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Bailey, J. W. "The political theology of Karl Barth for an ascendant American evangelicalism." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.596257.
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This dissertation contends that the dominant religious constituency in the United States, evangelical Christianity, needs a more adequate political theology to anchor its increasing political influence and responsibility in the public square. It notes that the theology of Karl Barth, broadly speaking, has had little direct influence among this constituency, and that Barth’s <i>political</i> theology has had even less so. It argues that a particular reading of Barth’s political theology offers important resources for evangelical participation in public life, and that it addresses key aspects of American evangelical identity in ways that are particularly distinctive, fitting, and generative. Working from David Bebbington’s broadly-accepted typology for evangelical identity the first chapter draws on history and sociology to consider how these characteristics play out politically in an American evangelical context. It suggests, first, that American evangelical <i>activism</i> expresses itself as a markedly optimistic, but at times crusading, belief that Christians should work to see society significantly transformed to reflect the Kingdom of God; second, its <i>cruci-centrism</i> entails a larger soteriology by which the doctrine of election is uniquely taken up by the nation-state of America; third, its <i>conversionist </i>emphasis leads to understandings of social and political influence that remain markedly individualistic versus social, ecclesial, or institutional in orientation, and, fourth, its <i>Biblicism</i> leads it to read scripture with a literalist hermeneutic than can often be arbitrary in application, as well as employed to underwrite a distinctly American geo-politics. Chapter two examines claims that a more Lutheran political theology might be necessary to correct the Puritan-rooted, crusading zeal that continues to characterise American evangelicals in the political realm. Chapter three considers the significant ways the Reformed doctrine of election has influenced America’s sense of exceptionalism, with a particular concern for how such a soteriological doctrine has been used historically to underwrite hubristic military interventions and the violation of human rights. This chapter presents Barth’s doctrine of election, with its universalistic implications, as a possible means to ‘myth modification’ in America. Chapter four focuses on American evangelicals’ tendency to view social change through a conversionist framework. This chapter draws on Barth’s occasional political writings, as well as his discussion of ethics in the <i>Church Dogmatics</i>, to suggest an account of political responsibility that is sympathetic to evangelical concerns while challenging its inadequacies. Chapter five concludes by addressing evangelicals’ concern to approach their theo-politics Biblically. The chapter argues that Barth offers a better way forward than the literalist and at times arbitrarily ‘Biblical’ geo-politics of evangelicals.
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Reader, Melvyn Howard. "The rise of Protestant #fundamentalism' in world politics : a case-study of Brazilian evangelicalism." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.242679.
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Melander, Veronica. "The Hour of God? : People in Guatemala Confronting Political Evangelicalism and Counterinsurgency (1976-1990)." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Svenska Institutet för Missionsforskning, 1999. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-742.
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This dissertation is focused on one of many aspects of religion and politics in Guatemala in recent history (1976-1990). This period is characterized by unequal wealth distribution, ethnic divisions, civil war, and U.S. influence. It is a contemporary mission history examining missionary efforts directed from the United States, Guatemalan responses, and indigenous initiatives. The problem concerns a movement within Protestant evangelicalism, which in this study is called Political Evangelicalism, and its relationship to the counterinsurgency war which the Guatemalan military waged against guerrillas, political opposition, and the Mayan majority. The problem centers on the following interrelated questions: How did Political Evangelicalism appear in Guatemala and how did it develop? How did agents of Political Evangelicalism act? What kind of discourse was employed to legitimize armed and structural violence? What was the relationship between Political Evangelicalism and counterinsurgency strategy? Political Evangelicalism must be reflected through different actors and aspects of Guatemalan conflicts to be understood. Therefore, Political Evangelicalism is placed in the broader context of the Guatemalan situation and its relation to the United States. This is a chronological study describing the role and development of Political Evangelicalism on three levels: the relationship between the United States and Guatemala; Guatemala on the national level; and an in-depth study of the Ixil people. The focal point is on the Guatemalan national level. A wide array of empirical material is employed, including interviews, unpublished documents, official documents, booklets, articles, and so on.
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McVicar, Michael Joseph. "Reconstructing America: Religion, American Conservatism, and the Political Theology of Rousas John Rushdoony." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1284987530.
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Foster, Ian Thomas. "Anglican Evangelicalism and politics, 1895-1906." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272583.
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Scisco, Logan Michael. "Vanguard of the Right: The Department of Education Battle, 1978-1979." TopSCHOLAR®, 2014. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/1364.
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Satisfying a campaign pledge to the National Education Association (NEA), President Jimmy Carter pushed for a federal Department of Education in 1978 and 1979. In the ensuing legislative battle, Carter confronted opposition from states’ rights, social, and religious conservatives that were beginning to form the nucleus of the New Right in the Republican Party. Using divisive racial and religious issues, these conservatives tried, and failed, to thwart the Department of Education project. Congressional testimony, the Carter administration’s internal documents, and newspaper editorials illustrate that the Department of Education battle foreshadowed the Reagan Revolution of 1980.
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Lloyd, Rustin. "The Politics of the Righteous: A Religious and Political History of Conservative Neo-Evangelicals in Central Florida." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/5816.
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In 1953 a small, seemingly insignificant, church was founded in Winter Park, Florida. By the early 1970s, Calvary Assembly of God, a church that had started with a dirt floor, was declared one of the fastest growing churches in America with membership easily reaching over several thousands. In the late 1970s and 1980s, it became a major religious and political force in central Florida so much so that it had received visits from then presidential hopefuls Pat Robertson and Vice President George Bush. The changes that took place at Calvary Assembly, both politically and religiously, provided a microcosm of the rest of the nation, while at the same time, these changes made Calvary a leader within the charismatic neo-evangelical subculture. The incredible growth of Calvary Assembly is part of a larger narrative on the expansion of neo-evangelicalism, and more specifically, the charismatic movement in the 1970s and 1980s, as well as, the growth of central Florida. As a result of their growth Calvary was able to launch, and participate in, many programs on both the local and national level. Religious orthodoxies seeped into the political and social thought of those at Calvary, which influenced, and helped to explain, how the church became politically active. Part I examines the growth of Calvary within the context of the growth of Central Florida and the growth of the charismatic movement, This section will include the founding of Charisma magazine, major national events such as the Jesus Festivals, and the impact of charismatic revivalists. The impact of Calvary on the local community is another part of the story. Part II addresses the political bloc Calvary produced in central Florida. The church participated in and influenced national rallies such as “Washington for Jesus.” It shared its political views with central Florida through bulletins like Insight, which addressed moral issues like pornography, homosexuality, education and abortion. Calvary also used events like Freedom Celebration, and articles in Charisma to promote its views on American freedom. As a result local and national politicians and political groups recognized Calvary Assembly as a political powerhouse. Another part of the story is that Calvary and central Florida represented the local side of a national story on evangelicalism and national politics.<br>M.A.<br>Masters<br>History<br>Arts and Humanities<br>History; Public History
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Gasaway, Brantley W. Ariel Yaakov S. "An alternative soul of politics the rise of contemporary progressive evangelicalism /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1578.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.<br>Title from electronic title page (viewed Sep. 16, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Religious Studies." Discipline: Religious Studies; Department/School: Religious Studies.
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Silva, Ivan Dias da. "Jerry Falwell e a maioria moral: um estudo sobre a relação entre religião e política no espaço público americano entre 1979 e 1989." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2016. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/3633.
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Previous issue date: 2016-09-02<br>CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>O objetivo geral desta tese é avaliar a organização de lobby político denominada Maioria Moral, fundada e liderada pelo pastor evangélico fundamentalista Jerry Falwell. Esta organização, que foi a mais destacada da Nova Direita Religiosa americana, atuou no cenário político daquele país entre os anos de 1979 e 1989 na tentativa de implementar uma agenda teológico-política, articulada em torno de seus valores religiosos e morais, no contexto da esfera pública dos EUA. A ação da Maioria Moral teve desdobramentos que modificaram substantivamente a dinâmica político-partidária dos Estados Unidos. Na busca por viabilizar e implementar sua agenda de perspectivas religiosas, os ativistas políticos da Maioria Moral, conservadores ou fundamentalistas, eram do parecer que a sociedade americana se encontrava sob a ameaça de “grandes males”, e atuaram para mobilizar os religiosos que compartilhavam de seus pontos de vista a um envolvimento ativo e intenso na esfera pública e político-partidária, descontruindo a orientação religiosa anterior de separação entre religião e política. Esta atuação implicou no surgimento de um novo tipo de clivagem sociopolítica, em que a religião reemerge nos EUA como uma linha divisória com uma dimensão político-partidária, consubstanciando e consolidando clivagens culturais muito expressivas e duradouras, que resultam numa guerra de culturas entre diferentes sistemas de entendimento moral e religioso. Apesar de dissolvida no final da década de 80, a Maioria Moral contribuiu significativamente para a polarização ainda em curso das diferenças culturais no interior da vida e da cultura pública americanas, que veio a assumir uma dimensão político-partidária nacionalmente organizada.<br>This PhD dissertation’s general goal is to evaluate the politics lobby organization called Moral Majority, established and leaded by the fundamentalist evangelical pastor Jerry Falwell. This organization, that it was the more prominent of the New Religious Right, acted in the U.S.A. political landscape between 1979 and 1989, in an attempt to implement a theological-political agenda, based on its religious and moral values, in the context of the American public arena. The Moral Majority’s action had outcomes that modified significantly the party-political dynamics of the United States. In seeking to make possible and implement their religious perspective agenda, the politics activists of the Moral Majority, conservative or fundamentalists, considered that the American society was under the threat of “great evils”, and acted to mobilize the religious people that shared their perspectives to an active and intense involvement in the public and party-political sphere, deconstructing the previous religious orientation of separation between religion and politics. This action implied in the emergence of a new kind of sociopolitical cleavage, in which the religion reemerges in U.S., embodying and consolidating very significant and long-lasting cultural cleavages, that result in culture wars between different moral and religious understanding systems. Although being dissolved in the end of de 1980s, the Moral Majority contributed significantly to the still in progress polarization of the cultural differences in the inner American public life and culture, that assumed a nationally organized party-political dimension.
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Hollingsworth, David E. "POLITICAL PIETY: EVANGELICALS AND THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION IN SOUTH CAROLINA AND GEORGIA." Lexington, Ky. : [University of Kentucky Libraries], 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10225/1050.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Kentucky, 2009.<br>Title from document title page (viewed on September 16, 2009). Document formatted into pages; contains: viii, 234 p. : ill., maps. Includes abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 220-233).
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Robinson, Carin. "Doctrine, discussion and disagreement Evangelical Protestant interaction with Catholics in American politics /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (ProQuest) Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2008. http://worldcat.org/oclc/436288150/viewonline.
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Lee, Fei-ran. "Evangelical Protestants and Political Trust." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1337642080.
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Atkins, Gareth. "Wilberforce and his milieux : the worlds of Anglican Evangelicalism, c.1780-1830." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2009. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252138.
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Evangelical reformism has always been recognized as a massive influence on early nineteenth-century culture. Philanthropic pressure groups dominated public life. But while much attention has recently been devoted to the language and ideas which informed the Evangelical mindset, too many historians have accepted the heroic emphases of nineteenth-century memoirists, and have concentrated on Wilberforce and the crusade against slavery. This thesis contends that the real strength of the movement lay in business, the professions and burgeoning officialdom, and traces the clerical and business networks that connected this metropolitan nexus with provincial Britain. As is shown in chapters on the Church and Universities, patronage and politics, the City of London, the Navy and colonial affairs, this was a dynamic, highly-organized milieu in which patronage, place and influence were used to the full.
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Heinrichs, Timothy J. "The last great awakening : the revival of 1905 and progressivism /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10404.
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McGregor, Alecia J. "Religion, Parties, and Policymaking: Health Policy Debates in the United States and Brazil." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11629.
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Rhodes, Jeremy R. Dougherty Kevin D. "Evangelical Democrats and role conflict." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/5167.
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Souza, Andréa Silveira de. "O legado fundamentalista do Seminário Teológico de Westminster : reformistas x reconstrucionistas no espaço público americano." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2017. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/4483.
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Previous issue date: 2017-02-22<br>CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>O objetivo geral da presente tese consiste na análise dos elementos teológicos e políticos que animam e que marcam o antagonismo entre as correntes fundamentalistas reformista e reconstrucionista no espaço público americano. Neste sentido, buscamos verificar como estas duas perspectivas, que se alimentam da mesma fonte teológico-filosófica, o pensamento do teólogo presbiteriano Cornelius Van Til, interpretam este pensamento de maneira tão distinta e concebem duas formas opostas de abordagem e inserção religiosa, sociopolítica e cultural. O intuito de nossa pesquisa é verificar, por meio da análise do discurso de Cornelius Van Til e de dois dos mais proeminentes representantes das correntes reformista e reconstrucionista, o teólogo Francis Schaeffer e o economista e teólogo Gary North, de que forma essas duas correntes fundamentalistas interpretam, porque assim interpretam, e também como e porque estabelecem suas ações sociais e políticas de maneiras opostas, tendo como base uma mesma perspectiva teológica.<br>The general goal of this dissertation is to analyze the theological and political elements that inspire and define the antagonism between the reformist and reconstructionist fundamentalist currents in the American public sphere. In this way, we seek to verify how these two perspectives, which feed themselves on the same theological-philosophical source, the thought of the Presbyterian theologian Cornelius Van Til, interpret this thinking in such a different way and conceive of two opposing forms of religious, sociopolitical and cultural approach and insertion. The purpose of our research is to verify, through the analysis of the discourse of Cornelius Van Til and two of the most prominent representatives of the reformist and reconstructionist currents, theologian Francis Schaeffer and the economist and theologian Gary North, how these two fundamentalists currents interpret, why they do it, and also how and why they establish their social and political actions in opposite ways, based on the same theological perspective.
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Silva, Leonardo Almeida da. "Sistema partidário, representação e eleições presidenciais: uma análise sobre evangélicos e política no Brasil." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2012. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=4877.
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Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro<br>Nesta dissertação abordamos a relação entre o protestantismo e a política no Brasil levando em conta, o contexto histórico-político da formação do sistema partidário brasileiro, a representação evangélica na política e o comportamento eleitoral evangélico no que se refere às eleições para presidente. Argumentamos que tal fenômeno se explica por algumas especificidades relativas ao sistema político partidário e eleitoral brasileiro, para além de peculiaridades que concernem ao campo religioso evangélico, tais quais o seu crescimento demográfico ou o posicionamento de suas lideranças, sobretudo se colocado o caso brasileiro em perspectiva comparada, conforme o investimos em relação ao rígido modelo chileno de representação política. Por conseguinte, abordamos o comportamento do eleitorado evangélico durante as últimas eleições presidenciais, a fim de compreendermos os efeitos do sistema partidário sobre estas escolhas, bem como os fatores passíveis de destacar esta parcela do eleitorado do conjunto dos votantes brasileiros, como a identidade evangélica do candidato à presidência ou ainda a presença de temáticas morais religiosas relevantes para este segmento do eleitorado brasileiro.<br>This analysis approaches the relation between Protestantism and politics in Brazil and considers the historical and political Brazilian party system formation context, the political evangelical representation and the presidential evangelical voting behavior. We argue that it is explained by some Brazilian political system specificities beyond peculiarities that concern to the evangelical religious field, as its demographic growth or its leaders opinion, especially if its Brazilian case is compared to the hard evangelical political involvement Chilean model. Thereafter, we approach the evangelical voters behavior during the recent presidential elections in order to understand the party system effects on those choices, as well as the factors that might separate this electorate portion of all Brazilian voters, as suggested for us, the evangelical presidential candidate identity or relevant religious moral issues presence.
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Diniz, Vinícius Werneck Barbosa. "Evangélicos e a representação política descritiva no Congresso brasileiro : uma agenda de pesquisas." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2012. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=7777.
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Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro<br>A dissertação lança seu olhar para o clássico tema da representação política e o relaciona à bastante publicizada participação evangélica na política partidária nacional. Ao analisar o quadro traçado pela literatura, bem como os mais recentes acontecimentos da cena política brasileira, a pesquisa identifica na dinâmica existente entre um grupo específico de políticos evangélicos e seus eleitores uma forma particular de representação: a descritiva. Embora já
estudada por diversos autores, sugere-se que na relação acima a representação descritiva tenha se transformado de maneira relevante; essas transformações e suas possíveis consequências são os outros pontos também explorados. Seria a capacidade de o eleitor identificar-se com o representante, baseado em sua fé, transformador em alguma medida da sua relação com o mesmo, da sua visão do Congresso enquanto instituição ou de sua percepção do governo representativo? Acaso os representantes que mobilizam a fé evangélica de forma prioritária compreendem, por conta desse pertencimento religioso, seu papel de representante de forma diferente? A pesquisa investiga, portanto, uma possibilidade específica de enquadramento desse conceito de representação descritiva quando o grupo representado é religioso, e, mais especificamente, evangélico.<br>This thesis looks at the classic subject of the political representation and relates it to the overly publicized evangelical participation in the domestic politics. Analyzing what was pictured by authors within the field, as well as the most recent facts in Brazilian political scene,
this research identifies in the existing dynamic between a specific group of evangelical politics and theirs constituents a very particular form of representation: the descriptive one. Although already studied by other authors, it is argued that in the dynamic above, the descriptive representation have been consistently transformed; these transformations and their possible
consequences are also explored. Does a constituents ability to identify, based on religious beliefs, with her representative at Brazilian National Congress affect somehow her perception of that representative, of the Brazilian Congress itself as an institution, and of the representative government? Do the representatives that mobilize support on the grounds of a shared faith understand differently, because of that, their role as representatives? This thesis investigates, therefore, a specific framing of that classic topic of the descriptive representation, when the groups being represented are religious, and, more specifically, evangelical.
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Borges, Tiago Daher Padovezi. "Representação partidária e a presença dos evangélicos na política brasileira." Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-06122007-112255/.
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A pesquisa foi desenvolvida com o intuito de compreender um pouco da inserção dos evangélicos nas instituições políticas brasileiras, em uma tentativa de articular tal fenômeno com o debate sobre a representação partidária. Por que um \"Partido Evangélico\" não foi formado, embora tal grupo eleja uma quantidade expressiva de representantes em grande parte das eleições desde a última Constituinte? O trabalho empírico consistiu no teste da hipótese de inexistência de uma identidade entre os evangélicos que justificasse o fato de um partido político não ter sido criado. Através de um conjunto de dados sobre os eleitores e outro sobre os deputados estaduais de todo o país, não foi observada a presença de posicionamentos distintos, de uma identidade política que tornasse, tanto os eleitores quanto os deputados evangélicos singulares, diferenciados dos demais grupos. Também foi constatada a fragilidade do modelo de formação de partidos a partir de identidades políticas no caso brasileiro, caracterizado pela alta fragmentação partidária e por uma falta de distinção na maioria dos partidos.<br>This research was developed with the purpose of understanding the insertion of the evangelicals in the Brazilian political institutions, an attempt to articulate such phenomena with the debate on the partisan representation. It\'s puzzling that an \"Evangelical Party\" was not formed even after the expressive amount of elected representatives this group has had since the last Constituent Assembly. Why is it so? The empirical work consisted in testing the hypothesis that there is no common identity among the various evangelical groups that would justify the existence of a political party. Through a data set of the voters and another one of the representatives of the whole country, the presence of distinct positions was not observed. There isn\'t a political identity that would turn the evangelical voters and representatives distinguished from the others groups. This work also evidenced the fragility of the political parties\' formation model based on identities. In the Brazilian case, this is characterized by a high partisan fragmentation and a lack of distinction between most of the many political parties.
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Adams, Tyler Anthony. "“We Do Not Want This Sickness!”: Religion, Postcolonial Nationalism and Anti-Homosexuality Politics in Uganda." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1306889389.
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Thigpen, Tyler. "The persecuted church the case of the Southern Peruvian Evangelical Church and Shining Path (1980-1992) /." Vancouver, B.C., Canada : Regent College, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.2986/tren.048-0345.
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Matthews, Ronald Eric Jr. "Charitable Choice and Faith-Based Organizations: Welfare, Policy and Religion in American Politics." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1164121218.
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Bialecki, Jon. "The kingdom and its subjects charisms, language, economy, and the birth of a progressive politics in the vineyard /." Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3359874.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009.<br>Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 23, 2009). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 305-327).
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Vander, Broek Allison. "Rallying the Right-to-Lifers: Grassroots Religion and Politics in the Building of a Broad-based Right-to-Life Movement, 1960-1984." Thesis, Boston College, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107943.
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Thesis advisor: James M. O'Toole<br>This dissertation explores the formative years of the right-to-life movement in the decade prior to Roe v. Wade and explains how early right-to-lifers built a vast and powerful movement in the 1960s and 1970s. Whereas most previous studies have focused on the connection between right-to-life organizing and the conservative ascendancy in religion and politics in the 1970s and 1980s, this dissertation studies the movement’s origins in state and local organizing in the years before Roe v. Wade and its growth into a national political crusade in the 1970s. During these years, grassroots activists fostered a vision for a broad-based right-to-life movement—a movement consisting of Americans from across the political and religious spectrums. This movement was made up of Catholics, Protestants, and Jews, Democrats and Republicans, conservatives and liberals, lay people as well as religious leaders—all of whom opposed legalized abortion for a range of reasons. Right-to-lifers believed their broad-based approach was the most effective way to fight abortion, and they embraced this diverse coalition, attacking abortion on a number of fronts with strategies ranging from legislative lobbying to alternatives to abortion to nonviolent direct action. Though their coalition eventually broke apart in the 1980s, this eclectic group of right-to-lifers built a dynamic and diverse movement and proved the powerful resonance of the abortion issue in American society<br>Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2018<br>Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: History
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Zeni, Heloisa de Fátima Martini [UNESP]. "A Igreja Universal e a política: o caso de Marília." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/89577.
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zeni_hfm_me_mar.pdf: 303795 bytes, checksum: ab93f1e9b7852737402a8723e0685af7 (MD5)<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)<br>O presente trabalho trata da atuação do pastor Luis Jorge Pereira Pontes, da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus, na Câmara de Marília, no mandato de 2001 a 2004. O pastor foi o candidato mais votado no pleito de 2000 e a sua eleição chamou a atenção dos veículos de comunicação na cidade. Esta dissertação analisa a atuação da Igreja Universal na política local por meio de um estudo de caso.<br>This work is about the performance of the Luis Jorge Pereira Pontes, pastor of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God, in the Chamber of Marília, during the period from 2001 to 2004. The pastor was the most voted candidate in the elections of 2000 and his election called the attention of the local media. This thesis analyses the performance of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God in local politics through a case study.
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Santos, José Sidério dos. "Política e religião: um estudo da bancada evangélica eleita por São Paulo em 2002." Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie, 2007. http://tede.mackenzie.br/jspui/handle/tede/2475.
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Previous issue date: 2007-09-12<br>Fundo Mackenzie de Pesquisa<br>This work intents to analyse and to proceed a survey about Politics and Religion, in this way we try to study the Evangelic congressional bloc elected by São Paulo state, in 2002, for the Brazilian National Congress. We start discussing the brazilian evangelic's identity from the rebirth and Protestant Reform, afterward we start a study about the brazilian evangelic, discussing the Protestantism of Invasion, Immigration, Conversion and the Pentecostal Protestantism. Attempting to work with the identity elements, we conduct our surch denoting the evangelics while a small religious group and in this part we also discuss the relationship between the evangelic group and the media, consedering that group gets some visibility from the media. The second part presents the Evangelic congressional bloc and to do this study has been needed to discuss, initially, the social changing process of repudiation to the evangelic politic power adhesion, where we noticed two important moments. First of all there was a kind of bashfulness by some parts of evangelic group in to take part of the politic process, characterized by their repudiation; second of all, we noticed a signifant changing characterized by the enthusiasm by the politic process; however the evangelic church called "Congregação Cristã" still keeps its bashfulness. When we focus the Evangelic congressional bloc we present a historical survey of stablishment and its organization that started to take form since 1988 with the Brazilian Constituition; we have decided to do that, in summary, because there is a relationship between the congressional national bloc and the congressional bloc from São Paulo state. After that we studied about the Evangelic congressional bloc elected by São Paulo state, finishing making considerations about some subjects that we understand to be related to the Evangelic congressional bloc.<br>Este trabalho, pretende analisar e proceder a um levantamento sobre Política e Religião, onde buscamos estudar a Bancada Evangélica eleita por São Paulo em 2002, para o Congresso Nacional Brasileiro. Inicialmente discutimos a identidade do evangélico brasileiro a partir do renascimento e a reforma protestante, em seguida procedemos a um estudo sobre o evangélico brasileiro, discutindo o protestantismo de invasão, o de imigração, o de conversão e o protestantismo pentecostal bem como sobre o neopentecostal. Ainda, a fim de trabalhar os elementos de identidade, procedemos a pesquisa indicando o evangélico enquanto grupo religiosos minorizado e nesta parte tratamos também do evangélico e a mídia, considerando que através desta o evangélico consegue uma certa visibilidade. A segunda parte trata da bancada evangélica e para desenvolvermos este estudo foi necessário, inicialmente discutimos o processo de mudança social de repúdio para a adesão ao poder político pelo evangélico, onde constatamos dois momentos importantes. Primeiro houve um certo pudor por parte do evangélico em se fazer política, caracterizado por seu repúdio, em seguida verificamos uma mudança caracterizada por entusiasmo em fazer política, no entanto a Igreja evangélica Congregação Cristã ainda mantém este pudor. Ao tratar da bancada evangélica, inicialmente procedemos a um breve levantamento histórico da formação e organização da bancada evangélica, que começou a esboça-se a partir da constituinte de 1988, fizemos ainda um levantamento da bancada evangélica no Brasil, ainda que de modo sucinto, isto fizemos por entender que há relação entre a bancada em âmbito nacional com a bancada de São Paulo. Em seguida estudamos sobre a bancada evangélica eleita por São Paulo. E por fim elaboramos considerações sobre alguns temas relacionados com a Bancada evangélica.
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Zeni, Heloisa de Fátima Martini. "A Igreja Universal e a política : o caso de Marília /." Marília : [s.n.], 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/89577.
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Orientador: Andreas Hofbauer<br>Banca: Christina de Rezende Rubim<br>Banca: Regina Coeli Machado e Silva<br>Resumo: O presente trabalho trata da atuação do pastor Luis Jorge Pereira Pontes, da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus, na Câmara de Marília, no mandato de 2001 a 2004. O pastor foi o candidato mais votado no pleito de 2000 e a sua eleição chamou a atenção dos veículos de comunicação na cidade. Esta dissertação analisa a atuação da Igreja Universal na política local por meio de um estudo de caso.<br>Abstract: This work is about the performance of the Luis Jorge Pereira Pontes, pastor of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God, in the Chamber of Marília, during the period from 2001 to 2004. The pastor was the most voted candidate in the elections of 2000 and his election called the attention of the local media. This thesis analyses the performance of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God in local politics through a case study.<br>Mestre
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Gonçalves, Rafael Bruno. "Bancada evangélica? : uma análise do discurso parlamentar evangélico durante a 52ª Legislatura da Câmara Federal." Universidade Federal de Pelotas, 2011. http://repositorio.ufpel.edu.br/handle/ri/1591.
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Previous issue date: 2011-04-26<br>O presente estudo tem como objetivo principal analisar o comportamento discursivo do segmento evangélico na Câmara Federal, de 2003 a 2006, a partir dos pronunciamentos identificados nas sessões do Grande Expediente. O termo
evangélico utilizado nesta dissertação recobre todas as denominações pentecostais, neopentecostais e protestantes históricas identificadas no Brasil no período investigado. A 52ª Legislatura, eleita em 2002, representou o ápice da participação dos evangélicos na política institucional. Atentos aos temas que entravam em pauta durante o exercício legislativo, estes parlamentares evangélicos demonstraram uma maior preocupação em torno de quatro grandes temáticas identificadas neste período: a entrada em vigor do novo Código Civil brasileiro em 2003, o Projeto de Lei de Biossegurança nº. 2.401/2003, a proposta de reforma política representada no Projeto de Lei nº. 2679/2003 e os escândalos de corrupção que abalaram a 52ª Legislatura. Para realizar a análise discursiva em torno destas temáticas, esta pesquisa terá como principal referencial a teoria de Ernesto Laclau e Chantal Mouffe, identificando, a partir deste aporte, o discurso enquanto prática política. Ao abordar o comportamento discursivo evangélico, apoiado nesta teoria, o presente trabalho pretende trazer subsídios para o campo das ciências sociais sobre a conexão entre política e religião no poder legislativo brasileiro, verificando assim, a existência ou não de uma bancada evangélica coesa neste espaço político de atuação
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Costa, Emerson Roberto da. "República Federativa Evangélica: uma análise de gênero sobre a laicidade no Brasil a partir da atuação dos/as parlamentares evangélicos/as no Congresso Nacional no exercício da 54ª Legislatura." Universidade Metodista de Sao Paulo, 2016. http://tede.metodista.br/jspui/handle/tede/1646.
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Previous issue date: 2016-03-03<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES<br>This research aims to analyze the relationship between religion and politics under the gender perspective considering the role of evangelical parliamentarians in the 54th Legislature (2011-2014) and how they intervene in the Brazilian political space as the enactment of laws and the development of public policies that comprehend, among others, the regulation of abortion, criminalization of homophobia, the stable union between people of the same sex and the challenges resulting from this position for the Brazilian State that has positioned itself as laic.
But if laic refers to the idea of state neutrality in religious matters, legislate legitimized by certain principles based on religious doctrines may suggest the suppression of freedom and equality, the lack of diversity and plurality recognition and the absence of boundaries between public, collective and private or personal interests.
The methodological procedures for development of this research are based on the analysis and interpretation of literature in order to establish the relationship between religion and politics, the conceptualization, qualification and classification of phenomenon of laicity; documentary survey; analysis of the speeches of evangelical parliamentarians published by media, delivered in the plenary session or adopted to support projects laws; qualitative
research with interviews and observation of public postures adopted of parliamentary members of Frente Parlamentar Evangélica– FPE (Evangelical Parliamentary Front). In this sense, the postulates of Religious Studies, properly correlated with the interpretation of the data set obtained in the search field, may identify the place of the religious one in the society interactively with the laicity interfaces aiming to deepen the understanding regarding democracy, the role of religion in contemporary societies and the diffuse, collective and individual rights of people.<br>Essa pesquisa objetiva a análise da relação entre religião e política, em perspectiva de gênero considerando a atuação de parlamentares evangélicos/as na 54ª Legislatura (de 2011 a 2014) e a forma de intervenção desses atores no espaço político brasileiro quanto à promulgação de leis e ao desenvolvimento de políticas públicas que contemplem, dentre outras, a regulamentação do aborto, a criminalização da homofobia, a união estável entre pessoas do mesmo sexo e os desafios oriundos dessa posição para o Estado Brasileiro que se posiciona como laico.
Ora, se laico remete à ideia de neutralidade estatal em matéria religiosa, legislar legitimado por determinados princípios fundamentados em doutrinas religiosas, pode sugerir a supressão da liberdade e da igualdade, o não reconhecimento da diversidade e da pluralidade e a ausência de limites entre os interesses públicos / coletivos e privados / particulares.
Os procedimentos metodológicos para o desenvolvimento dessa pesquisa fundamentam-se na análise e interpretação bibliográfica visando estabelecer a relação entre religião e política, a conceituação, qualificação e tipificação do fenômeno da laicidade; levantamento documental; análise dos discursos de parlamentares evangélicos/as divulgados pela mídia,
proferidos no plenário e adotados para embasar projetos de leis; pesquisa qualitativa com a realização de entrevistas e observações das posturas públicas adotadas pelos/as parlamentares integrantes da Frente Parlamentar Evangélica - FPE. Porquanto, os postulados das Ciências da Religião devidamente correlacionados com a interpretação do conjunto de dados obtidos no campo de pesquisa podem identificar o lugar do religioso na sociedade de forma interativa com as interfaces da laicidade visando aprofundar a compreensão sobre a democracia, sobre o lugar da religião nas sociedades contemporâneas e sobre os direitos difusos, coletivos e individuais das pessoas.
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Jex, Erin. "Canadian Foreign Aid and the Christian Right: Stephen Harper, Abortion, and the Global Culture Wars in Sub-Saharan Africa, 2006-2015." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/36969.
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This thesis expands upon the concept of the global culture wars in sub-Saharan Africa from a Canadian perspective, focusing on the growing division within Canada between conservative, religious values and liberal, progressive ones (Caplan, 2012). This division led to a political and cultural realignment alongside the increased visibility and leadership of religious and faith communities in Canadian public and political life. Amidst this polarization, Conservative Party leader Stephen Harper was elected Prime Minister in February 2006. Under his leadership, a conservative, pro-family agenda was established. This agenda, which advocates a traditional understanding of family life and structure, in particular refers to a legally married, heterosexual couple with children. It was supported by the evangelical Christian population in Canada, which grew from a united religious community in Canada into a significant constituency of the Conservative Party. Harper’s tenure, coupled with the increased visibility and leadership of faith and religious communities significantly affected domestic and international policies during his tenure as Prime Minister, from 2006 to 2015. This thesis examines the Muskoka Initiative on Maternal, Child, and Newborn Health (Muskoka-MNCH) and shows how this initiative, which fostered anti-abortion rhetoric abroad, was utilized to appease the evangelical community’s anti-abortion position in Canada.
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Preuss, Larissa Pothin. "As telerreligiões no telespaço público: o programa Vitória em Cristo e a estratégia de mesclar evangelização e pregação política." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/27/27153/tde-14012016-095247/.
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A presente dissertação é uma análise do programa de televisão Vitória em Cristo e sua estratégia de mesclar proselitismo religioso e discurso político através das orientações transmitidas durante o período da campanha eleitoral de 2014 pelo apresentador Silas Malafaia. A inserção da religião na esfera pública é examinada a partir da atualização do conceito de espaço público segundo o paradigma teórico do telespaço público e da instância da imagem ao vivo conforme elaborados por Eugênio Bucci (2002). Essa perspectiva teórica pensa a interação no espaço público através da imagem. Por isso, propõe que o espaço público contemporaneo só pode existir como telespaço público. Complementarmente, esta pesquisa utiliza procedimentos da Grounded Theory (GT) para a elaboração das categorias de análise, construídas pela seleção e pelo tratamento dos dados extraídos das orientações políticas. O estudo revela que a evangelização via televisão se mistura à pregação política na combinação dos papéis incorporados pelo apresentador-pastor, que ocupa a posição do \"profeta\" e milita em prol da aspiração dos evangélicos à participação no poder político.<br>This thesis provides an analysis of the television show Vitória em Cristo and its strategy to mix proselytism and political discourse through guidance provided by the host of the show, Silas Malafaia, during the electoral period of 2014. The presence of religion in the public sphere is examined from the theoretical standpoint of the public space and its contemporary version the public telespace, inaugurated by the instance of the live image according to Eugênio Bucci (2002). This theoretical perspective thinks the interaction in the public space as an interaction through images.Therefore, it suggests that the contemporary public space can only exist as a public telespace. In addition, this research utilizes the Grounded Theory methodological procedures to elaborate the categories of analysis, which were structured as a result of the selction and treatment of data extracted from the political guidance provided by the host.This research shows that the evangelization through television is mixed with political preaching through the combination of roles incorporated by the pastor-host who takes the place of the \"prophet\" and militates on behalf of the evangelicals\' aspirations to take part in the political power.
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Moser, Tim. "The Pulpit and the People: Mobilizing Evangelical Identity." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2017. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3348.
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Using ten sermons from five prominent and politically active evangelical megachurch pastors taken from the 2016 presidential campaign season, this case study utilizes frame analysis to understand the political relevance of modern evangelical sermonizing. An inductive frame analysis allows the concept of a collective action frame to be observed as a process and for patterns to emerge from the source text. Within these sermons, ministers offer self-identifying evangelicals a vocabulary with which to understand and describe their own identity. In this context, the Bible is a powerful cultural symbol that represents an allegiance to traditions that are framed as the bedrock of American exceptionalism. The boundaries that are drawn and vociferously maintained in this sample emphasize exclusion over inclusion, especially in terms of salvation and righteousness, which can emotionally motivate action. In an election year, this sample demonstrates how evangelical identity is mobilized as an electoral force.
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Machado, Adriano Henriques. "Os evangélicos e a política no Brasil: posições, alinhamentos e tensões (1960-1976)." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2016. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/19484.
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Previous issue date: 2016-10-07<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>This paper analyzes the political activities of Evangelicals, the "awakening" lived for them in
strong effervescence period in the early 1960s, as well as their positions, disputes and tensions
across the civil-military coup of 1964 and before the authoritarian regime to the year 1976,
with special attention to the conservative offensive in this context emerged as a reaction to
engagement proposals and political participation of churches in "Brazilian reality". The study
focuses its analysis on the trajectory of two evangelical groups: the Methodist Church of
Brazil (IMB) and the Baptists linked to the Brazilian Baptist Convention (CBB); having as
main source journals produced by these names, in particular its two official bodies,
respectively Expositor Cristão (EC) and O Jornal Batista (OJB). In order to broaden the
understanding of their positions forward to change processes, continuities and ruptures
occurred in the sociopolitical sphere, built on the dynamics of tensions and infighting of the
two denominations, the relationship between them and the other evangelical groups, was used
also the following publications: 1) the magazines produced by the youth of these churches, the
Cruz de Malta (CM) and the Juventude Batista (JB); 2) periodic connected to the ecumenical
movement groups, especially Boletim Ecumenical Information Centre (CEI) and Cristianismo
newspaper; 3) other than those arising in the period after the coup, as Brasil Batista and
Cristianismo Hoje. In consultation with the internal documentation of Churches, the
Convention its Proceedings, conferences and congresses have also helped to discuss and
understand the dynamics of political and ecclesiastical life of these institutions. The thesis is
organized around two parts: the first, which includes the early 1960s and has as focus of
analysis the growth process of the sectors that defended the "awakening" of the evangelical
for participation in socio-political issues, including the how they were articulated and
established relationships with other groups and on the proposals and ideologies that were on
the political agenda of that period; and a second, which examines how evangelicals positioned
themselves before the military regime, with a view to re-articulation of forces occurred in this
segment, which made the reactionary-conservative groups, favored by authoritarian climate of
the time, initiate an offensive for control political ideology of produced periodicals, as well as
the spaces and internal structures of these institutions<br>O presente trabalho analisa a atuação política dos evangélicos, o “despertamento” vivido por
eles no período de forte efervescência no início dos anos 1960, bem como seus
posicionamentos, disputas e tensões frente ao golpe civil-militar de 1964 e diante do regime
autoritário até o ano de 1976, com especial atenção à ofensiva conservadora emergida nesse
contexto como reação às propostas de engajamento e participação política das Igrejas na
“realidade brasileira”. O estudo centra sua análise na trajetória de dois grupos evangélicos: a
Igreja Metodista do Brasil (IMB) e os batistas ligados à Convenção Batista Brasileira (CBB);
tendo como fonte privilegiada os periódicos produzidos por essas denominações, em especial
seus dois órgãos oficiais, respectivamente o Expositor Cristão (EC) e O Jornal Batista (OJB).
A fim de ampliar a compreensão sobre seus posicionamentos frente aos processos de
mudanças, permanências e rupturas ocorridas na esfera sociopolítica, construídos na dinâmica
das tensões e disputas internas das duas denominações, na relação entre elas e com os demais
grupos evangélicos, utilizou-se também as seguintes publicações: 1) as revistas produzidas
pela juventude dessas Igrejas, a Cruz de Malta (CM) e a Juventude Batista (JB); 2) os
periódicos ligados aos grupos do movimento ecumênico, com destaque para o Boletim do
Centro Ecumênico de Informação (CEI) e o jornal Cristianismo; 3) além daqueles surgidos no
período posterior ao golpe, como Brasil Batista e Cristianismo Hoje. Na consulta à
documentação interna das Igrejas, os Anais de suas Convenções, Concílios e Congressos
também ajudaram a discutir e compreender a dinâmica da vida político-eclesiástica dessas
instituições. A tese organiza-se em torno de duas partes: uma primeira, que abarca o início dos
anos 1960 e tem como foco de análise o processo de crescimento dos setores que defendiam o
“despertamento” dos evangélicos para a participação nas problemáticas sociopolíticas,
compreendendo a forma como os mesmos se articularam e estabeleceram relações com os
demais grupos e diante das propostas e ideologias que estavam na pauta política daquele
período; e uma segunda, que analisa como os evangélicos se posicionaram diante do regime
militar, tendo em vista a rearticulação de forças ocorrida nesse segmento, o que fez com que
os grupos reacionários-conservadores, favorecidos pela conjuntura autoritária da época,
iniciassem uma ofensiva pelo controle político-ideológico dos periódicos produzidos, bem
como dos espaços e estruturas internas dessas instituições
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Santos, Adriana Martins dos. "A construção do reino: a Igreja Universal e as instituições políticas soteropolitanas (1980-2002)." Programa de Pós- Graduação em História da UFBA, 2009. http://www.repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/10885.
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Previous issue date: 2009<br>Durante a primeira metade do século XX, grupos pentecostais estiveram distantes da vida política. Mas, no começo dos anos 80, em muitas cidades do Brasil, eles decidiram se envolver no espaço público. Esta dissertação analisou a participação política de um desses grupos, de vertente neopentecostal, a Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (IURD), na cidade de Salvador, entre os anos de 1980 a 2002, fazendo um exame da atuação dos políticos da IURD, seu relacionamento com as questões de gênero e as transformações da sociedade brasileira. Fez um estudo de como os elementos doutrinários e a interpretação dos mesmos orientaram a vida dos fiéis e seu modo de atuação a partir de suas prescrições religiosas e direcionamento político. Examinou também o envolvimento de líderes religiosos e fiéis na construção de um projeto político: a criação do Reino de Deus na Terra.<br>Salvador
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Fajardo, Alexander. "A ATUAÇÃO DOS EVANGÉLICOS NO RÁDIO BRASILEIRO: ORIGEM E EXPANSÃO." Universidade Metodista de São Paulo, 2011. http://tede.metodista.br/jspui/handle/tede/199.
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Previous issue date: 2011-10-26<br>The aim of this paper is to communicate the research that was undertaken on the ways and the shapes in which Brazilian evangelicals, traditionals protestants and pentecostals, used the radio as the main media for communicating his message in Brazil since the 1930s. We try to understand what are the main steps, goals, motivations and difficulties that they had over the decades. For this research we gathered newspapers and magazines that registered this insertion, especially in the "golden age of radio" in years 40 and 50. During the investigation it became clear that the Pentecostal movement was the best adapted to the "age of radio", perhaps because of its emphasis on orality. Hence the growth in the decades from 60 to 80 of the segments that used initially, radio, and following decades, the television. Alongside the growth in the number of believers there was also an involvement of churches, their leaders and entrepreneurs in the evangelical political landscape. The result was the achievement of a significant number of radio stations granted by government authorities to groups and churches who helped with the election of politicians. The survey also studied the gospel-culture phenomenon, the emergence of consumerism and entertainment, focusing on the role that gospel music and radio have been playing during this period.<br>O objetivo deste texto é comunicar a pesquisa que foi empreendida sobre as maneiras e as formas como os evangélicos brasileiros, protestantes tradicionais e pentecostais, usaram o rádio como principal mídia na comunicação de sua mensagem no Brasil a partir da década de 1930. Buscamos entender quais foram os principais passos, objetivos, motivações e dificuldades que tiveram no decorrer das décadas. Para isso pesquisou-se em jornais e revistas o registro dessa inserção, principalmente na chamada época de ouro do rádio nos anos 40 e 50. No decorrer das investigações ficou bem claro que o pentecostalismo foi o movimento que melhor se adaptou à era do radio , talvez pela sua ênfase maior na oralidade. Daí o crescimento nas décadas de 60 a 80 dos segmentos que empregaram, inicialmente, o rádio, e nas décadas seguintes, a televisão. Ao lado do crescimento no número de fiéis houve também um envolvimento das igrejas, de suas lideranças e de empresários evangélicos no cenário político. O resultado foi a conquista de um significativo número de estações de rádio concedidos pelas autoridades governamentais para os grupos e igrejas que ajudaram na eleição desses políticos. Por fim, averiguo-se o fenômeno da cultura gospel, o aparecimento do consumismo e do entretenimento, privilegiando-se na análise o papel que a música gospel e o rádio têm desempenhado no decorrer desse período.
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Batut-Lucas, Katia. "Le sionisme chrétien contemporain aux États-Unis : entre religion et politique." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014BOR30056.
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Cette thèse porte sur le sionisme chrétien américain, plus précisément sur le pasteur John Hagee, et sur les membres de son organisation (Christians United For Israel - CUFI) et de son assemblée Cornerstone Church. Ce mouvement regroupe des évangéliques fondamentalistes qui obéissent littéralement au verset 3 du livre de la Genèse, chapitre 12, selon lequel il est nécessaire de bénir Israël pour être béni en retour. Ils croient que le retour des juifs en Terre sainte, la création de l’État d’Israël (1948) ou encore la prise de Jérusalem (1967) sont les signes annonciateurs du retour du Christ confirmant les prophéties vétéro et néo-testamentaires. Le CUFI a un message pour sa nation, mais également pour l’humanité. Leur « bonne nouvelle » doit être communiquée pour défendre l’État d’Israël et les juifs. C’est ainsi que le mouvement chrétien sioniste qui a des origines anciennes, vise à atteindre son objectif ultime d’influence nationale en utilisant constamment des techniques et des stratégies évolutives et adaptatives. La question porte sur les rapports entre religion et politique. La recherche s’intéresse au passage de la sphère religieuse à la sphère de l’engagement politique sioniste chez Hagee et son groupe, et aux facteurs à l’origine de ce passage. Nous verrons comment ils deviennent des acteurs religieux dans l’arène politique et comment ils sont influencés par un héritage religio-politique et prophético-millénariste. C’est l’individu, en tant qu’« évangélique pro-Israël », son expérience propre, et les rapports qu’il tisse entre religion et politique qui nous ont intéressés. De plus, les objectifs spécifiques de cette recherche consistent à étudier la littérature évangélique pro-Israël, à réaliser une étude de terrain de ce cas accompagnée d’observations et d’entretiens. Enfin, cette thèse s’inscrit dans une perspective interdisciplinaire au carrefour des Sciences des religions et des Études nord-américaines<br>This doctoral thesis deals with Christian Zionism, and more precisely with pastor John Hagee, the members of his organization (Christians United For Israel - CUFI) and his assembly, Cornerstone Church. This movement gathers fundamentalist Evangelicals who literally obey Genesis 12: 3, which says it is necessary to bless Israel to be blessed in return. They believe that the return of the Jews to the Holy Land, the creation of the State of Israel (1948) and the conquest of Jerusalem (1967) are forewarning signs of the Second coming of Jesus Christ confirming the prophecies from the New Testament and the Old Testament. CUFI has one message for the nation of America, and also for humanity. Their message must be communicated in defense of the State of Israel and the Jews. This explains how the Christian Zionist movement, which is not a recent one, aims for reaching its ultimate objective of national influence by constantly changing its techniques along with employing progressive strategies. The question deals with the relationship between religion and politics. The research follows the progression of Hagee and his groups from the religious sphere to political engagement, and the factors that are the origins of this passage. We will see how these Christians, who are influenced by a background that is political, millenarist and prophetic, become religious actors in the political arena. Moreover, we concentrated on pro-Israel Evangelical literature, in addition to making a field study along with observations and interviews. During the field trips, the individual, as a pro-Israel Evangelical, his own experience, and his relation to religion and Israel was our focus. Finally, this thesis provides an interdisciplinary perspective between religious studies and American studies
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Farley, Jared A. "The Politicalization of the American Evangelical Press, 1960-1981: A Test of the Ideological Theory of Social Movement Mobilization." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1152903812.
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Harris, Eleanor M. "The Episcopal congregation of Charlotte Chapel, Edinburgh, 1794-1818." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/19991.
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This thesis reassesses the nature and importance of the Scottish Episcopal Church in Edinburgh and more widely. Based on a microstudy of one chapel community over a twenty-four year period, it addresses a series of questions of religion, identity, gender, culture and civic society in late Enlightenment Edinburgh, Scotland, and Britain, combining ecclesiastical, social and economic history. The study examines the congregation of Charlotte Episcopal Chapel, Rose Street, Edinburgh, from its foundation by English clergyman Daniel Sandford in 1794 to its move to the new Gothic chapel of St John's in 1818. Initially an independent chapel, Daniel Sandford's congregation joined the Scottish Episcopal Church in 1805 and the following year he was made Bishop of Edinburgh, although he contined to combine this role with that of rector to the chapel until his death in 1830. Methodologically, the thesis combines a detailed reassessment of Daniel Sandford's thought and ministry (Chapter Two) with a prosopographical study of 431 individuals connected with the congregation as officials or in the in the chapel registers (Chapter Three). Biography of the leader and prosopography of the community are brought to illuminate and enrich one another to understand the wealth and business networks of the congregation (Chapter Four) and their attitudes to politics, piety and gender (Chapter Five). The thesis argues that Daniel Sandford's Evangelical Episcopalianism was both original in Scotland, and one of the most successful in appealing to educated and influential members of Edinburgh society. The congregation, drawn largely from the newly-built West End of Edinburgh, were bourgeois and British in their composition. The core membership of privileged Scots, rooted in land and law, led, but were also challenged by and forced to adapt to a broad social spread who brought new wealth and influence into the West End through India and the consumer boom. The discussion opens up many avenues for further research including the connections between Scottish Episcopalianism and romanticism, the importance of India and social mobility within the consumer economy in the development of Edinburgh, and Scottish female intellectual culture and its engagement with religion and enlightenment. Understanding the role of enlightened, evangelical Episcopalianism, which is the contribution of this study, will form an important context for these enquiries.
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Ruppe, Peter Van Gielle. "Gott in den Straßen von Guayaquil." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Mathematisch-Naturwissenschaftliche Fakultät, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/17782.
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Die Säkularität stellt weltweit den vorherrschenden Modus staatlicher Organisation dar und impliziert eine formelle Trennung der Religion von weltlichen Sphären der Gesellschaft, allem voran der Politik. Der öffentliche Raum ist dabei idealtypisch der Rationalität vorbestimmt. Dennoch ist Religion ein weitverbreitetes Phänomen in öffentlichen städtischen Räumen säkular konstituierter Staaten, womit ihr ein Anschluss an Prozesse der gesellschaftlichen Allgemeinheit möglich wird. Anhand einer empirischen Untersuchung Guayaquils - der größten Stadt in Ecuador - wird in der Dissertation folgenden Fragen nachgegangen: (1) In welcher Form tritt das Religiöse im öffentlichen städtischen Raum in einer säkular verfassten Gesellschaft auf und wie ist dieses Auftreten jeweils bedingt? (2) Auf welche Weise nutzen religiöse Akteure den öffentlichen Raum bzw. auf welche Weise wird Religion im öffentlichen Raum genutzt? (3) Welche Konsequenzen hat eine Präsenz der Religion im, idealtypisch der Rationalität vorbehaltenen, öffentlichen Raum für die Politik? (4) Auf welche Weise wirkt sich die gleichzeitige Exposition divergierender Weltanschauungen im öffentlichen Raum auf religiöse Praxis und Religion aus? Resultierend erweist sich eine formelle Trennung von Religion und weltlicher Sphären im Rahmen der Säkularisierung als unzureichend für ein tatsächliches Verdrängen aus dem öffentlichen Raum. Religion bleibt dank historischer Kontinuität im öffentlichen Raum erhalten und strebt aktiv nach den ihm innewohnenden Profiten, welche eine Etablierung oder den Machterhalt in der Gesellschaft ermöglichen. Die Präsenz von Religion im öffentlichen Raum führt zu ihrer Verweltlichung und politischer Einflussnahme aber auch der Vereinnahmung ihrer Potentiale durch politische Akteure. Nicht zuletzt bedingt die Exposition unterschiedlicher religiöser Weltanschauungen im öffentlichen Raum ein Verschwimmen konfessioneller Grenzen und neue Formen religiöser Identität.<br>Secularity is the dominant mode of the organisation of states worldwide. It implies the formal separation of religion and the worldly spheres of societies, particularly the separation of the religious from the political sphere. Consequentially, public spaces are rather known as rational spheres free from religiosity. But despite this theoretical assumption, religion remains a widespread phenomena of public urban spaces in secular states, and therewith remains an essential part of societies. This thesis addresses the following questions through an empirical study in Guayaquil, the largest city of Ecuador: (1) How does the religious appear in public urban spaces of a secularised society? What are the conditions and constraints of its appearance? (2) How do religious actors make use of public spaces and how is religion being used in public spaces? (3) Which are the consequences of a religious presence in public spaces for political practices? (4) How does the co-presence of different worldviews in the same public spaces affect religious practices themselves? This thesis shows, that the formal separation of religious and worldly spheres doesn’t result in the displacement of religions out of public spaces. Rather, as a result of historical continuity, religion remains part of public spaces, benefiting from its social functions, and enabling religious communities – depending on their initial conditions – to establish themselves in society or maintain their status. The presence of religion in public spaces leads to a growing political influence of religions and an absorption of its potentials by political actors at the same time. Finally, the co-presence of different ideologies in public spaces results in a blurring of denominational boundaries and new forms of religious identity.
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Plutschinski, Timo. "Politische verantwortung der Christen : kritische analyse der evangelikalen position in Deutschland." Diss., 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/2841.
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The theme of the MTh is the research of the Christian political responsibility in terms
of an evangelical position.
The first step is to examine the historical political background of evangelical
engagements, whereas the focus is especially on the German development.
The second step analyses theologically where to locate political and social
barriers. It creates an overview in what way (or to what extend) the bible shows and
discusses socio-political topics. Furthermore the theological base for political actions
describes (themetizes) the relation between the (institution) church and the
(governing) state, the understanding of salvation and God’s kingdom and also
questions of eschatology.
Ahead of the evangelical approach of political theology, the last chapter describes
the difference from liberation theology and models of contextual theology.<br>Missiology<br>M. Th. (Missiology)
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Walker, Andrew Thomas. "Religious Liberty in Contemporary Evangelical Social Ethics: An Assessment and Framework for Socio-political Challenges." Diss., 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10392/5619.
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Based on a review of the academic literature, evangelical public theology often lacks a systematic, theologically grounded social ethic concerning religious liberty. The resulting impasse is one where religious liberty lacks distinctly evangelical contours. Modern and contemporary religious liberty discussions have been ceded, almost exclusively, to political and legal philosophy. At the same time, religious liberty is a foundational principle for evangelical public theology because it addresses issues of how evangelicals enter the public square as a religious people. Additionally, a doctrine of religious liberty is vital for establishing the relationship between the church and state in society. Theological warrant is needed to establish a doctrine of religious liberty on evangelical grounds, and, correspondingly, the lack of consensus or framework around religious liberty jeopardizes the possibility of developing a truly evangelical understanding of religious liberty for public theology.
This dissertation seeks to remedy this gap in evangelical public theology and social ethics by grounding religious liberty in the biblical categories of eschatology, anthropology, and soteriology. Chapter one examines the literature surrounding evangelical proposals around religious liberty. Chapters 2 through 4 offer a constructive proposal for religious liberty oriented around the themes of the kingdom of God (eschatology), the image of God (anthropology), and the mission of God (soteriology). Chapter 5 concludes by offering concern that secular ideologies lack sufficient explanatory power to extend a principled account of religious liberty.
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Smilde, Allen David. ""Works of the flesh, fruit of the spirit" : religious action frames and maeaning networks in Venezuelan Evangelicalism /." 2000. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:9990590.
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Chong, Kelly H. "Agony in prosperity : evangelicalism, women, and the politics of gender in South Korea /." 2002. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3048371.
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Wallace, William Jason. "The medieval specter : Catholics, evangelicals and the limits of political Protestantism: 1835-1860 /." 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3169314.
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Miller, Steven P. "The politics of decency Billy Graham, evangelicalism, and the end of the solid South, 1950-1980 /." Diss., 2006. http://etd.library.vanderbilt.edu/ETD-db/available/etd-03242006-112231/.
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Turner, John Geoffrey. "Selling Jesus to modern America Campus Crusade for Christ, evangelical culture, and conservative politics /." 2005. http://etd.nd.edu/ETD-db/theses/available/etd-09122005-095241/.
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"Religion, race, and resistance: White evangelicals and the dilemma of integration in South Carolina, 1950-1975." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/62070.
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This dissertation contends that religion played a critical role in explaining why and how white South Carolinians decided to resist changes in the racial caste system of their society during the middle decades of the last century. As early as 1950 with the first stirrings of desegregation occurring in their state, white evangelicals in the Palmetto State began making appeals to both the Bible and the natural world to derive a theology that emphasized the divine mandate for racial segregation. In touting this "segregationist folk theology," religious white southerners proved willing and able participants in the political massive resistance movement that attempted to thwart racial reforms initiated by civil rights demonstrations, court rulings, and federal legislation in the South from the mid 1950s to the mid 1960s.
Just as political massive resistance moved from explicitly racist language to coded appeals to racial prejudice in the period after 1965, however, so too was transformed resistance that drew upon religious sources for its inspiration. During the period from the mid 1960s to the mid 1970s white evangelicals largely abandoned the biblical proof-texts that ostensibly revealed divine favor for racial segregation and turned instead to a rhetoric of individualism and colorblindness to fight against attempts to desegregate southern churches and schools.
Tracking how white evangelicals' biblical defense of segregation changed over time to a rhetoric of colorblind individualism and examining the particular ways this transition affected southern religion and society by the mid 1970s is this dissertation's central focus.
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Patrick, Margaretta Linda. "Playing for keeps: The Evangelical Fellowship of Canada in the public sphere, 1983-2006." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10012/5995.
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This thesis is an intellectual history of the Evangelical Fellowship of Canada (EFC) and its public policy activity from 1983 to 2006. The EFC represents many of the major evangelical Protestant denominations and organizations in Canada. Although some commentators interpret its work in light of the American Religious Right, the EFC is non-partisan and strives to be more politically moderate. This stance reflects the historical political moderation of Canadian evangelicalism. EFC leaders give direction to the evangelical community by contributing to the development of an evangelical identity that assumes political engagement, ecumenism, persuasion, and a high view of the state. Their model of engagement is politically pragmatic and emphasizes the imago Dei principle and the common good.
The two concerns that contributed to evangelical political mobilization in the early 1980s were the increasing secularization of Canadian society and the privatization of religion. The EFC responded to these concerns in two ways. First, it defined secularism as intent on limiting religion in the public sphere. This interpretation enabled EFC leaders to mobilize their constituency, argue that public policy can never be religiously neutral, and insist that liberalism is not a neutral philosophy. However, it also meant that they did not critique the most secular of all spheres, the economy, or recognize the degree to which Christianity continues to enjoy cultural privileges as compared to other religions. The struggle against secularism took the EFC to Parliament Hill and into the courts.
Second, the EFC called for religious groups to be at the policy making "table." This "table" is a liberal-democratic one that often requires participants to engage in discussions in a secular liberal manner. The impact of these requirements was evident in the EFC‘s participation in the public debates surrounding the definition of marriage. Many of its arguments employed liberal reasoning and de-emphasized religious convictions. Over time the EFC moved toward the social consensus about the need to protect same-sex relationships. This movement, however, did not indicate secularization on the part of the EFC. Rather, its leaders desired to develop publicly accessible arguments and thereby they contributed to civil society.
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Hill, Jonathan P. "The evangelical advantage a test of the subcultural identity theory of religious strength /." 2004. http://etd.nd.edu/ETD-db/theses/available/etd-04082004-152806/.
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