruments to arrange power sharing, rent distribution, or information collection. Adopting an "institution as resource" perspective, I show that within authoritarian institutions, entrepreneurial actors can seek opportunities to advance their interests and improve their well-being through formal means, even when these formal institutions are relatively weak..<br>by Yue Hou.<br>Ph. D.
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Carreras, Ashley L. "Political entrepreneurs and intentional action : rationality and the problem of collective action." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/30128.
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Anthony Downs first introduced a comprehensive account of political decision-making founded upon rational choice in 1957. Though there have been many refinements of the initial framework, rational choice approaches have been dogged by the same problems that Downs first highlighted: 1) Why do people vote? 2) How do politicians convince voters that they are worth electing? This thesis seeks to address these problems by concentrating upon the role of the 'Political Entrepreneur' and their relationship with voters. It is shown that because rational choice theory is wedded to the instrumental conception of rationality it is unable to account for the fact that people do participate in the electoral process, and in numbers of larger than predicted by rational choice models. Even when a radical subjectivist account of decision making is considered, it is clear that the instrumental approach to reasoning fails to integrate peoples' present actions with their previous decisions. An alternative approach to rationality is considered which seeks to understand people's behaviour in terms of their social context. It is argued that if we are to provide an explanation of behaviour based upon a rational account of action, then we must include some notion of the normative nature of what constitutes behaviour into our theorising. The emphasis is upon the nature of plans that enabled people to ensure that their behaviour is coherent, both with their own behaviour over time, and with the behaviour of others.
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Nyhlén, Sara. "Regionalpolitik i förändring : en fallstudie av regionalpolitikens aktörer och former i Åre kommun." Doctoral thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Avdelningen för samhällsvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-18338.
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Regional politics is changing; it is transforming from being mainly a responsibility of the central state to a concern that is more for the regional or local governments. At the same time, there are signs of a transformation of the political system in general. The development indicates a decreasing hierarchy as the power of the state is challenged and the political agents are increasing in number. This indicates that the political agents are changing but there are also indications that the political forms are transforming. The politics is increasingly characterised by project and process politics, networks, cooperation and partnerships. This transformation is generally described as the transformation “from government to governance”. New governance is one of the most frequently discussed issues in contemporary political science literature, and this has led to a wide variety of conceptualizations. Considering the changing regional politics and general changes as the political forms and agents, this thesis studies who governs the regional politics and how regional politics is governed.The purpose of this thesis is to provide empirical contributions in order to increase the understanding of changes in regional politics at the local level. This is done by dividing governance modes into typologies. Four political processes at the local level in the municipality of Åre between the years 1973-2007 are analyzed. The thesis is based on qualitative semi-structured elite interviews. The informants have been selected by snowball sampling. The interviews have also been complemented by documentary studies. The documents that have been studied are the protocols from the municipal assembly from 1973, when the municipality was created, to2007. The documents also consist of the parish archives (sockenkrönikor) governmental reports and official documents of the local and state-level government. The material has been analyzed by using process tracing.The main results of the study are that there have been changes in the regional politics at the local level in relation to the political agents and the forms of politics. The 1970s were characterized by strong state power and hierarchy. The political processes have increasingly been characterized by the typology of the new governance. The study has shown that in practice the regional politics in Åre is characterized by both traditional governance and new governance at the same time there has not been a paradigmatic shift. The elements of new governance are increasing but there are still significant signs of the traditional bureaucratic system such as hierarchy and ordered rule. As the signs of new governance increase, the political entrepreneurs play a bigger role in the processes being analyzed. The study also shows that the critique of traditional forms of governance relating to participation and influence has not become irrelevant as the signs of new governance increases.
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Zanon, Flavia. "The High Representative for the CFSP and EU security culture: mediator or policy entrepreneur?" Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2012. https://hdl.handle.net/11572/368073.
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The High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy was first established by the Amsterdam Treaty in 1999 to enhance the effectiveness and credibility of EU foreign policy. Since its creation, this body has played different roles vis-a-vis varies policy dossiers. In some cases, the High Representative has successfully coordinated the positions of Member States and enhanced the worldwide visibility of EU foreign policy. On other occasions, the High Representative played a more proactive role by identifying and operationalizing common European interests.
The varying role of the High Representative in different policy dossiers reflects the ambiguity of the EU political system. Unlike in most European states \where the executive and legislative powers are linked through the same parliamentary majority\ within the EU supranational and intergovernmental sources legitimacy coexist. It is the
ambiguity deriving from it that permitted the High Representative to adopt different roles in response to different external challenges.
This research investigates the reasons that led the High Representative to play sometimes the role of mediator and at other times that of policy entrepreneur by examining the influence of security culture on EU foreign policy processes. Security culture is defined as the convergence of socially transmitted norms shared by the majority of political actors belonging to the EU security community. The norms constituting security culture concern the identification of security threats, the definition
of the appropriate instruments to deal with them, and the interaction with the international community.
The comparison of the cases of the 2001 Macedonia crisis and the negotiations over Iran fs nuclear programme reveals that shared norms.and thus the emergence of a shared culture.with regard to a given threat had an impact on policy processes
involving the High Representative. In particular, the emergence of a shared security culture created a positive context which enabled the High Representative to adopt the
role of policy entrepreneur, rather than simply mediating among Member States.
In order to address the capability-expectations gap emerged among citizens ' expectations, and EU fs ability to deliver in the field of foreign policy, scholars have long stressed the need to build stronger institutions able to constrain the powers of Member States. However, this research identifies the development of a shared vision about common security as a factual pre-condition for the empowerment of central institutions and, thus, for further integration in this field. In addition, even though the existing literature has mostly identified diverging norms on the use of force in the international arena and on the alliance with the US as the major obstacles to an effective EU foreign policy, this study suggests that another major obstacle in this regard lies in diverging norms concerning the role of international cooperation and the relation between national and international security vis-a-vis external threats.
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Magraw, Katherine. "Weapons brokers and policy entrepreneurs : Congress and the strategic policy community during the Reagan era." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/13194.
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Zanon, Flavia. "The High Representative for the CFSP and EU security culture: mediator or policy entrepreneur?" Doctoral thesis, University of Trento, 2012. http://eprints-phd.biblio.unitn.it/785/1/Zanon_Flavia_Dissertation.pdf.
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The High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy was first established by the Amsterdam Treaty in 1999 to enhance the effectiveness and credibility of EU foreign policy. Since its creation, this body has played different roles vis-a-vis varies policy dossiers. In some cases, the High Representative has successfully coordinated the positions of Member States and enhanced the worldwide visibility of EU foreign policy. On other occasions, the High Representative played a more proactive role by identifying and operationalizing common European interests.
The varying role of the High Representative in different policy dossiers reflects the ambiguity of the EU political system. Unlike in most European states\where the executive and legislative powers are linked through the same parliamentary majority\within the EU supranational and intergovernmental sources legitimacy coexist. It is the
ambiguity deriving from it that permitted the High Representative to adopt different roles in response to different external challenges.
This research investigates the reasons that led the High Representative to play sometimes the role of mediator and at other times that of policy entrepreneur by examining the influence of security culture on EU foreign policy processes. Security culture is defined as the convergence of socially transmitted norms shared by the majority of political actors belonging to the EU security community. The norms constituting security culture concern the identification of security threats, the definition
of the appropriate instruments to deal with them, and the interaction with the international community.
The comparison of the cases of the 2001 Macedonia crisis and the negotiations over Iranfs nuclear programme reveals that shared norms.and thus the emergence of a shared culture.with regard to a given threat had an impact on policy processes
involving the High Representative. In particular, the emergence of a shared security culture created a positive context which enabled the High Representative to adopt the
role of policy entrepreneur, rather than simply mediating among Member States.
In order to address the capability-expectations gap emerged among citizens' expectations, and EUfs ability to deliver in the field of foreign policy, scholars have long stressed the need to build stronger institutions able to constrain the powers of Member States. However, this research identifies the development of a shared vision about common security as a factual pre-condition for the empowerment of central institutions and, thus, for further integration in this field. In addition, even though the existing literature has mostly identified diverging norms on the use of force in the international arena and on the alliance with the US as the major obstacles to an effective EU foreign policy, this study suggests that another major obstacle in this regard lies in diverging norms concerning the role of international cooperation and the relation between national and international security vis-a-vis external threats.
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Yep, Ray. "The rise of rural entrepreneurs and the changing state-society relationship in post-Mao China." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243446.
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Parsons, Christine Barbara. "The management of internationalisation in higher education institutions in the UK and Germany : strategies, systems and entrepreneurs." Thesis, University of Reading, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367342.
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Nkolo, Asse Sosso Ginette Patience. "Les femmes entrepreneures dans la société politique camerounaise." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015BORD0067/document.
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Avec le retour du multipartisme au Cameroun dans les années mil neufcent quatre-vingt-dix, l’État camerounais voit émerger des nouveaux acteursparmi lesquelles les femmes entrepreneures. L’objectif de cette thèse est dedéterminer quels enseignements structurels, les dynamiques sociopolitiquesdes femmes entrepreneures dans la sphère sociopolitique nous livrent sur lefonctionnement du système politique camerounais à l’aune du genre. A traversce questionnement, l’objectif est de voir dans quelle mesure l’entrée desfemmes en général et l’intégration des femmes entrepreneures en particulierdans le système politique entraînent un changement d’ethos de la vie politiquecamerounaise fortement imprégnée de l’ethos de la notabilité-séniorité et de lamasculinité et fortement caractérisée par la gouvernance de la manducation etla politique de l’autoreproduction<br>With the return to multi party system in Cameroon in the 1990s,Cameroon’s state witnessed the rise of new players, including womenentrepreneurs. This thesis aims at determining the structural lessons learnedfrom the sociopolitical dynamics of women entrepreneurs in social and politicalsphere about the functioning of Cameroon’s political system with regard togender. Through this inquiry, our goal is to see how the entry of women ingeneral and mainstreaming of women entrepreneurs in particular in the politicalsystem results in a change of ethos on cameroon’s political life which is stronglymarked by the ethos of notability-seniority and manhood and mainlycharacterized by the governance of manducation and policy of self-replication
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Pires, Cassio Felipe de Oliveira. "O signo da liberdade e a execução do estado : o pensamento neoliberal por meio do Fórum da Liberdade de Porto Alegre (1988-1993)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/67272.
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Essa pesquisa analisou os sentidos do conceito de liberdade difundidos pelo Fórum da Liberdade de Porto Alegre no período de 1988 a 1993, isto é, durante as primeiras seis edições do encontro que é anual. Organizado pelo Instituto de Estudos Empresariais (IEE), instituição voltada à formação de lideranças empresariais, o Fórum revelou-se como um espaço privilegiado para a compreensão do neoliberalismo e do perfil relativamente novo de atuação de uma “elite orgânica” durante o período da Nova República (1985 – ). Por meio de aspectos teórico-metodológicos da História dos Conceitos alemã de Reinhart Koselleck e da História do Pensamento Político de Quentin Skinner, foi possível perceber a centralidade política do conceito em questão. “Liberdade” foi um instrumento indispensável para a tradução da necessidade econômica neoliberal e para a difusão de um estímulo de predisposição à luta política pelos discursos realizados no Fórum. Desse modo, o conceito de liberdade disseminado relacionou eventos e processos históricos coetâneos a uma projeção específica e limitada de futuro proposta pelo neoliberalismo, configurando-se em elemento discursivo indispensável para a imposição dessa expectativa.<br>This research has analyzed the meanings of the concept of liberty put forth by the Fórum da Liberdade of Porto Alegre in the period from 1988 to 1993, in other words, during the six firsts editions of that annual encounter. Organized by the Instituto de Estudos Empresariais (IEE), an institution dedicated to the formation of entrepreneurial leadership, the Fórum became a privileged space for the understanding of neoliberalism and the relatively new operational profile of an “organic elite” in the Brazilian New Republic. Using theoretical and methodological aspects from Reinhart Koselleck‟s Germanic Conceptual History and Quentin Skinner‟s History of Political Thought, it was possible to identify the political centrality of the studied concept. “Liberty” was an indispensable instrument for the translation of neoliberal economic needs and for the propagation of a stimulus to the predisposition for political struggle by the Fórum speeches. In this manner, the concept of freedom disseminated by the Fórum conected historical events and processes to a specific and limited projection of future, becoming an imperative discursive aspect for the impositition of this expectation.
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Rodaki, Athanasia. "A cultural international political economy of Rome : an entrepreneural European city in a multi-scalar context." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.654944.
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Franklin, Sharilyn D. "The influence of spirituality on servant leadership among small business entrepreneurs." ScholarWorks, 2010. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/824.
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Servant leadership, which promotes virtuousness and altruism, is gaining attention as a potential solution to the perceived leadership crisis, as evidenced by the ethical breakdown of some of America's largest corporations. Entrepreneurs, who represent 99% of all employers, play a significant role in the American economy as innovative risk takers and early adopters. As such, it is important to understand how they relate to servant leadership. The purpose of this quantitative study was to explore research questions related to (a) the extent to which servant leadership is practiced by small business entrepreneurs, and (b) the relationship between their levels of spirituality (i.e., virtuousness) and servant leadership. The study was grounded in both servant leadership theory and motivation (expectancy value and self-efficacy) theories. To address the research questions, the Spirituality Assessment Scale and the Servant Leadership Profile (Revised) were used to measure the levels of spirituality and servant leadership, respectively. Descriptive and inferential statistics (i.e., simple linear regression) were used to analyze data from surveys completed by a representative sample of 48 small business entrepreneurs. This analysis revealed (a) a 21% level of servant leadership practice among the sample of small business entrepreneurs, and (b) a statistically significant, negative correlation between spirituality and servant leadership. These findings suggest that (a) a positive connection between spirituality and servant leadership should not be presumed, and (b) servant leadership research should take its place among nonreligious perspectives on leadership. This study contributes to social change by fostering the growth of servant leadership in a broader segment of the leadership population, thus addressing the perceived leadership crisis more effectively.
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Alldén, Susanne. "How do international norms travel? : Women’s political rights in Cambodia and Timor-Leste." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-26837.
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How do international norms travel, via statebuilding efforts, into post-conflict settings, and how do international and national actors interact in this process? These are the main questions addressed in this thesis. The empirical focus is the spreading and rooting of the norm of women’s political rights in Cambodia and Timor-Leste, two countries in which international actors have played a significant role in statebuilding efforts. Although statebuilding has increasingly become a part of UN peacebuilding missions, we still lack a thorough understanding of how much, and in what ways, the international community can successfully promote change. This is important in view of the fact that the key to success ultimately depends on how the receiving community responds to the presence and efforts of international actors to promote new social norms. This study analyzes the interaction between international and national actors engaged in the promotion of women’s political rights as part of the effort to advance democracy. Three institutional developments are examined in detail – electoral rules and regulations, the establishment of a national gender equality/women’s machinery and the strengthening of the local government structure. The study uses a modified norm diffusion approach and makes two theoretical contributions to the literature. First, I place the norm diffusion process in a post-conflict context. Second, I add the concept of capability to function in order to conceptualize and study the internalization of the norm. The thesis is based on both an analysis of written material and semi-structured interviews. A total of 65 interviews were conducted during three research trips to each of the countries between 2007 and 2009. In general, the four empirical chapters reveal that the interaction between international and national actors has predominantly been characterized by international actors setting the agenda, with varying degrees of consultation and collaboration with national actors. While norm institutionalization has been rather high in both countries, norm internalization lags behind. This is explained by discriminating ways of life and attitudes, lack of resources and time. Norm internalization is higher in Timor-Leste, in part because national actors have adapted the norm of women’s political rights to fit the local setting, but also due to their openness to international influences. The empirical study underscores that international actors can push for change and norm adherence, but their efforts are not enough. In the end, national actors have to buy into the message that international actors try to convey. The strengths and weaknesses that have been uncovered in the Cambodian and Timorese case studies presented here should be carefully considered as international actors, led by the UN, embark upon future statebuilding missions around the globe.
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Olsson, Nathalie, and Elena Woit. "POLICYPROFESSIONELLAS INTÅG I POLITIKEN -Hot mot demokrati eller nästa fas i utvecklingsprocessen?" Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-90153.
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In a representative democratic state such as Sweden there have been considerable clear changes in terms of forms for political aggregation during the last 50 years. This essay points out major changes concerning the formation of how parties work and formulate their messages. This study highlights how professional consultants and communicators have caused an alteration in the way political arguments and how policies are formulated within parties. Policy professionals are people who are employed to mediate useful information, their commission affects politics deeply. This group of people are either employed within organizations without having any formal mandate through seats in the parliament or are frequently hired and sometimes founded by different governmental agencies or even political parties. One consequence is that the role of parties and the democratic ideals has been affected. The party representatives have become more professional themselves. Possibly at the expense of the vitality of the party organizations, which is in line with the sharp drop in the number of party members which has been witnessed since the beginning of the 21st century. One effect may be further strengthening of the party elites in terms of more top-down management with more interaction and career opportunities in both the party organization and its communication bureaus interchangeably. This study wants to highlight how this change has occurred and which effect it causes to the party system and their role in a representative democracy.
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Michallet, Benjamin. "The political economy of environmental public policies : five essays on European countries." Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01E048/document.
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La mise à l’agenda politique des questions environnementales connait depuis les années70 un dynamisme sans précédent dans les pays européens. Cette tendance s’est exprimée par l’offre de politiques environnementales de la part des partis politiques lors des campagnes électorales, et la mise en place de plans de finances publiques dédiés à la protection de l’environnement lors des mandats politiques. Au travers de cinq essais s’inscrivant dans l’économie politique de l’École des choix publics, cette thèse s’attache à déterminer si les hommes politiques ont agi de sorte à maximiser leur intérêt personnel ou au contraire à servir le bien-être collectif. Le premier chapitre interroge l’insertion des questions environnementales au sein de la diversité des idéologies politiques des grands partis français tandis que le chapitre 2 analyse les déterminants de l’offre environnementale dans les programmes des partis politiques en Europe depuis 1970. Les chapitres 3 et 4 mobilisent les données de finance publique environnementale des pays européens depuis 1995 et analysent successivement la programmatique de l’offre environnementale et l’impact des règles électorales sur le niveau de dépense publique à l’échelle du budget central et du budget global des États. Le chapitre 5 oppose successivement l’entrepreneuriat politique à l’entrepreneuriat associatif et l’entrepreneuriat de marché comme solution efficace aux problèmes environnementaux<br>In the 70s, European countries have started seeing a significant politicization of environmental issues. This trend was expressed by political parties through a platform of environmental public policies during political campaigns, as well as the setting of environmental budgets by the presidents during their terms of office. By means of five essays falling into the scope of the Public Choice School of Thought, this thesis aims at determining whether politicians’ behavior have been motivated by self-interest or rather by global well-being satisfaction.The first chapter examines how environmental issues have integrated the spectrum of French political parties of all ideologies whereas the second chapter analyses the determinants of an environmental offer and this within the European political parties since 1970. Chapter 3 and 4 focus on environmental public spending done dy European countries since 1995, and analyze the application of the environmental political pledges and the impact of the electoral rules inplace on environmental public spending at both, the central budget scale and the total budget scale of states. Chapter 5 compares political entrepreneurship to associative entrepreneurship and market entrepreneurship to determine the most efficient way of solving environmental issues
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Bianchi, Milo. "Of speculators, migrants and entrepreneurs : essays on the economics of trying your fortune." Doctoral thesis, Handelshögskolan i Stockholm, Samhällsekonomi (S), 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hhs:diva-479.
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Başaran, Neslişah Leman. "The Muslim-Turkish merchant and industrial bourgeoisie in Turkey in the 1920's and their relation with the political power." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014STRAC006.
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Cette thèse examine la bourgeoisie musulmane-turque marchande et industrielle, dans la période de la fondation de la République en Turquie. L’argument principal de cette étude consiste à prouver que les commerçants et les entrepreneurs musulmans-turcs dans les années 1920 constituaient une classe sociale qui cherchait à dominer économiquement, socialement et politiquement. Au début de la République, les commerçants et industriels musulman-turcs constituaient une classe qui possédait une culture et une idéologie commune, une vision englobante sur l'économie du pays. D'une part, cette étude révèle la composition interne de cette classe, les secteurs d'activité dont ses membres s'occupaient, leurs sources de richesse, leurs voies de développement. D'autre part, cette thèse révèle le rôle que joue cette classe sociale dans les années 1920 avec leurs demandes et leurs préoccupations, leur idéologie et leurs affiliations politique<br>This thesis aims at demonstrate that Muslim-Turkish merchants and entrepreneurs in Turkey in the 1920’s constituted a social class, namely the national “bourgeoisie” of the country, seeking to dominate economically, socially and politically. At the beginning of the Republic, the Muslim-Turkish merchants and industrialists constituted a class which had a common culture and ideology, and a vision regarding the economy of the country in general. On one hand, this study reveals the internal composition of this class, its components, the business sectors they dealt with, the sources of their wealth and their paths of development, whereas on the other hand, it presents the role that this social class played in the 1920’s by focusing on their economic and political organizations, their demands and concerns, their ideology and political affiliations and finally on their relationship with the political power
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Olofsson, Sven. "Till ömsesidig nytta : Entreprenörer, framgång och sociala relationer i centrala Jämtland ca. 1810-1850." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-158684.
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The aim of this thesis is to analyse the mutual impact which social relations and entrepreneurship had in relation to the success of four actors in a rural area in northern Sweden at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Many Swedish scholars have studied the process of social differentiation, before the industrial revolution. However, we still know very little about the forces behind this process, why some peasant households became more successful than others, especially during the first half of the nineteenth century when the economic differences were increasing. To grasp this process, the notion of social position has been used as a tool to grade the population on a scale from low- to high-ranked households in an economic and political sense. The fact that households were more or less successful turns our attention to the ability among individuals and households to change their social position. A theoretical concept chosen to investigate such change is the notion of entrepreneur, which implies a focus on the actor working for personal profit in a changing economic world. The main question has been how important social relations connected to entrepreneurship are in order to promote success among peasant households in the pre-industrial society. The empirical investigation has been conducted on two different levels. The first level is a structural study analysing the physical landscape of the court district of Rödön, the economic stratification and the political activity of the population in the area and, finally, their economic behaviours as peasants and rural businessmen. The second is a qualitative study emphasising on four individual actors: the businessman Per Wikström in the town of Östersund and three of the most successful peasant households in the region. The four case studies reveal that the rural elite had a pragmatic and dynamic approach to choosing social relations outside the family. Many acquaintances grew persistent and embedded in family or kinship relations, whereas others were short-lived or sacrificed for a calculated economic gain.
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Curry, Sarah M. "Bureaucracy, banking, and business the effects of nativism and politico-institutional environment on immigrant entrepreneurs and gatekeepers in Northern Virginia /." Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/3219.
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Thesis (M.A,)--George Mason University, 2008.<br>Vita: p. 157. Thesis director: David Haines. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Anthropology. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Aug. 28, 2008). Includes bibliographical references (p. 149-156). Also issued in print.
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Mikulova, Kristina. "'Missionary zeal of recent converts' : norms and norm entrepreneurs in the foreign policy of the Czech Republic, Poland and Slovakia 1989-2011." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c00b71d7-c54c-44e5-9368-293226d6e62e.
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The following dissertation discusses the role of norms and norm entrepreneurs in the foreign policy-making of the Czech Republic, Poland and Bratislava after the downfall of communism. In at attempt to unpack the mechanics and appliance of “soft power” in foreign policy practice in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe, it identifies conditions and analyzes processes via which norms come to play the role of intermediary variable in the articulation and enactment of national interest. Capitalizing on the agency-oriented strand of norm diffusion theory in international relations and discursive institutionalism scholarship in comparative politics, the dissertation argues that normative frameworks advocated by value-bound networks of so-called norm entrepreneurs can play a regulative function in foreign policy-making by setting boundaries for discourse and sustaining logics of appropriateness that constrain the pool of available foreign policy choices at critical junctures. In the first part, “the mission and conversion” (1989-1999), the dissertation focuses on the early stages of norm emergence and habituation in the three states in the 1990s, asserting that ideational influence incurred by American “missionaries” on Czech, Polish and Slovak “converts” to democracy via a range of socialization processes related to NATO enlargement and Western democracy promotion efforts in the region gave rise to norm entrepreneur groups bound by a shared commitment to a normative framework dubbed “dissident geopolitics”. In part two, “the zeal”, the dissertation concentrates on the later stages of norm internalisation, demonstrated by norm enforcement in foreign policy. Using case studies of Czech, Polish and Slovak foreign policy during the Iraq War (2002-2003), the Orange Revolution in Ukraine (2004-2005) and the Russia Reset (2009-2011), the dissertation shows how sustained advocacy by norm entrepreneurs with or without structural power, who skillfully use framing to push their normative agendas in discursive competition with other norm entrepreneurs, factors “dissident geopolitics” in the decision-making process that produces activist and value-laden foreign policy outcomes that might not have been expected of “weak” states. Ultimately, the dissertation argues that dominant norms and norm entrepreneur networks can thrive in transition settings when they are less disputed, but they tend to lose coherence and unity, respectively, as the foreign policy landscape diversifies upon completion of democratic consolidation.
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Troiano, Mariele. "Os empresários no Congresso : a legitimação de interesses via audiências públicas." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2016. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/8599.
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Previous issue date: 2016-11-18<br>Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)<br>The present research aims to analyze the participation of entrepreneurs and their
representatives in the public hearings of the Deputies Chamber commissions from 2001 to
2010. The fact that the permanent committees possess decisive power over certain law
projects substantiates the importance of public hearings and the relevance participation of an
external agent in its composition. Out of 2,714 public hearings that happened during this
period, 91 of them debated law projects that held businessmen amongst its guests. The
research has concluded that the public hearings are efficient institutionalized ways of
intermediation of interests, in order that the entrepreneurs take a position in favor or against
the proposals, representing organizations and defending their own interests on their speeches.
Therefore, the public hearings have preserved from the constituent process of 1987-88 the
purpose of making consensus through conflicts of preferences. From the analysis of
stenographic notes, it has also been concluded that the influence of businessmen over a
certain project is directly related to the legitimization process of their own interests at the
plenary session. This fact means that, in order to have influence over decisive processes, the
entrepreneur needs not only legitimacy from the group/association to which one belongs but
also a political and partisan legitimacy, making it possible for their interests to be inserted into
the political agenda. This political and partisan legitimacy is based on the relationship
between the businessmen and the members of the Parliament who are part of the
commissions, and the authors of the proposals, besides also in the way the speeches are built
during public hearings.<br>Esta pesquisa visa analisar a participação dos empresários e seus representantes nas
audiências públicas das comissões da Câmara dos Deputados, no período de 2001-2010. O
fato das comissões permanentes possuírem poder terminativo sobre determinados projetos de
lei evidencia a importância das audiências públicas e a relevância da participação de um ator
externo em sua composição. Do total de 2.714 audiências públicas que ocorreram nesse
período, 91 delas debateram projetos de lei que continham empresários entre seus convidados.
A pesquisa concluiu que as audiências públicas são canais institucionalizados e efetivos de
intermediação de interesses, de modo que os empresários se posicionam ante as propostas,
representam entidades e defendem interesses em seus discursos. Dessa forma, a audiência
manteve do processo constituinte de 1987-88 o propósito de construir consensos por meio dos
conflitos de preferências. A partir da análise das notas taquigráficas, conclui-se também que a
influência de um empresário sobre determinado projeto está diretamente relacionada ao
processo de legitimação de seus interesses em plenário, ou seja, o empresário para ser
influente em processos decisórios precisa não só da legitimidade do grupo/associação a que
pertence, como também de uma legitimação política em ambiente institucional, tornando
possível a inserção de interesses na agenda política. Essa legitimidade política é construída a
partir da relação dos empresários com os parlamentares que compõem as comissões, com os
autores dos projetos de lei e na forma como os discursos em audiências públicas são
articulados.
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Bedborough, Sheena J. "Unprincipled careerists or enlightened entrepreneurs? : a study of the roles, identities and attitudes of the Scots MPs at Westminster, c.1754 - c.1784." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/22144.
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The Scots MPs of the eighteenth century have traditionally been portrayed in a negative light. In a century once noted for electoral corruption and the abuses of patronage, they were seen by contemporaries and later writers as among the worst examples of their kind: greedy, self-seeking, unprincipled ‘tools of administration’ whose votes could be bought with the offer of places and pensions. Lewis Namier’s seminal work exposing the cynical approach to politics of MPs generally, sparked a backlash which has produced a more balanced evaluation of English politics. Strangely, although Namier exonerated the Scots MPs from the worst of the charges against them, his less judgmental verdicts are found only sporadically in more recent writing, while the older viewpoint is still repeated by some historians. There is no modern study of the eighteenth-century Scots MPs, a situation which this research proposes to remedy, by examining the group of MPs who represented Scotland at Westminster between 1754 and 1784. It re-assesses the extent to which the original criticisms are merited, but also widens the scope by examining the contribution made by Scotland’s MPs, to British and Scottish political life in the later part of the eighteenth century. A study of the social make-up and the careers of this particular cohort provides the backdrop for the two main themes: the participation of Scots MPs in the legislative process, and their effectiveness as representatives of Scottish interests at Westminster. Existing biographical information has been supplemented by an examination of Parliamentary Papers, debates, and personal correspondence to enable further analysis of attitudes, in particular with regard to politics and political mores. The research explores issues of motivation, asking questions about allegiance, identity, perceptions of government, and how conflicts of interest were resolved, before presenting a conclusion which aims to offer a revised, broader, but more nuanced, assessment of this much-criticised group, based on more recent approaches to interpretation of the period.
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Kabwe, Kabaso. "Health Policy and Agenda Setting in Contemporary Zambia: the human resources for health strategic plan (2006-2010)." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4100.
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Masters in Public Administration - MPA<br>Agenda setting is about how some issues get onto the policy agenda for discussion and action why others do not. Drawing critically on the ―policy windows‖ approach of J.W Kingdon (2003) this dissertation will describe and explain the shifting of policy agendas in health with reference to human resources in Zambia between 2000 and 2006. This research explores how and why the issue of human resource shortages in health became prominent on the state‘s agenda in 2005.The research is a qualitative study and data was collected using both primary and secondary
sources of data across various stakeholders in the country. It tested the applicability of Kingdon‘s conceptual framework to a case study of Zambian health policy by analysing the degree to which agenda-formation is influenced by such factors as issue definition, the presence of policy alternatives, presidential support, interest group advocacy, media attention, political cycles, and public opinion. The general elections scheduled for the following year, coupled with media attention and strong public action contributed to the selection of the human resource crisis as an issue on the state‘s agenda for serious action. Furthermore, the slow progress on the attainment of the health related Millennium Development Goals and the poor performance of some donor funded programmes necessitated the state to act. Despite some weaknesses, Kingdon‘s multiple streams approach was found to be useful in explaining the agenda-setting of the Human Resources for Health Strategic Plan (2006-2010) in Zambia.
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Martins, Erika Moreira 1979. "Movimento "todos pela educação" : um projeto de nação para a educação brasileira." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/250813.
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Orientador: Nora Rut Krawczyk<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T18:05:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2013<br>Resumo: A pesquisa procurou, através da análise do Movimento "Todos Pela Educação" - TPE, apresentar elementos para a compreensão do processo de construção de um projeto hegemônico para a nação brasileira, em que a educação pública ocupa um papel estratégico. Em tal processo, privilegiamos a análise do lugar do empresariado no âmbito da formulação de políticas e da mobilização social. Buscamos compreender em que medida a atuação do TPE expressa uma nova configuração da esfera pública. Para tanto, analisamos seu significado como uma nova força que, ao inserir-se na arena de disputas políticas que conformam o atual cenário brasileiro, conjuga as demandas e propostas para educação provenientes do governo, iniciativa privada e outros setores da sociedade. Além disso, no decorrer da pesquisa, percebeu-se que o TPE conta com um maciço poder de comunicação, com um respaldo técnico que sustenta suas afirmações e propostas e com um alto grau de articulação com o Estado, representado em seus três poderes. Finalmente, a forma como o TPE foi estruturado - a partir de um pacto entre iniciativa privada, terceiro setor e governos - contribui para a ocultação dos conflitos entre classes e frações de classe, tornando mais complexa a compreensão da realidade, sobretudo no que se refere aos tênues limites entre o público e o privado - de modo a tornar também menos nítida a distinção entre os direitos sociais e os direitos individuais. As propostas desse grupo contribuem para sustentar a possibilidade de aliar práticas de mercado à justiça social, integrando e promovendo pactos por supostos interesses em comum entre as classes sociais.<br>Abstract: Through analyzing the "All for Education" Movement (TPE), this research presents the elements necessary to understanding the process of building a hegemonic project for the Brazilian nation in which public education occupies a strategic role. The analysis focuses on the business class's role in policy formulation and social mobilization. We examine the extent to which the actions and policies of the TPE create a new configuration of the public sphere. To this end, we analyze the TPE's significance as a new social force that combines public, private and popular demands and proposals for education as a means to become a central player in political disputes currently shaping Brazil. In the course of the research, we observed the TPE relying on powerful communication backed by solid technical support to advance its positions and proposals with a high degree of articulation within all three branches of the state's power. Finally, the form in which the TPE was structured - a pact between entrepreneurs, the service sector and the government - contributes to the blurring of class conflict and class divisions, making the understanding of reality more complex, especially regarding the tenuous line between the public and the private, and making the distinction between social rights and individual rights less clear. This group's proposals contribute to maintaining the possibility of aligning market practices with social justice as a means to integrate and promote agreements for supposed common interests between different social classes.<br>Mestrado<br>Ciencias Sociais na Educação<br>Mestra em Educação
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Borg, Per. "Systemskifte : En studie av tröghet vid fyra brytpunkter inom svensk välfärdspolitik." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Ekonomisk-historiska institutionen, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-255.
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The purpose of this dissertation is to describe, explain and understand how slowness appeared when some decisions were made in the area of welfare policy and how this slowness was eliminated. The study focuses on major changes. It is argued that such changes follow another logic than small gradual adjustments. Four breaking points have been selected for a deeper analysis: the pension policy decisions of 1913 and 1994 and the housing policy decisions of 1935 and 1992. These decisions led to the emergence of fundamentally new institutional structures concerning the relation between the central government and the citizens. The study shows that an established institutional structure within a welfare policy area generated mental constructs and decision rules that governed political decision-making. This governance resulted in slowness in the form of lengthy decision-making processes. The fundamental institutional structure was being altered only when the mental constructs were broken down. A common feature was that the decisions were first made when discontent with the prevailing order became so strong that it overwhelmed the fear of a new institutional structure. The general tendency was also to shape the fundamental changes in relation to the citizens so that the changes could be portrayed as small. The established mental constructs are the determining explanation for slowness. The interest organizations played a secondary role, as their interests are shaped in accordance with the mental constructs. Their resistance was declined at the same time when the mental constructs were broken down. The individuals – agents of change – that constantly worked for the change of system in reality appear to be significantly more interesting than hindering organization. Their influence showed a recurring pattern.
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Griffith, Kyle C. "The Unmaking of an Embargo: How Policy Entrepreneurs at the Individual, State, and National Levels are Creating New Paths for Policy Change in Modern United States-Cuba Relations." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2016. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2148.
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Throughout the Cold War antagonisms of the twentieth century, the United States (US) championed greater global economic cooperation and an embrace of free market principles to encourage economic growth. Post World War II, passage of the Bretton Woods Agreement institutionalized this political agenda effectively establishing the rules of global commerce. The result has been increased economic participation and trade liberalization. One of the last remaining vestiges of Cold War hostility and impediments to trade is the US economic embargo of Cuba, in place since 1960. Increasingly seen as a policy failure, the US has taken steps in the past two years to normalize relations with Cuba. At the same time, after extended conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq, economic recession, and political polarization over the last fifteen years the US finds itself in a position of ambiguity towards additional foreign commitments. American efforts to open Cuba to two-way commerce serve both national security and economic foreign policy agendas. For Cubans, removal of the embargo represents an opportunity for normal relations with the world’s largest economy and access to capital and markets that come with it. The purpose of this study is to test the theory political economy, which attempts to understand society through the intersection of economic, political, and social functions, using US-Cuba diplomacy as a case study (Yin, 2009). Working within a multiple streams framework, the investigator examined how economic policy is changed under politically ambiguous conditions through a series of 20 semi-structured qualitative interviews and content analysis of secondary data sources (Zahariadis, 2014). Specifically, the study explored the behavior of interested individuals from the US and Cuba, so-called policy entrepreneurs, and their influence on the policymaking process during an open policy window. Research results suggest that policy entrepreneurs operate at the individual, state, and national scales of society using a variety of symbols to create and broaden opportunities for policy change. Across all three levels, US and Cuban policy entrepreneur’s behavior is guided by the search for rationality in ambiguous times, but their agency is bounded by the institutionally determined parameters of what is legally and politically acceptable.
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Dias, Rodolfo Palazzo 1985. "Organização e posicionamento político dos bancos no governo Lula." [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281693.
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Orientador: Armando Boito Junior<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T11:15:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2012<br>Resumo: Realizamos uma pesquisa acerca da organização e do posicionamento político dos banqueiros no Brasil no período do governo Lula. Para a análise do processo organizacional dos banqueiros, estudamos a FEBRABAN, entidade nacional representativa dessa camada de empresários. Utilizamos nesse estudo principalmente fontes documentais da entidade e bibliografia sobre o tema. Para a identificação do posicionamento dos banqueiros fizemos a análise da declaração destes na mídia impressa, especificamente na "Folha de São Paulo" e no "Valor Econômico". Percebemos que os banqueiros construíram desde a década de 1960 uma forma de representação nacional associativa, marcada pelo estatuto jurídico civil. Essa forma associativa permite uma socialização nacional entre os membros dessa classe. Já o posicionamento dos banqueiros se mostrou favorável à política governamental que estava sendo implementada, mas com alguns pontos de conflito em assuntos específicos. Ainda sobre o posicionamento, conseguimos identificar um constrangimento por parte deles em defender uma política de juros altos; outras pautas reivindicativas com maior aceitação pública eram mais enfatizadas pelos banqueiros do que esta<br>Abstract: Our research is about the organization and the political position of bankers in Brazil during Lula's government. For the analysis of the organizational process of bankers, we studied FEBRABAN, the national representative body of this layer of entrepreneurs. For this study we use documentary sources of the entity and the literature about the subject. To identify the position of the bankers, we analyze the declaration of print media, specifically in "Folha de São Paulo" and "Valor Econômico". We find that the bankers built, since the 1960s, a form of national associative representation, marked by civil legal status. This form allows associative socialization among national members of this class. The position of bankers was favorable about the government policy that was being implemented, but with some trouble spots on specific issues. Still on the positioning, we can identify a constraint about defending a policy of high interest rates; other agendas with greater public acceptance were most emphasized by bankers<br>Mestrado<br>Ciencia Politica<br>Mestre em Ciência Política
46
Josse-Durand, Chloé. "Bâtir les mémoires locales, « pluraliser » le récit national : le musée communautaire au prisme des usages politiques de la mémoire et du patrimoine au Kenya et en Éthiopie." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BORD0252/document.
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Cette recherche aborde la scène politique de deux pays d’Afrique de l’Est (Éthiopie-Kenya) en s’appuyant sur une analyse des enjeux politiques inhérents à la mise en place d’institutions mémorielles telles que les musées, les mausolées et autres lieux de mémoires. Notre thèse est que ces musées sont à comprendre avant tout comme des espaces intermédiaires de négociation entre les groupes qui les portent, l’État qui les finance ou les autorise, et les organisations internationales qui soutiennent et influencent les projets patrimoniaux des gouvernements. Cette recherche se concentre ainsi sur deux études de cas : le musée Konso en Éthiopie et le musée-mausolée de Koitalel Samoei au Kenya. Ces institutions s’inscrivent dans des contextes politiques particuliers au début des années 2000, à savoir l’application effective du pluralisme politique au Kenya et le renforcement de l’autoritarisme en Éthiopie. Au Kenya, la négociation autour de l’interprétation du passé en termes politiques se fait au sein même du musée-mausolée dédié au héros Koitalel Samoei, tandis que le cas éthiopien souligne plutôt que les rapports de pouvoir sont restructurés ou réorganisés par la présence d’un premier musée ethnographique en région, le musée Konso.L’apparition de musées communautaires témoigne, au Kenya comme en Éthiopie, d’un retour de l’identité ethnique en politique, qui est à la fois brandie comme une bannière par les gouvernements, mais également utilisée comme une catégorie opératoire ou une ressource par des acteurs particuliers, qu’on appellera ici des « entrepreneurs de patrimoine ». Par l’usage d’un nouveau capital, le patrimoine et sa préservation, ces « entrepreneurs de patrimoine » s’imposent ainsi à la fois comme des « entrepreneurs de soi » au sens de Michel Foucault, mais également comme des « entrepreneurs du nous » en politique, occupant une position graduelle dans les négociations et les prises de décisions publiques. Dès lors, il faut décentrer le regard pour s’intéresser à ce que le musée fait au politique, et non plus seulement à ce que la politique fait des musées.En incluant également l’analyse des usages politiques de la mémoire étatiques et internationaux, ce travail cherche à renverser la perspective en adoptant une entrée microsociologique et ethnographique en science politique, étudiant les déterminants et les modalités de la reconstruction nationale du point de vue des musées communautaires. Cette approche « par le bas », articulée aux niveaux d’analyse macro (État, idéologie, cadre institutionnel) et micro (les institutions et acteurs du patrimoine, les élites politiques locales) invite ainsi à une réflexion plus générale sur la construction, la qualification et les perceptions des régimes politiques, entamant une réflexion sur la nature de l’État qui se dévoile à travers ces nouvelles politiques mémorielles et patrimoniales, ainsi que sur le rôle joué par ces nouveaux « entrepreneurs de patrimoine » dans la reconfiguration de la compétition politique<br>This dissertation aims at understanding the political scene in two East African countries – Ethiopia and Kenya – by analysing the political dynamics surrounding the creation of memorial institutions such as museums, mausoleums and other memory spaces. I argue that these institutions must be first and foremost understood as intermediary spaces of negotiation between groups that are supporting them; the State that is financing and / or authorising them; as well as international organisations that are assisting and influencing the countries’ patrimonial policies. The two case studies of this research - the Konso Museum in Ethiopia and the museum-mausoleum of Koitalel Samoei in Kenya – are institutions that relate to specific political context: in Kenya, where political pluralism has been effectively accepted in the 2000s, the negotiation surrounding the political interpretation of the past takes place within the mausoleum-museum. In Ethiopia, where authoritarianism has been reinvigorated, local power relations are structured and reorganised by the presence of the South region’s first ethnographic museum.Both in Kenya and Ethiopia, the contemporary emergence of community museums illustrates the growing salience of ethnic identities in the political sphere – used as a resource and category of action both by the State and “patrimonial entrepreneurs”. By using a new kind of capital – heritage and its conservation – the latter strengthen their position both as “self entrepreneurs” (in the sense of Michel Foucault) and “we-entrepreneurs”, occupying an intermediary position in negotiations and public decision-making. Thus, we must look not only at what politics do to museums but also how museums do impact on political dynamics.In my research, through the study of community museums, I analyse the political uses of State and international memories, thus aiming at understanding the determinants and modalities of nation (re)building. I have adopted a microsociological and ethnographic approach within the framework political science. This “bottom-up” approach, articulated with macro levels of analysis (the State, ideologies and institutions) as well as micro levels (institutions and actors of heritage, local political elite) leads my argumentation to a larger debate on construction, qualification and perceptions of political regimes, the nature of the State as well as the role played by these new “patrimonial entrepreneurs” in the reconfiguration of political competition
47
Ferrándiz, Molina Julia. "Caracterización del emprendimiento agrario en España y análisis de su ecosistema. Identificación de retos y oportunidades." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Politècnica de València, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10251/171598.
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[ES] La agricultura española se encuentra en un momento estratégico para convertirse en un sector que lidere el desarrollo hacia un nuevo modelo socioeconómico más emprendedor y sostenible.
Esta tesis trata de ser una aproximación al entendimiento del fenómeno del emprendimiento agrario, pese a que todavía es un campo de estudio joven, con el objetivo de fomentarlo. Para ello, se ha realizado una triangulación de metodologías cualitativas y cuantitativas que analizan de manera integral la complejidad del fenómeno emprendedor en este contexto; desde la propia figura del emprendedor, las características de la empresa y el ecosistema que los engloba.
Los resultados indican que existen acciones de mejora en cuanto a la autopercepción de los emprendedores agrarios, su formación empresarial y las redes que tienen con otros emprendedores, así como potenciar sus valores positivos hacia el emprendimiento. En cuanto a los componentes del ecosistema, es importante facilitar el acceso al mercado, a través de la financiación y mitigando los problemas estructurales y regulativos del sector, así como el éxodo rural puede tener un impacto para la retención de recursos necesarios. La innovación en nuevos productos con mayor valor añadido y la incorporación de nuevas tecnologías son claves para mejorar las iniciativas emprendedoras agrarias.<br>[CA] La agricultura espanyola es troba en un moment estratègic per convertir-se en un sector que lidere un desenvolupament a un nou model socioeconòmic més emprenedor i sostenible.
Aquesta tesi tracta de ser una aproximació a l'enteniment del fenòmen de l'emprendiment agrari, encara que es tracta d'un camp d'estudi jove, amb l'objectiu de fomentar-lo. Per a aquesta finalitat, s'ha realitzat una triangulació de metodologies qualitatives i quantitativas que analitzen integralment la complexitat del fenòmen emprenedor en aquest context; des de la pròpia figura de l'emprenedor, les característiques de l'empresa i l'ecosistema que els engloba.
Els resultats indiquen que hi ha accions de millora en quan a l'autopercepció dels emprenedors agraris, la seua formació empresarial i les nexes que tenen amb altres emprenedors, així com potenciar els seus valors positius cap a l'emprenedoria. En quant als components de l'ecosistema, és important facilitar l'accés al mercat, mitjançant el finançament i mitigant els problemes estructurals i regulatius del sector, així com l'èxit rural, que pot tenir un impacte en la retenció de recursos necessaris. La innovació en nous productes amb major valor afegit i la incorporació de noves tecnologies son clau per millorar les iniciatives emprenedores agràries.<br>[EN] Spanish agriculture has a opportunity to become a strategic sector to foster a new, more entrepreneurial and sustainable socio-economic model.
This research aims to approach agricultural entrepreneurship phenomenon with the aim of promoting it, despite the fact that it is still a young field of study, to this end, qualitative and quantitative methodologies triangulation has been made in order to comprehensively analyse the complexity of the entrepreneurial process in this context; from the figure of the entrepreneur, the company characteristics and the ecosystem that encompasses them.
The results indicate that there are actions for improvement regarding the self-perception of agricultural entrepreneurs, their business training and their networks with other entrepreneurs, as well as enhancing their positive values towards entrepreneurship. Regarding the ecosystem components, it is important to facilitate market access, through financing and mitigating the structural and regulatory problems of the sector, as well as the rural exodus, due to necessary resource retention. Innovation in new products with greater added value and new technologies incorporation is key to improving agricultural entrepreneurial initiatives.<br>Ferrándiz Molina, J. (2021). Caracterización del emprendimiento agrario en España y análisis de su ecosistema. Identificación de retos y oportunidades [Tesis doctoral]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/171598<br>TESIS
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Troiano, Mariele. "As associações empresariais e o processo constituinte de 1987- 88." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2012. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/1008.
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Previous issue date: 2012-03-01<br>Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais<br>This research aims to understand how interests of the entrepreneurs class were represented in the constituent process of 1987-88, through the mapping of the actors involved, they parliamentary or not. As analytical approach, we start from the general idea that Federation of Industries of São Paulo State (FIESP) is an institutionalized organization and relevant activity in the Brazilian political and economic framework since its inception, including the constitutional process, the only federation, representing the entrepreneurs class was invited to a public hearing on the National Constituent Assembly. In analyzing the performance of entrepreneurs class in decision-making arena at the Constituent Assembly, noticed a proliferation of representative associations, which can be understood as a result of ineffective representation of FIESP. Through explanations of path dependency is possible to observe the maintenance of historical legacies of the organization, based on the corporatist system, as the main factor of its incapacity to represent. Based in the actions of the political actors that are involved, we can deduce that the entrepreneurs didn t have an effective representation at the constituent process. The actors actions could be comprehended as distinct products of the corporativist system that use to interfere in the way of the acting justified by the absence of a balance between the fundamental business characteristic of ANC and their methods. As methodology, was used minutes of the National Congress, literature review and press materials available at the Senate s site.<br>Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo principal compreender como foram representados os interesses empresariais no processo constituinte de 1987-88, por meio do mapeamento dos atores envolvidos, sejam eles parlamentares ou não. Como recorte analítico, parte-se da ideia geral de que a Federação das Indústrias do Estado de São Paulo (FIESP) é uma organização institucionalizada e de atuação relevante no quadro político e econômico brasileiro desde o seu surgimento, inclusive no processo constituinte, quando foi à única federação representante da classe empresarial convidada a uma audiência pública na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte. Ao analisar a atuação do empresariado na arena decisória da Constituinte, encontrou-se uma proliferação de entidades representativas, que pode ser compreendia como resultante de uma representação não efetiva da FIESP. Por meio de explicações de path dependency é possível notar a manutenção de legados históricos da organização, baseados no sistema corporativista, como a principal responsável de sua incapacidade representativa. Com base nas ações dos atores políticos analisados, é também possível concluir que o empresariado não teve uma representação efetiva no processo constituinte. As atuações de Albano Franco e Mário Amato podem ser compreendidas como produtos distintos do sistema corporativista, justificadas pela ausência de um equilíbrio entre as características fundamentais da ANC de negociação e articulação. Como metodologia, foram utilizadas atas da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte, análise bibliográfica e material de imprensa disponível no site do Senado Federal.
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Alaimo, Angela. "Il territorio preso nella rete. La delocalizzazione veneta in Tunisia." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Padova, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11577/3423212.
Full textAbstract:
This research analyses the impact of the North-East Italian Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) internationalization onto Tunisian territory, considering local and external agents, relations at different scales, contradictory logics, as well as discourses and practices which are part of the process. Tunisia is considered as a privilege gate toward South Mediterranean countries.
The starting point of this analysis is the North-East model based on the proximity of productive enterprises of the same sector and on close and embedded local nets. Thanks to delocalization these local nets grow longer towards exterior locations. The long nets, reaching new territories, trigger the multiplication of short-range relationships. In this way a real interconnected circular productive territory appears, and it’s possible to trace its new variable geometry.
Entrepreneurs, moving from Veneto, have brought their own culture of production to the new territory. This had engendered a territorial change that has also affected entrepreneurs. In considering these interactions my research focuses on the reconstruction of these transnational nets. The long networks incoming are stronger: they bring money, machinery, know-how and ideas and they take finished products in return. The relations, in these exchanges, are most of the time between Italian economic partners. At the local level the short networks involve also Tunisian partners but, at this level, the investments are refunded with low cost labor and infrastructures, low cost locations and tax exemption. Analysing the networks at regional scale, we find out that relations with Veneto are essential to maintain a dynamic activity.
This approach first identifies agents taking part in the process at different scales. Then it focuses on each location, considering the interactions as a complex system of power relationships where different territorialities struggle to impose their own vision and to realise their own projects. The price of this game is social, political and environmental and it’s paid at the local level where the process is going on.
This case study also aims at a better understanding of localized globalities and of the way development models, grounded in well localized contexts, which can be exported to distant regions.<br>La ricerca analizza i territori produttivi creati in Tunisia, in seguito all’insediamento di piccole e medie imprese (PMI) venete dei settori tradizionali del made in Italy. La scelta di questo caso di studio è innovativa, sia perché si legge il fenomeno a partire dal contesto di arrivo, la Tunisia, un paese poco studiato, sia perché ci si concentra sulle imprese di piccola e media taglia.
Il punto di partenza della riflessione è il modello sviluppatosi nel Nord Est. L’imprenditoria manifatturiera veneta si muove seguendo vantaggi comparativi che, nel caso della Tunisia, vengono costruiti su misura per attirare gli investimenti internazionali. Nei suoi spostamenti e nell’insediamento a breve o a lungo termine, l’imprenditoria veneta porta con sé un modello di riferimento, una cultura imprenditoriale, che modifica i territori che attraversa e si modifica nel contatto con essi. Considerando queste reciproche ibridazioni, la ricerca si concentra sulla territorialità, ovvero sulla specificità delle relazioni tra attori e territorio della produzione, tra attori e territori di contesto e sulle loro connessioni a territori “altri”, seguendo le rotte che si dispiegano lungo le reti globali.
L’internazionalizzazione dell'economia modifica il quadro della produzione industriale, stimolando lo sviluppo di nuove ricomposizioni. Per leggere la realtà dei nuovi territori della produzione è necessario, quindi, allargare l'orizzonte e osservare i processi a scala globale. Infatti, gli attori produttivi muovendosi da un contesto territoriale all'altro, coinvolgono territori a distanza variabile, infrangendo le frontiere della scala locale. Analizzare i processi di trasformazione territoriale implica, quindi, la considerazione dell’intreccio del fenomeno alle diverse scale (locale, regionale, nazionale e internazionale). La natura di questi flussi e di questi scambi è asimmetrica e ineguale e contribuisce a produrre il differenziale di sviluppo e a determinarne le direzioni, attraverso la nascita di nuove reti e la cessazione di precedenti. Non tutti gli spostamenti sono ugualmente possibili all’interno di questo territorio reticolare. Dipende dalla posizione dell’attore nella relazione di potere che determina la sua possibilità di azione e reazione. Ogni movimento infine, lo ricordiamo, crea connessioni locali che si rendono visibili in territori dove già sono presenti territorialità specifiche. È in questa prospettiva che le imprese organizzano e gerarchizzano flussi transnazionali, all’interno di territori produttivi dai contorni diffusi e sfumati, inseguendo vantaggi comparativi.
La geografia del potere ci aiuta a comprendere la natura di queste asimmetrie, perché ci permette di analizzare il sistema di produzione, considerato come un costrutto socio-culturale creato dalle rappresentazioni che i diversi attori in gioco costruiscono nell’interazione tra loro e con il territorio. Rappresentazioni che portano poi a costruire quadri dell’azione all’interno dei quali agire, secondo un sistema di regole frutto di imposizione, negoziazione e accordo. Si creano così meccanismi legislativi, regole politiche che diventano poi, nell’interazione, vere e proprie pratiche condivise. Il sistema produttivo così considerato non fa dunque circolare solo merci, lavoratori e beni di produzione, ma anche immagini e discorsi che contribuiscono a creare le rappresentazioni del fenomeno e quindi i fatti territoriali.
La storia della progressiva apertura della Tunisia alle imprese straniere è emblematica della creazione di un contesto economicamente sempre più favorevole agli investimenti esteri. La Tunisia, non particolarmente ricca di risorse naturali, ha centrato il proprio sviluppo sulle attività industriali e sul turismo ed ha saputo costruire la propria attrattività attraverso un programma di riforme finalizzate alla liberalizzazione dell’economia.
Il nostro caso di studio, dunque, va letto in una dimensione che attraversa trasversalmente i contesti. Al di fuori di questi, sarebbe difficile comprendere le ragioni di alcune scelte operate dallo Stato tunisino, che ne rivelano non solo l’importanza strategica dell’investimento internazionale per lo sviluppo produttivo del paese, ma anche la forte propensione ad entrare nell’area macro-regionale dell’Unione Europea.
Analizzando le territorialità in azione, possiamo dire che la delocalizzazione produttiva ha destrutturato il territorio tunisino, avendo introdotto dinamiche di potere asimmetriche che impongono uno sviluppo del territorio che non tiene conto delle territorialità preesistenti. Si tratta di un processo di territorializzazione esogena che trasforma diffusamente il territorio, ignorando i quadri storici e temporali coesistenti e preesistenti. Questo processo innesca cambiamenti profondi a livello economico, politico e sociale in tutti i territori implicati, dando origine a nuove forme di territorialità che possiamo definire inter-locali.
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FELICIANI, NICOLE. "ESSAYS ON SOCIAL BANKING." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/18683.
Full textAbstract:
Nel primo capitolo si propone una rassegna della letteratura di ambito economico e manageriale in tema di Responsabilità Sociale d’Impresa (RSI). Successivamente, si identificano le peculiarità degli attori operanti nel settore bancario etico. Infine, si comparano i risultati degli studi sul comportamento delle banche etiche con quelli disponibili sulle banche tradizionali.
Il secondo capitolo confronta le condizioni di rifinanziamento delle banche sociali con quelle delle banche standard, quando le prime dispongono di informazioni private sulla qualità dei clienti. Ciò comporta il noto problema dell’hold-up, che tuttavia può essere attenuato dai costi delle peculiari attività di selezione e monitoraggio delle banche etiche. Ne risulta che, indipendentemente dalla qualità del cliente, le banche standard potrebbero offrire condizioni di prestito più vantaggiose di quelle delle banche etiche.
Il terzo capitolo usa un modello spaziale per descrivere come le banche sociali e standard definiscono i loro tassi di interesse quando competono nel mercato dei depositi e dei prestiti. Come suggerisce l’evidenza empirica, i risparmiatori delle banche sociali sono disposti ad accettare tassi più bassi di quelli del mercato. Pertanto, si determinano le condizioni per cui ciò si verifica e si studia quando questo è compatibile con tassi più bassi anche sui prestiti.<br>In the first chapter, we begin with a survey on Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) in economics, management and business literatures. Then we identify the peculiarities of the agents operating in the social banking sector. Thereafter, we compare and contrast the contributions focused on the behavior of social banks with those available on traditional lenders.
The second chapter compares the refinancing behavior of social banks with that of standard lenders when the former have inside information on the quality of the borrowers. This entails the renowned hold-up problem which, however, can be mitigated by the costs of the ethical screening and monitoring activities of social banks. As a result, standard banks may offer better loan contracts and attract high quality borrowers.
The third chapter proposes a spatial competition model to investigate how standard and social banks set their interest rates when they compete in the deposit and loan markets. As the empirical evidence suggests, social depositors are willing to accept returns lower than the market level. Therefore we determine under which conditions social banks pay deposit rates lower than those of standard banks and when this is compatible with lower rates also on loans.