Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political executive

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Political executive'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 20 February 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Political executive"

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Niedobitek, Matthias. "The German Bundesrat and Executive Federalism." Perspectives on Federalism 10, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 198–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pof-2018-0023.

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Abstract The German Basic Law constitutes federalism as a unique political system which is characterised by intertwined decision-making of the Federation (Bund) and the component units (Länder). The executives of the two federal tiers and the Länder executives within the Bundesrat play a major role in making joint decisions. They are forced to make decisions in the ‘joint-decision mode’ (Politikverflechtung) which is detrimental to accountability. Reform efforts were made to unbundle competences and to reduce the number of bills which require the Bundesrat’s consent. Due to the dominance of the executives and the distribution of powers between the federal tiers (legislation is dominated by the Bund, execution is dominated by the Länder), German federalism is rightly called ‘executive federalism’. German federalism can even be regarded as an embodiment of that concept since it covers all possible aspects of ‘executive federalism’. The Bundesrat has an important share in that classification.
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Dalal, Rajbir Singh, and Ekta Chahal. "Ministers and Civil Servants Relations in India: An Evaluation." International Research Journal of Engineering, IT & Scientific Research 2, no. 3 (March 1, 2016): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/irjeis.v2i3.39.

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In parliamentary form of government, like in India, there exists two types of executives i.e. political or elected and permanent executive. Political executive derives its power from people and enjoys the power by virtue of constitutional position, while permanent executive or civil servant is selected on merit basis and accumulate its power due to administrative position and technical expertise. System of a democratic government is based on the principle of popular sovereignty where in the supreme rests in people or their elected representative. Political executive or Minister is assisted by civil servant. A balanced relationship between them is essential for smooth and efficient functioning of government. Minister and civil servant act as two pillars of parliamentary form of government and weakness of any one of them will adversely affect the performance of government. Theoretically political and permanent executives perform different role in government but in practice their work is often overlapping and difficult to differentiate it.
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Teodoro, Manuel P. "Moving in, managing up: executive job formation and political behaviour." Journal of Public Policy 33, no. 2 (June 4, 2013): 137–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x1300007x.

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AbstractPublic agency executive jobs are temporary matches of individual bureaucrats with government employers. Together, the buyers and sellers of executive labour form jobs in ways that define critical links in the policy process: the relationships between agency administrators and their elected officials. This article argues that when the executive is hired from outside, the job typically carries a mandate for significantly greater engagement with elected officials than when the executive is promoted from within an agency. Analysis of three very different types of agencies demonstrates that individuals who were hired from outside interact with their elected officials more frequently than do those who were promoted from within. These results shed new light on bureaucratic executives’ roles in the policy process, their relationships with the governments that they serve, and the theoretical significance of bureaucratic jobs as units of analysis in public policy studies.
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Shair-Rosenfield, Sarah, and Alissandra T. Stoyan. "Gendered Opportunities and Constraints: How Executive Sex and Approval Influence Executive Decree Issuance." Political Research Quarterly 71, no. 3 (January 5, 2018): 586–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917750279.

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Do female executives exercise the authority of their office distinctly from their male counterparts? Anecdotal evidence suggests women legislators are likely to govern in a more consensual manner than men. Yet there has been little systematic research extending such claims to women in executive office. Using an original data set, we evaluate one aspect of policy agenda setting—rates of executive decree issuance—among four male–female pairs of Latin American presidents between 2000 and 2014. Female presidents are generally less prone to rule by decree, but this relationship is conditioned by presidential popularity. Female executives with high presidential approval ratings are less likely to rule via unilateral action than similarly popular male executives, but the gendered differences in decree issuance disappear when executives possess low approval ratings. Our findings have implications for understanding the potential benefits of feminine leadership styles for executive–legislative relations and good governance.
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Taylor, Belva. "The Political Role of the Health Services Executive." Healthcare Management Forum 2, no. 4 (December 1989): 26–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0840-4704(10)61409-3.

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The “politicization” of health care in Canada means an increasing political role for health service executives. This article focuses on the political activities and skills required for administrators to become effective in this expanded role. In the 1990s, the administrator must become increasingly externally oriented and proactive. Two externally oriented skills, networking and information processing, are discussed in relation to the current health care environment. Practical examples are provided to illustrate how these skills can be used to ensure both the success of the executive and the position of the organization.
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Daniels, R. Steven, and Carolyn L. Clark-Daniels. "Vulnerability Reduction and Political Responsiveness: Explaining Executive Decisions in U.S. Disaster Policy during the Ford and Carter Administrations*." International Journal of Mass Emergencies & Disasters 20, no. 2 (August 2002): 225–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/028072700202000209.

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Decision-making by elected executives on disaster policy reflects comprehensive vulnerability management, political responsiveness to the media, political negotiation, and intergovernmental conflict. If vulnerability reduction is a significant influence, executive decisions should reflect political and social vulnerability and self-sufficiency. If political responsiveness influences disaster decisions, executive decisions should also reflect media coverage, proximity to elections, and decisions at other levels of government. The data set included 293 major disaster requests between 1974 and 1981. The analysis used multiple regression and logistic regression. Vulnerability reduction had an impact on aid decisions. Political responsiveness affected most decisions on disaster relief. The Ford administration was more sensitive to both responsiveness and vulnerability than the Carter administration. Overall, nationalization of disaster assistance has made the achievement of vulnerability management more difficult. The absence of minimum criteria has increased the discretion of executive choice.
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Cox, Gary W., and Barry R. Weingast. "Executive Constraint, Political Stability, and Economic Growth." Comparative Political Studies 51, no. 3 (August 25, 2017): 279–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414017710254.

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Previous studies have argued that democracy diminishes the extent to which leadership contests depress economic growth, by reducing the violence and uncertainty attendant on such contests. We reconsider the theoretical basis for this claim, highlighting the separate roles of executive constraint and electoral accountability. Exploiting panel data from 1850 to 2005, we show that the executive’s horizontal accountability to the legislature significantly moderates the economic downturns associated with leadership turnover, while its vertical accountability to the electorate does not. These results suggest that, in terms of moderating succession-related downturns and thereby promoting steadier economic growth, the health of legislatures is more important than the health of elections.
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Ferguson, Margaret Robertson. "Chief Executive Success in the Legislative Arena." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 3, no. 2 (June 2003): 158–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/153244000300300203.

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American chief executives are popularly believed to play a crucial leadership role in the legislative process, but this role is not well understood by scholars. This article develops a model of executive leadership success in the legislative arena based on personal, institutional, political, and economic factors and tests that model with data on the legislative priorities of the 50 state governors in 1993–94. Institutional features of the executive, which have been the focus of much scholarship, are found to have little effect on a governor's legislative success. On the other hand, the nature of the legislature is quite important here, with more professional legislatures actually encouraging executive leadership. A governor's personal characteristics, political party, and a state's economy also influence a governor's legislative success. These findings point to the importance of examining chief executives in the context in which they work if we are to understand their role as legislative leader.
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Uhr, John. "RETHINKING THE SENIOR EXECUTIVE SERVICE: EXECUTIVE DEVELOPMENT AS POLITICAL EDUCATION." Australian Journal of Public Administration 46, no. 1 (March 1987): 20–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8500.1987.tb01408.x.

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Thomas, Paul E. J., and J. P. Lewis. "Executive Creep in Canadian Provincial Legislatures." Canadian Journal of Political Science 52, no. 2 (October 15, 2018): 363–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423918000781.

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AbstractStudies of parliamentary systems contend that backbench legislators are increasingly marginalized, with power being centralized in the executive. However, such research typically focuses on national legislatures, ignoring subnational jurisdictions. We extend this literature by exploring the process of “executive creep” in Canada's provinces; namely the tendency of executives to erode legislative independence by appointing backbenchers to quasi-executive positions or cabinet committees. We examine executive creep in all provinces since 1968, finding a clear trend towards the increased incorporation of backbenchers into the work of the executive. Moreover, these changes serve to strengthen the power of first ministers relative to their cabinets.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political executive"

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Zucco, Cesar. "The political economy of ordinary politics in Latin America." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1467893851&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Rama, Christopher J. "Executive Prerogative: The Constitutionality and Future Implications of President Barack Obama's 2014 Executive Order regarding Immigration Law in the United States of America." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1060.

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United States President Barack Obama issued an Executive order on November 20, 2014 to implement new law regarding the American immigration system and deportations. The system has long been skewed, and a polarizing issue among both the general public and of those involved in the United States government. Obama, by issuing this decree, created a law on his own due to congressional deadlock in creating and passing immigration reform legislation. However, the constitutionality of his decision to do so has now become highly debated, with many officials and academics across the country asserting their beliefs in his legal ability to issue the order. The ability to create laws is explicitly prescribed to the Legislative branch in the Constitution, but there have been past examples of Executive authority being necessary so as to preserve the Union and allow the government to continue. This thesis will examine the constitutionality of Obama’s Executive decree and the potential precedent that it will set for future Presidents by analyzing it within the context of John Locke, the original proprietor for the rule of law, James Madison, the father of the United States Constitution and separation of powers system, Alexander Hamilton, the forthcoming advocate for an energetic Executive of the Founding Fathers, the Abraham Lincoln presidency, which involved the crisis known as the Civil War, and the George W. Bush presidency, widely known as one of the most polarizing constitutional presidencies in American history. When looking at these past examples it becomes clear that Barack Obama overstepped his place in the government with no existential crisis threatening the nation, therefore setting a dangerous precedent for future Executive’s as well as damaging the force of the separation of powers system.
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Todd, Angus. "The legal and political evolution and reform of the international executive." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.391410.

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Martins, Thais Cavalcante. "Organização e funcionamento da política representativa local : o caso do município de São Carlos." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2015. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/7518.

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This research aims to examine the organization and functioning of representative politics in São Carlos between the years 2001-2008, including the way that political representation is exercised at the local level. We seek to identify and analyze the profile of local political elites, the strategies adopted by councilors in the performance of representation as well as the relationship established with the executive. To this end, we look back on the local scene from the resumption of the political divide, the rules of the legislative process, in addition to the agenda approved by the mayor and the City Council. The study seeks to demonstrate that the choice made by political actors would be related, as far as possible, to the unique dynamics of county policy. Although individuals are the basic unit of analysis, they operate according to the parameters set by the institutional environment in which they operate. Are the preferences of the actors as well as its position in the political game that make these opt for a strategy or other possibilities in the field of institutional rules.
Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar a organização e o funcionamento da política representativa no município de São Carlos entre os anos de 2001 a 2008, compreendendo o modo que a representação política é exercida em nível local. Buscamos identificar e analisar o perfil das elites políticas locais, as estratégias adotadas pelos vereadores no exercício da representação, bem como a relação estabelecida com o poder Executivo. Para tanto, nos debruçamos sobre o cenário local a partir da retomada da disputa política, das regras do processo legislativo, além da agenda aprovada pelo prefeito e pela Câmara Municipal. O estudo busca demonstrar que a escolha feita pelos atores políticos estaria relacionada, na medida do possível, às singularidades da dinâmica política do município. Embora os indivíduos sejam a unidade básica de análise, estes operam de acordo com os parâmetros estabelecidos pelo ambiente institucional em que atuam. São as preferências dos atores, bem como o seu posicionamento no jogo político que fazem com que estes optem por uma estratégia ou outra no campo das possibilidades das regras institucionais.
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Maurer, Lynn M. "Legislative-Executive Relations in a Newly-Consolidated Democracy: The Case of Spain /." The Ohio State University, 1995. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487868114113422.

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Koehler, Matthew A. "Conviction in politics executive posturing in the liberal-democratic state /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2006.

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Krusell, Joshua. "Executive Constraints and Civil Conflict Onset." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-420328.

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Do institutional constraints on a regime's executive decrease the likelihood of civil conflict onset? An unconstrained executive is free to loot state resources undermining the state's capacity to effectively deal with nascent rebellions, and may be more likely to engage in violent repression, especially in the form of indiscriminate violence. This can encourage political grievances, lead to a loss of legitimacy for the regime, and provide the opportunity for would be rebel groups to attract new members by offering protection against government violence. Furthermore, the lack of guaranteed checks to executive power may incentivise actors to avoid bargained solutions if they fear future extralegal retributions. Taken together, where there is a lack of effective constraints against the executive there may be an increased risk for the onset of civil conflict. To test this proposition I employ a bayesian latent variable model which estimates executive constraint as a latent factor derived from several manifest variables and relate it to a binary measure of civil conflict onset through a logistic regression. The primary finding is that there is a negative relationship such that the predicted probability for civil conflict is lower where there exists higher levels of executive constraints. However, this is conditional on the level of GDP per capita; for low-income country-years the relationship between executive constraints and civil conflict onset is indeterminate possibly because it is easier to recruit and mobilize fighters in such settings regardless of the overall level of executive constraints. The model, however, is a poor fit to the data meaning that the presented results should be considered tentative at best. Nonetheless, this study helps to further the work on examining specific political institutions as potential risk factors for the onset of civil conflict.
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Claveria, i. Alias Sílvia. "Women in executive office in advanced industrial democracies : presence, portfolios and post-ministerial occupation." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/392603.

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This thesis is focused on women in executive office. Whereas the literature on women's political representation in national parliaments is now well established, analyses of women in cabinets are rather limited. The dissertation goals are threefold. Firtsly, it examines women's access to executive office, seeking to answer the question about which factors explain the access of women to executive office, with a time series and cross section perspective. Secondly, it pays attention to routes to political office and the gendered patterns underlying portfolio allocation, especially the distribution of prestigious portfolios. Thirdly, it explores the determinants affecting ex-ministers' post-ministerial occupation, as well as how the positions that women and men ministers hold in cabinets may shape their subsequent careers. This dissertation seeks to provide a comprehensive overview of women's participation in executive office in 23 advanced industrial democracies. Simultaneously, it aims at expanding both the general literature on executives and gender and politics.
Aquesta tesi se centra en la dona al poder executiu. Mentre que la literatura ha estudiat extensament la representació política de les dones en els parlaments nacionals, les anàlisis sobre la representació de les mateixes en els governs són limitades. En aquesta tesi s'estableix un triple objectiu. En primer lloc, s'examina l'accés de les dones al govern. tractant de descobrir quins factors expliquen l'accés de les dones a càrrecs executius, tan al llarg del temps com comparativament. En segón lloc, se centra en quines són les rutes d'accés als ministeris; com també en els patrons de gènere subjacents a l'assignació de carteres, especialment en la distribució de les carteres prestigioses. En tercer lloc, s'estudia quins són els factors que incideixen a l'hora d'explicar l'ocupacio post-ministerial dels ex-ministres, també s'analitza si la posició ministerial que els i les ministres ostenten al govern condiciona les seves carreres posteriors. Aquesta tesi pretén oferir una visió global de la participació de les dones als governs en 23 democràcies industrials avançades. Al mateix temps, té com a objectiu la contribució tant a la literatura general sobre els executius com a la literatura de gènere i política.
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Koczak, Steven D. "Winning battles and losing wars| Governor George E. Pataki and the executive veto." Thesis, State University of New York at Albany, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3566337.

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The work first outlines a theoretical framework referred to as the Theory of the Strong Executive, drawn from what comparatively little literature there is about the state governors, as well as certain primary sources. The Theory of the Strong Executive outlines two sets of expectations for state governors, one theoretical (descriptive labels of expected political behavior) and one institutional (certain institutional or constitutional features one might expect to see).

The veto power, basically a legislative power granted to the executive, is critical for gubernatorial behavior, and gubernatorial power, under both sets of expectations, and is rather under-studied relative to its near-universally acknowledged importance. Governor George E. Pataki of New York State was selected for in-depth study, for various reasons, in an attempt to plug the gaps in the literature.

Certain conclusions specifically relating to Governor Pataki were arrived at. Several things of a more general applicability and interest also were learned. Governor Pataki used the veto early and often, usually to express a policy disagreement with the State Legislature (rather than, say, because a bill was too costly or technically defective). Governor Pataki's use of the veto reflected both partisan conflicts and institutional conflicts with the State Legislature. Governor Pataki's divided government issues extended beyond divided government in the strictly partisan sense to reflect a complex relationship with the Republican-led State Senate that resembled divided government. Though veto overrides occurred under Governor Pataki, a trend of overrides never emerged, and the veto retained its considerable power.

New York's governors appear to veto more often than governors of most other states, and Governor Pataki appeared to be a comparatively aggressive vetoer even relative to other New York governors. The strong inference, therefore, is that there was something unique about Governor Pataki, and there is something unique about the New York governorship. Fully understanding the differences between governors, between states and within a single state, requires close-up study.

Further aggregate studies of the gubernatorial veto, therefore, should keep in mind that more particular factors may be more important than they appear to be.

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Mwaikusa, Jwani Timothy. "Towards responsible democratic government : executive powers and constitutional practice in Tanzania 1962-1992." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.307751.

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Books on the topic "Political executive"

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Richter, Clas Oliver. Political Warfare Executive. Münster: Lit, 1998.

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Campbell, Colin. Executive political leadership in Canada. Washington, D.C: Association for Canadian Studies in the United States, 1989.

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Colin, Campbell. Executive political leadership in Canada. Washington, DC: Association for Canadian Studies in the United States, 1989.

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Grossman, Gary. Executive Actions. New York: ibooks, Inc., 2004.

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Margolin, Phillip. Executive privilege. New York, NY: Harper, 2008.

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Executive privilege. New York, NY: Harper, 2008.

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Margolin, Phillip. Executive Privilege. New York: HarperCollins, 2008.

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Richard, Rose. A house divided; political administration in Britain today. Glasgow: Centre for the Study of Public Policy, University of Strathclyde, 1986.

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1949-, Nelson Michael, ed. The presidency and the political system. 6th ed. Washington, D.C: CQ Press, 2000.

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Davis, Howard. Alternatives to the committee system: The political executive. Birmingham: University of Birmingham Institute of Local Government Studies, 1986.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political executive"

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Hague, Rod, Martin Harrop, and Shaun Breslin. "The Political Executive." In Comparative Government and Politics, 313–41. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22276-6_13.

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Hague, Rod, and Martin Harrop. "The political executive." In Comparative Government and Politics, 298–321. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-31786-5_16.

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Ball, Alan R., and B. Guy Peters. "The Political Executive." In Modern Politics and Government, 209–29. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-37393-8_10.

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Hix, Simon, and Bjørn Høyland. "Executive Politics." In The Political System of the European Union, 23–48. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-34418-1_2.

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Hix, Simon. "Executive Politics." In The Political System of the European Union, 21–55. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27531-1_2.

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Verzichelli, Luca. "Executive Elites." In The Palgrave Handbook of Political Elites, 363–80. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-51904-7_24.

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Müller-Rommel, Ferdinand, and Michelangelo Vercesi. "Executive Power." In The SAGE Handbook of Political Science, 760–75. 1 Oliver's Yard, 55 City Road London EC1Y 1SP: SAGE Publications Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781529714333.n48.

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Thomson, Peninah, Clare Laurent, and Tom Lloyd. "The Political Environment." In The Rise of the Female Executive, 57–77. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-45143-9_4.

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Willerton, John P. "Executive Power and Political Leadership." In Developments in Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics, 44–67. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22191-2_3.

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Huang, Xiaoming. "States and the political executive." In Politics in Pacific Asia, 36–59. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-08666-2_3.

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Conference papers on the topic "Political executive"

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Zakaria, Badaruddin, Heri Kusmanto, and Fikarwin Zuska. "Attraction of Executive Interest in the Establishment of Regional Regulation Number 3 of 2011 in Medan City." In International Conference on Social Political Development (ICOSOP) 3. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010012501160121.

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Shu, Ying. "Charitable Donations, Political Connections and Top Executive Stock Ownership:Evidence from Chinese Listed Companies." In 2017 International Conference on Culture, Education and Financial Development of Modern Society (ICCESE 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iccese-17.2017.179.

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Габазов, Тимур Султанович, and Айна Бислановна Сулейманова. "EXECUTIVE AUTHORITY OF THE REPUBLIC OF KIRIBATI." In Научные исследования в современном мире. Теория и практика: сборник избранных статей Всероссийской (национальной) научно-практической конференции (Санкт-Петербург, Ноябрь 2021). Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/nitp322.2021.77.92.009.

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Проблемы исполнительной власти всегда находились в центре внимания юридической науки. Им посвящены сотни статей и книг. Тем временем теория государственного управления все еще не предложила законченных определений во многих вопросах. Не случайно понятие и сущность исполнительной власти являются в известной мере дискуссионными. Статья посвящена раскрытию полномочий и организации деятельности исполнительной власти в Республике Кирибати. Знание политической системы других государств, и в частности такого территориально сложного государства, вполне естественно может помочь в моделировании оптимальной системы вертикали власти и для отечественного государствоведения. The problems of the executive branch have always been at the center of attention of legal science. Hundreds of articles and books are devoted to them. In the meantime, government theory still has not offered complete definitions on many issues. It is no coincidence that the concept and essence of the executive branch are, to a certain extent, controversial. The article is devoted to the disclosure of the powers and organization of the activities of the executive branch in the Republic of Kiribati. Knowledge of the political system of other states, and in particular of such a territorially complex state, can quite naturally help in modeling the optimal system of the vertical of power for national state studies.
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Blažić, Đorđije, and Anika Kovačević. "IZVRŠNA VLAST U VIDOVDANSKOM USTAVU." In 100 GODINA OD VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA. Faculty of law, University of Kragujevac, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zbvu21.247b.

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The author analyzes the provisions of the Vidоvdan Constitution which regulate the position and competence of the executive branch. With the Vidovdan Constitution, the Kingdom of Serbs Croats and Slovenes was proclaimed a constitutional parliamentary and hereditary monarchy in which the King has a central constitutional position and the position of an undisputed holder of executive power. The executive power is made available to the king, which is exercised by the ministers for him, with him and his subordinates. Ministers form the Council of Ministers (Government) and are at the head of certain administrative departments. Although the Constitution proclaimed parliamentarism, there was no classic parliamentary responsibility of ministers before the Assembly. The king was a political factor that enters the field of competence of other holders of power, and thus the division of power provided by the constitution "falls away". The king's power extends to the civil and military field of life of the state, to the external and internal spheres. Although the adoption of the Vidovdan Constitution aimed to create a unified system of organization and division of power, the internal state and political situation in the country, after the adoption of the Constitution, became more complicated and filled with frequent ministerial crises and conflicts of political parties. The King's domination and his frequent "going out" outside the constitutional framework resulted in increasing centralization and, in the end, a coup d'etat and the establishment of King Alexander Karadjordjevic's personal dictatorship.
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Marinković, Milica. "RAZVITAK FRANCUSKE ADVOKATURE U XIX VEKU." In XVII majsko savetovanje. Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Kragujevcu, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/uvp21.1067m.

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The paper is dedicated to the development of advocacy in France throughout history, and special attention is paid to the struggle of lawyers to repair the damage caused to their position by the Bourgeois Revolution. The goals of the legal struggle were fully achieved in the period of the Third Republic, rightly called the "Republic of Lawyers", when they took over the legislative and executive power. French lawyers, especially in the 19th century, were often real political dissidents. With their work as a politival opposition, they redefined the relationship between the state and society and set a clear border of state power, all of which enabled the easier emergence of a liberal constitutional monarchy, and then a republic. Due to the constant opposition activities in the courtroom, the lawyers demonstrated in the best possible way how closely law and politics stand in each state. In the introductory chapter of the paper, the author gives an overview of the historical development of advocacy from the Frankish period to the Revolution itself. During the Old Regime, lawyers enjoyed the status of "secular clergy" and, although members of the Third Class, were an unavoidable political factor in absolutist France. The second chapter contains an analysis of the devastating impact of the Revolution on the legal profession and timid attempts to improve the position of the legal profession with the advent of the Restoration. The third chapter provides an overview of the period from 1830 to 1870, which was characterized by the increasingly serious interference of lawyers in politics in order to fight for the advancement of the profession. The chapter on the Third Republic talks about the successful outcome of the lawyer's fight for their own rights, and the final chapter talks about the tendencies in the French legal profession in the 20th century.
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Amalia, Diah, and Steven Ferdiansyah. "Do Political Connection, Executive Character, and Audit Quality Affect the Tax Avoidance Practice? Evidence in Indonesia." In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Applied Economics and Social Science (ICAESS 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icaess-19.2019.5.

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Ingriyani, Lini, and Dony Chalid. "Interactive Effects between Corporate Governance, Executive Compensation, and Firm Performance of the Manufacturing Industry in Indonesia." In Proceedings of the 5th International Conference on Indonesian Social and Political Enquiries, ICISPE 2020, 9-10 October 2020, Semarang, Indonesia. EAI, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.9-10-2020.2304771.

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Abdullah, Khamosh. "The impact of the absence of the constitution of the Kurdistan region on extending the term limits of the legislative and executive authority." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp123-140.

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Legislative and presidential power, and the center of the constitution in all political systems, after presidential elections. This period has been suspended for a long time. However, it is possible for the institutions that can do this, because there is a constitution in their vicinity, for the exemplary assembly that can be done by the institution that can do this easily, by opening the door to extension, what happened . Actually in the region. To do the constitution by the constitution
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Yonda, Dominikus Riki, and Adi Cilik Pierewan. "Relationship of Mutual Trusts of People Against Political Participation in the Use of the Right to Choose in Executive Elections in Indonesia." In Proceedings of the International Conference of Ethics on Business, Economics, and Social Science (ICEBESS 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icebess-18.2019.4.

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Mohammed Ameen, Peshraw. "the presidential and the semi-presidential system." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp152-163.

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In this research we dealt with the aspects of the presidential system and the semi-presidential system, and he problematic of the political system in the Kurdistan Region. Mainly The presidential system has stabilized in many important countries, and the semi-presidential concept is a new concept that can be considered a mixture of parliamentary and presidential principles. One of the features of a semi-presidential system is that the elected president is accountable to parliament. The main player is the president who is elected in direct or indirect general elections. And the United States is a model for the presidential system, and France is the most realistic model for implementing the semi-presidential system. The French political system, which lived a long period under the traditional parliamentary system, introduced new adjustments in the power structure by strengthening the powers of the executive authority vis-à-vis Parliament, and expanding the powers of the President of the Republic. In exchange for the government while remaining far from bearing political responsibility, and therefore it can be said that the French system has overcome the elements of the presidential system in terms of objectivity and retains the elements of the parliamentary system in terms of formality, so it deserves to be called the semi-presidential system. Then the political system in the Kurdistan Region is not a complete parliamentary system, and it is not a presidential system in light of the presence of a parliament with powers. Therefore, the semi-presidential system is the most appropriate political system for this region, where disputes are resolved over the authority of both the parliament and the regional president, and a political system is built stable. And that because The presence of a parliamentary majority, which supports a government based on a strategic and stable party coalition, which is one of the current problems in the Kurdistan region. This dilemma can be solved through the semi-presidential system. And in another hand The impartiality of the head of state in the relationship with the government and parliament. The head of state, with some relations with the government, can participate in legislative competencies with Parliament.
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Reports on the topic "Political executive"

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Joskow, Paul, Nancy Rose, and Catherin Wolfram. Political Constraints on Executive Compensation: Evidence from the Electric Utility Industry. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, December 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w4980.

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Adamson, Fiona. Trump’s Executive Orders on Migration and Security: Policy Incompetence, Political Theater or Ideological Pivot? Center for Migration Studies, February 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.14240/cmsesy020917.

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Deal, Jennifer, Kristin Cullen, Sarah Stawiski, William Gentry, and Marian Ruderman. World Leadership Survey Biannual Report on Employee Commitment and Engagement 2013–2014. Center for Creative Leadership, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.35613/ccl.2015.2048.

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" From the Executive Summary: ""The purpose of the World Leadership Survey (WLS) is to provide a window into how professionals, managers, and executives view their life within the organization. This view of the employee experience will help leaders of organizations understand what employees experience, and what the organization can do to improve commitment and reduce turnover. The good news for organizations in the United States and Canada (the sample for this report) is that respondents are mostly committed to their organizations, satisfied with their jobs and their pay, work more than the typical 40-hour workweek, and do not currently intend to leave their jobs. The professionals, managers, and executives surveyed feel supported by their organization and by their direct supervisor, and think that their organizations are economically stable. Unfortunately they also feel overloaded, with their work disproportionately interfering with the rest of life, and that there is a high level of political behavior within their organization. Both overload and overt political behavior can reduce individual and organizational effectiveness. This report describes the current employee experience, and what organizations can focus on to maintain and improve commitment and engagement."
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Tyson, Paul. Sovereignty and Biosecurity: Can we prevent ius from disappearing into dominium? Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp3en.

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Drawing on Milbank and Agamben, a politico-juridical anthropology matrix can be drawn describing the relations between ius and bios (justice and political life) on the one hand and dominium and zoe (private power and ‘bare life’) on the other hand. Mapping movements in the basic configurations of this matrix over the long sweep of Western cultural history enable us to see where we are currently situated in relation to the nexus between politico-juridical authority (sovereignty) and the emergency use of executive State powers in the context of biosecurity. The argument presented is that pre-19th century understandings of ius and bios presupposed transcendent categories of Justice and the Common Good that were not naturalistically defined. The very recent idea of a purely naturalistic naturalism has made distinctions between bios and zoe un-locatable and civic ius is now disappearing into a strangely ‘private’ total power (dominium) over the bodies of citizens, as exercised by the State. The very meaning of politico-juridical authority and the sovereignty of the State is undergoing radical change when viewed from a long perspective. This paper suggests that the ancient distinction between power and authority is becoming meaningless, and that this loss erodes the ideas of justice and political life in the Western tradition. Early modern capitalism still retained at least the theory of a Providential moral order, but since the late 19th century, morality has become fully naturalized and secularized, such that what moral categories Classical economics had have been radically instrumentalized since. In the postcapitalist neoliberal world order, no high horizon of just power –no spiritual conception of sovereignty– remains. The paper argues that the reduction of authority to power, which flows from the absence of any traditional conception of sovereignty, is happening with particular ease in Australia, and that in Australia it is only the Indigenous attempt to have their prior sovereignty –as a spiritual reality– recognized that is pushing back against the collapse of political authority into mere executive power.
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Keefer, Philip, and Carlos Scartascini, eds. Trust: The Key to Social Cohesion and Growth in Latin America and the Caribbean (Executive Summary). Inter-American Development Bank, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003911.

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Trust is the most pressing and yet least discussed problem confronting Latin America and the Caribbean. Whether in others, in government, or in firms, trust is lower in the region than anywhere else in the world. The economic and political consequences of mistrust ripple through society. It suppresses growth and innovation: investment, entrepreneurship, and employment all flourish when firms and government, workers and employers, banks and borrowers, and consumers and producers trust each other. Trust inside private and public sector organizations is essential for collaboration and innovation. Mistrust distorts democratic decision-making. It keeps citizens from demanding better public services and infrastructure, from joining with others to control corruption, and from making the collective sacrifices that leave everyone better off. The good news is that governments can increase citizen trust with clearer promises of what citizens can expect from them, public sector reforms that enable them to keep their promises, and institutional reforms that strengthen the commitments that citizens make to each other. This book guides decision-makers as they incorporate trust and social cohesion into the comprehensive reforms needed to address the region's most pernicious challenges.
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Cohen, Alma, Moshe Hazan, and David Weiss. Politics and Gender in the Executive Suite. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w28893.

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Arora, Sanjana, and Olena Koval. Norway Country Report. University of Stavanger, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.232.

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This report is part of a larger cross-country comparative project and constitutes an account and analysis of the measures comprising the Norwegian national response to the COVID-19 pandemic during the year of 2020. This time period is interesting in that mitigation efforts were predominantly of a non-medical nature. Mass vaccinations were in Norway conducted in early 2021. With one of the lowest mortality rates in Europe and relatively lower economic repercussions compared to its Nordic neighbours, the Norwegian case stands unique (OECD, 2021: Eurostat 2021; Statista, 2022). This report presents a summary of Norwegian response to the COVID-19 pandemic by taking into account its governance, political administration and societal context. In doing so, it highlights the key features of the Nordic governance model and the mitigation measures that attributed to its success, as well as some facets of Norway’s under-preparedness. Norway’s relative isolation in Northern Europe coupled with low population density gave it a geographical advantage in ensuring a slower spread of the virus. However, the spread of infection was also uneven, which meant that infection rates were concentrated more in some areas than in others. On the fiscal front, the affluence of Norway is linked to its petroleum industry and the related Norwegian Sovereign Wealth Fund. Both were affected by the pandemic, reflected through a reduction in the country’s annual GDP (SSB, 2022). The Nordic model of extensive welfare services, economic measures, a strong healthcare system with goals of equity and a high trust society, indeed ensured a strong shield against the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Yet, the consequences of the pandemic were uneven with unemployment especially high among those with low education and/or in low-income professions, as well as among immigrants (NOU, 2022:5). The social and psychological effects were also uneven, with children and elderly being left particularly vulnerable (Christensen, 2021). Further, the pandemic also at times led to unprecedented pressure on some intensive care units (OECD, 2021). Central to handling the COVID-19 pandemic in Norway were the three national executive authorities: the Ministry of Health and Care services, the National directorate of health and the Norwegian Institute of Public Health. With regard to political-administrative functions, the principle of subsidiarity (decentralisation) and responsibility meant that local governments had a high degree of autonomy in implementing infection control measures. Risk communication was thus also relatively decentralised, depending on the local outbreak situations. While decentralisation likely gave flexibility, ability to improvise in a crisis and utilise the municipalities’ knowledge of local contexts, it also brought forward challenges of coordination between the national and municipal level. Lack of training, infection control and protection equipment thereby prevailed in several municipalities. Although in effect for limited periods of time, the Corona Act, which allowed for fairly severe restrictions, received mixed responses in the public sphere. Critical perceptions towards the Corona Act were not seen as a surprise, considering that Norwegian society has traditionally relied on its ‘dugnadskultur’ – a culture of voluntary contributions in the spirit of solidarity. Government representatives at the frontline of communication were also open about the degree of uncertainty coupled with considerable potential for great societal damage. Overall, the mitigation policy in Norway was successful in keeping the overall infection rates and mortality low, albeit with a few societal and political-administrative challenges. The case of Norway is thus indeed exemplary with regard to its effective mitigation measures and strong government support to mitigate the impact of those measures. However, it also goes to show how a country with good crisis preparedness systems, governance and a comprehensive welfare system was also left somewhat underprepared by the devastating consequences of the pandemic.
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Ali, Rassul. Konzeptentwicklung für CDM-Projekte - Risikoanalyse der projektbezogenen Generierung von CO2-Zertifikaten (CER). Sonderforschungsgruppe Institutionenanalyse, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.46850/sofia.9783933795842.

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The Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) is a complex legal-institutional system that, on the one hand, offers industrialized countries options for cost-effective emission reductions and, on the other, provides developing countries with opportunities for sustainable development. Investors face the difficulty of identifying suitable CDM projects from approximately 130 possible host countries and nearly 60 possible project activities. In order to develop points of reference for strategic investments, this paper identifies and categorizes the risks arising in the value creation process of bilateral energy projects into four action-related levels. At the host level, the focus is on political-institutional and sector-specific risks, while at the investor state level, the legal design of the CDM's complementary function is relevant. The project level covers technology- and process-related risks, with the identification of the reference case and the proof of additionality posing particular problems. The future design of the CDM and the reform of the procedure at the UNFCCC level pose a fundamental risk. A two-stage assessment procedure is proposed for risk assessment: a rough analysis captures sociographic, climate policy, institutional and sector-specific criteria of the host. The differentiation of the project stage allows the localization of the project in the value chain and a differentiation regarding the use of methods. The assessment of project registration is based on the methods used and gives recognition rates per method and project category; project performance is measured in terms of the ratio of emission reductions actually realized to those planned in the project documentation. A detailed analysis following the coarse analysis provides qualitative guidance for project evaluation. These include the Executive Board's methodological principles, correct application of methodologies, identification of the reference case, proof of additionality, as well as the financial conditions of the relevant sector and publicity-related aspects. Despite individual hosts and project technologies, the developed two-step risk analysis allows, with relatively little effort and in line with business practice, an initial assessment of CDM project risks, so that overall it lays a fundamental building block for the elaboration of a strategic implementation and sustainable investment under the CDM.
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Prysyazhna-Gapchenko, Julia. VOLODYMYR LENYK AS A JOURNALIST AND EDITOR IN THE ENVIRONMENT OF UKRAINIAN EMIGRATION. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11094.

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In this article considered Journalistic and editorial activity of Volodymyr Lenika (14.06.1922–02.11.2005) – one of the leading figures of Ukrainian emigration in Germany. First outlined basic landmarks of his life and creation. Journalistic and editorial activity of Volodymyr Lenik was during to forty years out of Ukraine. In the conditions of emigration politically zaangazhovani Ukrainians counted on temporality of the stay abroad and prepared to transference of the created charts and instituciy on native lands. It was or by not main part of conception of liberation revolution of elaborate OUN under the direction of Stepan Banderi, and successfully incarnated in post-war years. Volodymyr Lenik, executing responsible commissions Organization, proved on a few directions of activity, which were organically combined with his journalistic and editorial work. As an editor he was promotorom of creation and realization of models of magazines «Avangard», «Krylati», «Znannia», «Freie Presse Korespondenz», newspapers «Shliakh peremogy». As a journalist Volodymyr Lenik left ponderable work, considerable part of which entered in two-volume edition «Ukrainians on strange land, or reporting, from long journeys». Subject of him newspaper-magazine publications directed on illumination of school, youth, student, cultural, scientific problems, organization and activity of emigrant structures, political fight of emigration, to dethronement of the antiukrainskikh Moscow diversions and provocations. Such variety of problematic of works of V. Lenika was directed in the river-bed of retaining of revolutionary temperament in the environment of diaspore, to bringing in of it to activity in public and political life. Problematic of him is systematized publicism and journalistic appearances, which was inferior realization of a few important tasks, namely to the fight for Ukrainian independence in new terms, cherishing and maintainance of national identity, counteraction hostile soviet propaganda. On an example headed Volodymyr Lenikom a magazine «Knowledge» some aspects are exposed him editorial trade.
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