Academic literature on the topic 'Political Epistemology'

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Journal articles on the topic "Political Epistemology"

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Friedman, Jeffrey. "Political Epistemology." Critical Review 26, no. 1-2 (April 3, 2014): i—xiv. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913811.2014.940778.

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Broncano, Fernando. "Sinopsis de "Conocimiento expropiado"." Quaderns de Filosofia 9, no. 2 (November 29, 2022): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/qfia.9.2.22951.

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Summary of Conocimiento expropiado Resumen: El libro Conocimiento expropiado trata varios de los temas nucleares de la epistemología política. Parte de la hipótesis de que en la interacción entre posiciones epistémicas y posiciones sociales se producen daños epistémicos que producen daños sociales. El marco teórico del libro es la epistemología de virtudes extendida a los aspectos sociales. Desde estos dos puntos de vista examino temas como la injusticia epistémica, las ignorancias estructurales, la opresión epistémica y las relaciones entre epistemología y orden social democrático. Abstract: The book Conocimiento expropiado deals with several of core issues of political epistemology. It starts from the hypothesis that in the interaction between epistemic positions and social positions epistemic certain harms are produced that amount to social harms. The theoretical framework of the book is virtue epistemology extended to social aspects. From these two points of view, I examine issues such as epistemic injustice, structural ignorances, epistemic oppression and, finally, the relations between epistemology and democratic social order. Palabras clave: Epistemología política, injusticia epistémica, epistemología y democracia. Keywords: Political epistemology, epistemic injustice, epistemology and democracy.
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Kervégan, Jean-François. "Hegel’s Political Epistemology." Hegel Bulletin 39, no. 1 (October 19, 2016): 45–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hgl.2016.34.

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AbstractThis article proposes an interpretation of Hegel’s famous maxim in the Preface of the Grundlinien: ‘What is rational is actual, and what is actual is rational’, not (as usual) as a politically conservative normative statement, but as an epistemological statement concerning the way in which philosophical discourse relates to reality. My aim is to take seriously Hegel’s claim that the purpose of philosophy is not to prescribe to the social world what it has to be but to define the mode through which it may be known.
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Althaus, Scott, Mark Bevir, Jeffrey Friedman, Hélène Landemore, Rogers Smith, and Susan Stokes. "Roundtable on Political Epistemology." Critical Review 26, no. 1-2 (April 3, 2014): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913811.2014.907026.

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Kuehn, Daniel. "Piketty and Political Epistemology." Critical Review 28, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 203–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913811.2016.1194592.

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Nwonka, Clive James. "Hunger as political epistemology." Studies in European Cinema 13, no. 2 (May 3, 2016): 134–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17411548.2016.1210300.

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Buchanan, Allen. "Political Liberalism and Social Epistemology." Philosophy Public Affairs 32, no. 2 (April 2004): 95–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1088-4963.2004.00008.x.

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Fowlkes, Diane. "Feminist Epistemology is political action." Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 7, no. 3 (1987): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.1987.9970490.

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Purwanto, Purwanto, and Mugi Harsono. "POLITICAL CONNECTION DALAM KAJIAN FILSAFAT ILMU." Nominal: Barometer Riset Akuntansi dan Manajemen 11, no. 2 (September 30, 2022): 322–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/nominal.v11i2.51700.

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Abstrak: Political connection dalam kajian filsafat ilmu. Tujuan dari tulisan ini adalah mengkaji aspek-aspek filosofis, yaitu aspek ontologi, epistemologi, dan aksiologi pada konstruk political connection yang telah menjadi perhatian ilmuwan di bidang manajemen keuangan dan akuntansi. Tulisan ini merupakan paper konseptual, menggunakan pendekatan survey literatur dengan memetakan penelitian sebelumya terkait political connection di artikel jurnal terindeks Scopus dan Google Scholar selama tiga dekade terakhir. Hasil penelitian ini menemukan konsekuensi dari political connection adalah nilai perusahaan, kinerja keuangan, kinerja nonkeuangan, masalah keagenan, kelangsungan hidup bisnis, pilihan auditor dan kualitas audit, lingkungan perusahaan dan strategi perusahaan. Tulisan ini mengusulkan skema model penelitian yang menunjukkan pengaruh political connection terhadap nilai perusahaan dimoderasi oleh ukuran perusahaan, umur perusahaan dan jenis perusahaan.Kata kunci : Filsafat ilmu, political connection, Ontologi, Epistemologi, AksiologiAbstract: Political connection in the study of philosophy of science. The purpose of this paper is to examine the philosophical aspects, namely: ontology, epistemology, and axiology on construct political relations that have been attention of scientists in the field of financial management and accounting. This paper is a conceptual paper, using a literature study approach by mapping previous research related to political relations in the article Scopus and Google Scholar indexed journals for the last three decades. The results of this study find the consequences of political connections are firm value, financial performance, non-financial performance, agency problems, business life choices, auditor choice and audit quality, corporate environment and corporate strategy. This paper proposes a research scheme that shows the effect of political relations on firm value moderated by firm size, firm age and type of firm.Keywords: Philosophy of science, political connections, Ontology, Epistemology, Axiology
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Carlson, J. "POLITICAL JUSTIFICATIONISM: A CASUISTIC EPISTEMOLOGY OF POLITICAL DISAGREEMENT." Trames. Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences 24, no. 3 (2020): 339. http://dx.doi.org/10.3176/tr.2020.3.05.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political Epistemology"

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Shomali, Alireza. "The project of political epistemology, politics and the criteria of truth /." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU0NWQmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=3739.

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Gilman, Todd Nathaniel. "Communicative Action as Feminist Epistemology." PDXScholar, 1995. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4906.

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This thesis proposes that feminist social and political theory adopt the epistemology inherent in Jurgen Habermas's communicative ethics in order to more coherently work toward the goal of freeing individuals from social oppression. This thesis first examines the fundamental differences that exist between the particular claims for knowledge made by the three major schools of feminist theory; the empirical feminists, the standpoint feminists, and those allied with postmodernism. After illuminating the specifics of these feminist claims, the conception of knowledge central to Habermas's thought is explored and shown to be split into three distinct realms; the objective, the social, and the subjective. It is shown that the three realms of Habermas's knowledge account for the underlying claims of the differing groups of feminist theory, and provide a basis for reconciling the differences between them. Habermas's objective realm of knowledge corresponds to the concerns of empirically oriented feminists. A need for an accurate description of the events and conditions of the actual world is shared by both, as is a trust in the human potential for grasping these objects and events accurately. Standpoint feminism's concern for interpersonal relations, accounting for the context of an individual's or group's existence, is reflected in the type of knowledge that Habermas considers social in nature. Habermas's conception of our capacity for social knowledge, which guides our actions with other human beings, is shown to be dependent upon both social existence and communication. Finally, Habermas acknowledges the human potential for critical knowledge to explain the individual's ability to differentiate herself from the group, a task which a postmodern feminism demands to avoid essentializing any aspect of women. If feminist theory is able to move beyond the entrenched differences that it now finds itself locked within, perhaps then it will be able to continue with the project shared with Habermas, that of providing a meaningful emancipation for human beings.
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Godber, Amelia. "Towards an epistemology of propaganda." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, EHESS, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024EHES0028.

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La plupart d'entre nous avons une compréhension notionnelle de ce qu'est la propagande, mais c'est un concept contesté. Il n'y a pas de consensus sur son étendue - l'ensemble des choses auxquelles le terme s'applique - donc il y a un problème de démarcation : qu'est-ce que la propagande et qu'est-ce qui ne l'est pas ? Ce projet tente de répondre à la question en se concentrant sur le rôle de la propagande dans la formation des croyances politiques. Je propose une interprétation épistémologique de la propagande qui clarifie le concept comme étant central dans le discours public, et qui repose sur une combinaison de moyens persuasifs qui n'impliquent pas suffisamment les capacités délibératives de son audience. J'articule une typologie de stratégies rhétoriques qui inclut la persuasion non rationnelle, irrationnelle et rationnelle manipulatrice, et je propose que la propagande implique une combinaison de moyens persuasifs non rationnels et soit irrationnels soit rationnels manipulateurs. Comme ces moyens subvertissent les processus rationnels, je soutiens que le phénomène est mieux compris comme une pratique illégitime et que, étant donné sa nature essentiellement trompeuse, il va nécessairement à l'encontre des intérêts épistémiques de son audience. Le concept vise à décrire un ensemble de tactiques politiques connues qui sont conformes à l'utilisation existante du terme, et à expliquer ce qui les rend efficaces. Le concept a des applications pratiques et théoriques qui contribuent à faire progresser la réflexion actuelle sur la propagande et des phénomènes connexes. En termes d’application pratique, le concept peut être opérationnalisé comme un outil qui détecte la propagande dans le discours public à grande échelle et en temps réel en utilisant la technologie de l'intelligence artificielle des grands modèles de langage. En termes d’applications théoriques, à partir du cadre du projet émerge une taxonomie des diverses contributions au discours public : il aide à circonscrire un concept de la contrepartie légitime de la propagande - le type de persuasion politique qui est le fondement d'une démocratie saine - et cela aide à mieux appréhender les concepts adjacents de fake news et de théories du complot, que je suggère être des variétés de la propagande. Une compréhension approfondie du fonctionnement de ces tactiques et de la nature de la menace qu'elles représentent nous dote des outils nécessaires pour les désamorcer et les affronter de manière plus efficace
Most of us have a notional understanding of what propaganda is, but it is a contested concept. There is no consensus on its extension — the set of things to which the term applies — so it has a demarcation problem: what is propaganda and what is not? This project attempts to answer the question by focusing on propaganda’s role in generating beliefs about politics. I put forward an epistemological interpretation of propaganda that clarifies the concept as one that is central to public discourse, and which turns on a combination of persuasive means that insufficiently engage respondents’ deliberative capacities. I articulate a typology of rhetorical strategies that includes non-rational, irrational and rational manipulative persuasion, and suggest that propaganda involves a combination of non-rational and either irrational or rational manipulative persuasive means. As these means subvert rational processes, I claim that the phenomenon is best understood as an illegitimate practice and that given its essentially deceptive nature, it necessarily runs counter to respondents’ epistemic interests. The concept aims to describe a set of familiar political tactics that agree with existing usage of the term, and explain what makes them effective. It has practical and theoretical applications that contribute to advancing current thinking about propaganda and related phenomena. In terms of the former, the concept can be operationalised as a tool that detects propaganda in public discourse at scale and in real time by harnessing large language model artificial intelligence technology. In terms of the latter, from the project’s theoretical framework emerges a taxonomy of various contributions to public discourse: it helps circumscribe a concept of propaganda’s legitimate counterpart, the type of political persuasion that is the bedrock of a healthy democracy, and it helps come to grips with adjacent concepts of fake news and conspiracy theories, which I suggest are varieties of propaganda. With a clear understanding of how these tactics work and the nature of the threat they pose, we are better equipped to disarm and defy them
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Ryg, Matthew A. "Toward Better Knowledge: A Social Epistemology of Pragmatic Nonviolence." OpenSIUC, 2015. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/1034.

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The dissertation takes as its central problem the priority and value of nonviolent and pragmatic social epistemology. Many concede the desirability of nonviolent problem solving, but quickly and unreflectively assent to violence when the imagination fails to procure viable alternatives. Moreover, the kind and quality of knowledge gained through the use of nonviolence, it is argued, is far superior to the kind and quality of knowledge gained through the use of violence. This dissertation attempts to settle the discussion of the priority and value of nonviolence as a social epistemology by arguing for, and ultimately proving with the use of rationale and empirical evidence, that pragmatic nonviolence has more social-epistemological and/or value as knowledge than the available violent alternatives. Neither modern nor post-modern violence are able to produce knowledge with quite the same staying power, lasting effects, and high quality than that which is generated through what I call "pragmatic nonviolence." Traditionally, for a variety of biased reasons, classical American pragmatism has not taken a stand for either philosophical or methodological nonviolence. This unfortunate situation will, I hope, change with the argument in this dissertation. The issue of whether or not the social-epistemological value of pragmatic nonviolence, as a philosophical movement, has the potential to steer the course of contemporary social, political, and moral pragmatism into the 21st century, has largely been settled. The discussion and analysis offered in chapter one focuses primarily on the logic of domination, violent knowing, and violent realism. Historical context is provided to situate the central problems, compare sources of knowledge, and explore the relationship between violence and knowledge. The views of Sun Tzu, Carl von Clausewitz, The United States Military Academy, Wendy Hamblet, Crispin Sartwell, Judith Bradford, and Aaron Fortune receive primary attention in chapter one. Chapter two focuses primarily on the development of a radically empirical social epistemology and theory of concept formation. I examine the roots of social epistemology and describe the problem of learning theory and concept formation through notions of habit, conduct, and struggle. The views of John Dewey, Paulo Freire, and Leonard Harris receive attention in this section of chapter two. I conclude this chapter by outlining concepts of peace and social justice as they demonstrate how social knowledge is created pragmatically. The views of Martin Luther King, Jr., Duane Cady, and Steven Lee receive attention in the latter section of chapter two. The analysis offered in chapter three centers on what I claim generates better knowledge: pragmatic nonviolence. The first section of chapter three describes the kind of normative epistemology I advocate and how pragmatic nonviolence offers qualitatively better knowledge than the alternatives. The views of C.S. Peirce, John Dewey, and Edgar Sheffield Brightman are considered in this section. The second section details the extent and value of uniting pragmatism and nonviolence, the need for a distinctly pragmatic conception of nonviolence, prophetic pragmatism, and American personalism. The views of Mohandas Gandhi, Martin Luther King, Jr., Cornel West, and Randall Auxier are treated in this part. The third and fourth sections of chapter three applies the theories advanced in previous sections and chapters to demonstrate how pragmatic nonviolence generates better knowledge. The views of Myles Horton and Bob Moses are considered at length.
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Smith, Michael Jaeger. "Imagination, Authority, and Community in Spinoza's Theological-Political Treatise." Thesis, Boston College, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104049.

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Thesis advisor: Jean-Luc Solère
The purpose of my dissertation is to explore the relation of Spinoza's epistemology to his account of religion and politics in the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus (TTP). It has long been recognized that Spinoza considers revealed religion an instance of the first kind of knowledge (or imagination), but this has usually been taken as evidence of a reductive or esoteric critique of religion. Since the imagination, in Spinoza's view, plays an irreducible role in social life, I aim to show that religion can also constitute a potentially constructive force in promoting social solidarity. While Spinoza undoubtedly opposes religious fanaticism and superstition, he does so, not by rationally (or indirectly) undermining revealed religion as a whole, but by nourishing a socially salutary form of religion. This insight is valuable for understanding the unity of the TTP: why Spinoza wrote a theological-political treatise and not a treatise on the externally related topics of theology and politics. In Spinoza's view, I argue, it is only by promoting a religion of justice, charity, and hence genuine community that he can both oppose the despotic abuse of superstition and support democracy in his immediate socio-political milieu and beyond. In the first chapter, I examine Spinoza's assessment of religious images in terms of their ability to support or undermine social cohesion. While Spinoza notoriously decries the dangers of the imagination in the Ethics, he nonetheless reserves a central role for it in his account of religious and political communities. I interpret this in light of two intersecting historical trajectories. In Chapter 2, I provide a detailed account of the political, religious, and intellectual conditions of the Dutch republic during the seventeenth century, showing how Spinoza attempts to use religious images to address a crisis of national identity (a crisis shared, in his view, by all newly instituted states). In Chapter 3, I investigate the role that the imagination plays in certain medieval and reformation accounts of religious knowledge (those of Alfarabi, Maimonides, and Calvin), in order to show the extent to which Spinoza's epistemology of religion consists in a constructive synthesis of these sources. Spinoza concludes that revelation is a product of the imagination, and hence it cannot be a source of metaphysical or scientific knowledge, but that precisely for that reason it can and was always intended to serve as an inspiring moral guide. Chapter 4 provides a close analysis of Spinoza's own account of religious knowledge⎯focusing on revelation and scripture⎯in light of his understanding of the imagination. I argue that Spinoza attempts to reorient the imagination of his readers away from a miraculous understanding of prophecy as a product of transcendent divine intervention in order to embrace a view in which the prophets would act as imitable exemplars within a moral community. In Chapter 5, I maintain that this understanding of revelation forms the basis of Spinoza's approach to both hermeneutics and politics in the TTP. Spinoza uses the moral image of prophecy to oppose superstition and despotism by revitalizing the morally edifying and⎯in his view⎯democratic spirit of revelation and scripture. I conclude by emphasizing some of the ways in which Spinoza's approach might helpfully inform contemporary debates concerning secularization and the role of religion in the public sphere. In sum, I attempt to show that, by denying the metaphysical or scientific status of religious images, Spinoza does not intend to dispute or undermine their constructive potential; instead, he attempts to liberate them for their true purpose as he sees it: the moral edification of religious and political communities
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2014
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Philosophy
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Ahmedullah, Muhammad. "John Locke and Karl Popper on epistemology and politics : a study into the relationship between theory of knowledge and political theory." Thesis, University of Kent, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244342.

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Bailey, Richard. "Education in the open society : political, psychological and educational implications of Popper's selectionist epistemology." Thesis, University of Sunderland, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.337283.

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Bochenek, Nicholas S. "Knowing in the Face of Power." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1587379793812042.

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Wright, Jack. "Pluralism and social epistemology in economics." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/290423.

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Economics plays a significant role in decision-making in contemporary western societies, but its role is increasingly questioned. A recurring topic among the challenges raised by critics is that economics as a discipline lacks sufficient pluralism. That is, it fails to enable, encourage, and respect the use of different ontologies, methodologies, theories, and/or schools of thought to study economic reality. Has this been a productive critique? Does talk about pluralism help identify genuine problems in the discipline? Pluralism in economics could draw support from the current consensus in philosophy that pluralism in science is a good thing. I argue, however, that the claim that economic research is insufficiently pluralist is unlikely to convince economists who believe economics is already pluralist enough and that it does not offer unambiguous recommendations for change. This is because there are too many legitimate ways to interpret how pluralism maps to practice. There are numerous variables that pluralist ideals might focus on-the things that they seek multiple rather than one of-and different interpretations of how many of those variables economics has in practice. Yet, as I go on to argue, this does not mean that talk of pluralism is entirely beside the point, since the reasons pluralists offer for their ideals do help to identify genuine problems in economics. The social epistemic strategies that arguments for pluralism recommend point us to three concrete issues in the way economic research is organised: gender imbalances, a steep internal hierarchy, and a dismissive attitude to outsiders. I show that economic research could be more progressive, representative of the interests of those in society, accepted, and legitimate and less likely to fall into bias if the discipline alleviated its gender imbalances, if it were less hierarchical, and if it had a healthier relationship with outsiders. In chapter 1, I outline the debate about pluralism in economics and explain how my thesis utilises a novel approach to social epistemology to offer a way out of the impasse in which that the debate presently resides. In chapter 2, I explain the different philosophical arguments for pluralism in science and categorise them using the variables they focus on and the reasons they give for pluralism. In chapter 3, I argue that interpreting pluralism as a particular arrangement of variables for economics to attain does not lead to unambiguous recommendations for change because it leaves too much open. Yet, I go on to argue, in chapter 4, that drawing on the reasons for pluralism can provide a set of heuristics for piecemeal evaluations of the social epistemic practices in economics. In chapters 5, 6, and 7, I apply these heuristics to economics. I provide evidence that [a] women are outnumbered in economics and face an adverse environment in the discipline, that [b] economics is steeply hierarchical, and that [c] economists form an in-group that assumes superiority and frequently dismisses outside voices. I argue that these three features of economic research block avenues for productive forms of feedback (mechanisms that help to challenge, justify, and refine scientific knowledge), block the interests of certain perspectives being heard, and block public scrutiny of the decisions made by economists.
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Coyle, Douglas L. Beckwith Francis. "Nicholas Wolterstorff's Reformed epistemology and its challenge to Lockean and Rawlsian liberalism." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/4209.

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Books on the topic "Political Epistemology"

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Omodeo, Pietro Daniel. Political Epistemology. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-23120-0.

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Hannon, Michael, and Jeroen de Ridder, eds. The Routledge Handbook of Political Epistemology. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge handbooks in philosophy: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429326769.

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Bardin, Andrea. Epistemology and Political Philosophy in Gilbert Simondon. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-9831-0.

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1953-, Wise Sue, ed. Breaking out again: Feminist ontology and epistemology. 2nd ed. London: New York, 1993.

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Zhongguo zheng zhi ren shi lun: Chinese political epistemology. Beijing: Zhongguo she hui ke xue chu ban she, 2018.

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Justificatory liberalism: An essay on epistemology and political theory. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996.

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Rhodes, Rod A. W. Towards a postmodern public administration: Epoch, epistemology or narrative? San Domenico (Firenze): The Robert Schuman Centre at the European University Institute, 1995.

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Epistemology, fieldwork, and anthropology. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

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J, Falco Maria, ed. Feminism and epistemology: Approaches to research in women and politics. New York: Haworth Press, 1987.

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Foucault, Michel. Aesthetics, method, and epistemology. New York: New Press, 1997.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political Epistemology"

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Omodeo, Pietro Daniel. "Introduction: Science, Ideology, Praxis." In Political Epistemology, 1–11. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-23120-0_1.

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Omodeo, Pietro Daniel. "Towards a Political Epistemology: Positioning Science Studies." In Political Epistemology, 13–49. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-23120-0_2.

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Omodeo, Pietro Daniel. "The Logic of Science and Technology as a Developmental Tendency of Modernity." In Political Epistemology, 51–68. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-23120-0_3.

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Omodeo, Pietro Daniel. "On Both Sides of the Iron Curtain: The Marxist Struggle for Cultural Hegemony and HPS for a ‘Free Society’." In Political Epistemology, 69–95. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-23120-0_4.

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Omodeo, Pietro Daniel. "Socio-political History of Science: From Structures to Hegemonies." In Political Epistemology, 97–124. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-23120-0_5.

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Omodeo, Pietro Daniel. "Hegemony and Science: Epistemological and Historiographical Perspectives." In Political Epistemology, 125–46. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-23120-0_6.

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Omodeo, Pietro Daniel. "Concluding Remarks." In Political Epistemology, 147–55. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-23120-0_7.

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Zolo, Danilo. "Evaluation, Prescription, and Political Decision." In Reflexive Epistemology, 145–66. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-2415-4_7.

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Traldi, Oliver. "The epistemology of liberalism." In Political Beliefs, 155–60. New York: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003355274-21.

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Traldi, Oliver. "Political epistemology and history." In Political Beliefs, 213–24. New York: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003355274-28.

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Conference papers on the topic "Political Epistemology"

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Plamadeala, Ion. "The Cancel Culture in Western Academic Life." In Conferinta stiintifica nationala "Lecturi în memoriam acad. Silviu Berejan", Ediția 6. “Bogdan Petriceicu-Hasdeu” Institute of Romanian Philology, Republic of Moldova, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.52505/lecturi.2023.06.14.

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The article deals with the phenomenon of “cancel culture” which is gaining momentum in academic life and scientific research in Western universities, questioning its manifestations and consequences in terms of epistemology, freedom of expression and academic freedom. These are described and critically evaluated as an unprecedented form of intellectual and political totalitarianism exercised by militants of the reactionary „woke” ideology, by reactivating similar practices from the Soviet regime and the Chinese cultural revolution. The disastrous consequences of this phenomenon on members of the academic community and academic culture in general, which is undergoing a serious epistemic crisis, are revealed.
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López-Dinardi, Marcelo. "Eurocentric Legacies: The Institute for Architecture and Urban Studies and Delaying Change in Architecture in 1970s New York City." In 110th ACSA Annual Meeting Paper Proceedings. ACSA Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.am.110.53.

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This paper examines how the Institute for Architecture and Urban Studies (IAUS) that existed in New York City between 1967-1984, constructed a space that reinstated a Western epistemology for architecture and created an audience and discourse for an emerging architecture scene in a distressed New York through its events and media during the 1970s. Given their resonance, the paper positions current demands for change in architecture education and the profession concerning their equivalent in the late 1960s when the IAUS was founded. This paper will ask whether a change in architecture and non-Eurocentric educational models following the 1960s struggles and upheavals were delayed with the appearance and success of the IAUS in New York City. The paper argues, through a critical reading of their media apparatus (exhibitions, lectures, classes, journals, and books), notably the ambitious OPEN PLAN series, and their undeniable success, that the IAUS’s reinstated a Eurocentric legacy—delaying change, the reckoning of architecture’s role in racial, social, and political asymmetries, and advanced architectural disciplinary ideas’ marketization in an emerging neoliberal rationale. Finally, this paper discusses existing scholarly work around the IAUS and first-hand research from the IAUS’s collection archived at the Canadian Centre for Architecture in Montreal.
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Sjekavica Klepo, Mariela, Damir Butković, and Tomislav Rastovski. "Using the Framework Analysis to Identify Infrastructure Project Challenges and Opportunities." In 6th IPMA SENET Project Management Conference “Digital Transformation and Sustainable Development in Project Management”. International Project Management Association, IPMA Publications, and Faculty of Civil Engineering, University of Zagreb, Croatia, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5592/co/senet.2022.5.

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Infrastructure is one of the vital technical elements of our modern lives, with its wide scope of broad environmental, social and political impacts. Nevertheless, infrastructure projects are often prone to underachievement in budget, time, quality or goals. In order to find out the state of infrastructure project management in Croatia, as well as neighboring countries, the authors conducted research with the aim of detecting the most critical areas of infrastructure project management in the context of challenge and opportunity identification and connection. Systematic research steps were taken, based on the adoption of the framework analysis approach. 17 project management experts in the field of water, electricity, railway, road, port, gas, waste landfill, hospital, building and soft infrastructure participated in in-depth interviews. Their views on challenges, risks, opportunities and regional experience-sharing are discussed, the most significant concerning strategic planning, public procurement, project management competencies and public administration. On the basis of their answers and expert group engagement, a comprehensive framework for the transformation of infrastructure project challenges into opportunities is made. Finally, an applicable conclusion and recommendations for future research are given. The results of this research may be of service to project management experts, scholars and interested members of the public in the creation of epistemology on infrastructure projects and the maximization of their benefits.
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Sjekavica Klepo, Mariela, Damir Butković, and Tomislav Rastovski. "Using the Framework Analysis to Identify Infrastructure Project Challenges and Opportunities." In 6th IPMA SENET Project Management Conference “Digital Transformation and Sustainable Development in Project Management”. International Project Management Association, IPMA Publications, and Faculty of Civil Engineering, University of Zagreb, Croatia, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5592/ce/senet.2022.5.

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Abstract:
Infrastructure is one of the vital technical elements of our modern lives, with its wide scope of broad environmental, social and political impacts. Nevertheless, infrastructure projects are often prone to underachievement in budget, time, quality or goals. In order to find out the state of infrastructure project management in Croatia, as well as neighboring countries, the authors conducted research with the aim of detecting the most critical areas of infrastructure project management in the context of challenge and opportunity identification and connection. Systematic research steps were taken, based on the adoption of the framework analysis approach. 17 project management experts in the field of water, electricity, railway, road, port, gas, waste landfill, hospital, building and soft infrastructure participated in in-depth interviews. Their views on challenges, risks, opportunities and regional experience-sharing are discussed, the most significant concerning strategic planning, public procurement, project management competencies and public administration. On the basis of their answers and expert group engagement, a comprehensive framework for the transformation of infrastructure project challenges into opportunities is made. Finally, an applicable conclusion and recommendations for future research are given. The results of this research may be of service to project management experts, scholars and interested members of the public in the creation of epistemology on infrastructure projects and the maximization of their benefits.
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5

Vicini, Fabio. "GÜLEN’S RETHINKING OF ISLAMIC PATTERN AND ITS SOCIO-POLITICAL EFFECTS." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/gbfn9600.

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Over recent decades Islamic traditions have emerged in new forms in different parts of the Muslim world, interacting differently with secular and neo-liberal patterns of thought and action. In Turkey Fethullah Gülen’s community has been a powerful player in the national debate about the place of Islam in individual and collective life. Through emphasis on the im- portance of ‘secular education’ and a commitment to the defence of both democratic princi- ples and international human rights, Gülen has diffused a new and appealing version of how a ‘good Muslim’ should act in contemporary society. In particular he has defended the role of Islam in the formation of individuals as ethically-responsible moral subjects, a project that overlaps significantly with the ‘secular’ one of forming responsible citizens. Concomitantly, he has shifted the Sufi emphasis on self-discipline/self-denial towards an active, socially- oriented service of others – a form of religious effort that implies a strongly ‘secular’ faith in the human ability to make this world better. This paper looks at the lives of some members of the community to show how this pattern of conduct has affected them. They say that teaching and learning ‘secular’ scientific subjects, combined with total dedication to the project of the movement, constitute, for them, ways to accomplish Islamic deeds and come closer to God. This leads to a consideration of how such a rethinking of Islamic activism has influenced po- litical and sociological transition in Turkey, and a discussion of the potential contribution of the movement towards the development of a more human society in contemporary Europe. From the 1920s onwards, in the context offered by the decline and collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Islamic thinkers, associations and social movements have proliferated their efforts in order to suggest ways to live a good “Muslim life” under newly emerging conditions. Prior to this period, different generations of Muslim Reformers had already argued the compat- ibility of Islam with reason and “modernity”, claiming for the need to renew Islamic tradition recurring to ijtihad. Yet until the end of the XIX century, traditional educational systems, public forms of Islam and models of government had not been dismissed. Only with the dismantlement of the Empire and the constitution of national governments in its different regions, Islamic intellectuals had to face the problem of arranging new patterns of action for Muslim people. With the establishment of multiple nation-states in the so-called Middle East, Islamic intel- lectuals had to cope with secular conceptions about the subject and its place and space for action in society. They had to come to terms with the definitive affirmation of secularism and the consequent process of reconfiguration of local sensibilities, forms of social organisation, and modes of action. As a consequence of these processes, Islamic thinkers started to place emphasis over believers’ individual choice and responsibility both in maintaining an Islamic conduct daily and in realising the values of Islamic society. While under the Ottoman rule to be part of the Islamic ummah was considered an implicit consequence of being a subject of the empire. Not many scientific works have looked at contemporary forms of Islam from this perspective. Usually Islamic instances are considered the outcome of an enduring and unchanging tradition, which try to reproduce itself in opposition to outer-imposed secular practices. Rarely present-day forms of Islamic reasoning and practice have been considered as the result of a process of adjustment to new styles of governance under the modern state. Instead, I argue that new Islamic patterns of action depend on a history of practical and conceptual revision they undertake under different and locally specific versions of secularism. From this perspective I will deal with the specific case of Fethullah Gülen, the head of one of the most famous and influent “renewalist” Islamic movements of contemporary Turkey. From the 1980s this Islamic leader has been able to weave a powerful network of invisible social ties from which he gets both economic and cultural capital. Yet what interests me most in this paper, is that with his open-minded and moderate arguments, Gülen has inspired many people in Turkey to live Islam in a new way. Recurring to ijtihad and drawing from secular epistemology specific ideas about moral agency, he has proposed to a wide public a very at- tractive path for being “good Muslims” in their daily conduct. After an introductive explanation of the movement’s project and of the ideas on which it is based, my aim will be to focus on such a pattern of action. Particular attention will be dedi- cated to Gülen’s conception of a “good Muslim” as a morally-guided agent, because such a conception reveals underneath secular ideas on both responsibility and moral agency. These considerations will constitute the basis from which we can look at the transformation of Islam – and more generally of “the religion” – in the contemporary world. Then a part will be dedicated to defining the specificity of Gülen’s proposal, which will be compared with that of other Islamic revivalist movements in other contexts. Some common point between them will merge from this comparison. Both indeed use the concept of respon- sibility in order to push subjects to actively engage in reviving Islam. Yet, on the other hand, I will show how Gülen’s followers distinguish themselves by the fact their commitment pos- sesses a socially-oriented and reformist character. Finally I will consider the proximity of Gülen’s conceptualisation of moral agency with that the modern state has organised around the idea of “civic virtues”. I argue Gülen’s recall for taking responsibility of social moral decline is a way of charging his followers with a similar burden the modern state has charged its citizens. Thus I suggest the Islamic leader’s pro- posal can be seen as the tentative of supporting the modernity project by defining a new and specific space to Islam and religion into it. This proposal opens the possibility of new and interesting forms of interconnection between secular ideas of modernity and the so-called “Islamic” ones. At the same time I think it sheds a new light over contemporary “renewalist” movements, which can be considered a concrete proposal about how to realise, in a different background, modern forms of governance by reconsidering their moral basis.
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Macedo Calejo, Marta, and Graça Magalhães. "Design as a Critical Research." In Systems & Design: Beyond Processes and Thinking. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/ifdp.2016.3263.

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Historically the imaginary and the hegemonic thinking, in the Western North globe has been marked by the epistemology and capitalists archetypes. Notwithstanding the design as a practice and discipline seem shielded on a simplistic discourse of functional / communicative efficiency, wandering through multiple aestheticism apparently neutral in relation to the symbolic but in fact they never are because what really happens is that the aesthetic appearance of the generated forms will always be a review of the powers ruling. We start from understanding that the act of creating an aesthetic artefact will also be a movement of inscription in a discursive platform (that precedes it) thus being itself an narrative act and representing a positioning in relation to certain symbolic reality. On the presented reflection Design is seen as a discipline and / or an instrument of action, whose operational relevance tends to question and simultaneously rehearsing a response to not just the question why but also for what? Apparently Design is a content mediator, but also, it is structure, body and idea. We think design praxis as discipline and enrolment tool for critical thought and social transformation. For guiding research in this text, we propose the following question: Can Design form an engagement with the symbolic for them in order to be an active part in the production of critical thinking in the place where it belongs? Methodologically our argument will be present in two different moments: 1. first, exploratory nature where we rescue the draw issues in the practice of design and 2. second, analytical nature concerning the subject issues (graphic and / or utility ) of design and how it incorporates formal rites, political events and social practices of contemporary everyday life. We consider the praxis of design as a discipline and critical thinking enrolment tool as agents of social transformation. With this study we seek to contribute to design’s phenomenology by studying the artefacts of configuration as well as the possible messages they convey and what impact they may have on the social network.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/IFDP.2016.3263
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Reports on the topic "Political Epistemology"

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Teixeira, Mariana. Vulnerability: A Critical Tool for Conviviality-Inequality Studies. Maria Sibylla Merian Centre Conviviality-Inequality in Latin America, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46877/teixeira.2022.44.

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The aim of this working paper is to foster the concept of “vulnerability” as a critical tool for social theory in general and conviviality-inequality studies in particular. First, to clarify the concept, an analytical distinction is established between vulnerability as either an experiential structure shared by all persons (constitutive vulnerability) or as historical social injustice that detrimentally impacts some more than others (contingent vulnerability). The paper then explores the contrast between approaches to epistemic injustice theory and standpoint epistemology as two opposing views with regard to the political and epistemic potential of vulnerability. From this contrast, finally, a critique of one-sided conceptions shows us that, for vulnerability to have a productive and critical use, it must be grasped as fraught with ambiguity, implying both a contingent risk of subjection and a constitutive opening to otherness. It is this ambiguity that makes vulnerability a useful conceptual tool for grasping conviviality as inextricably connected to inequality
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