Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political films

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Academic literature on the topic 'Political films'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Political films"

Meade, Melissa R. "Violence, Oppression, and Double Standards in Three Colombian Films." CINEJ Cinema Journal 1, no. 1 (August 4, 2011): 16–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cinej.2011.13.

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This article compares three Colombian films that tell distinct stories of violence, personal and political oppression, and double standards. The films Confesión a Laura (Confessing to Laura, Jaime Osorio, 1991), La Primera Noche (The First Night, Luis Alberto Restrepo, 2003) and El Rey (The King, José Antonio Dorado, 2004) each highlight the characters’ struggles in the Colombian socio-political landscape. Each film’s content and themes do not merely offer representations of national culture, but also provide a way in which to discuss the political and social struggles of Colombia. The directors explore these stories of violence and socio-political struggle through the use of mis-en-scène, cinematography, sound, and editing.

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Zi, Ya. "Political Films and Human Rights Bias." Chinese Sociology & Anthropology 32, no. 2 (December 1999): 51–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/csa0009-4625320251.

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Haynes, J. "Political critique in Nigerian video films." African Affairs 105, no. 421 (October 1, 2006): 511–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adi125.

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Michelson, Annette. "The Kinetic Icon in the Work of Mourning." October 169 (August 2019): 87–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/octo_a_00361.

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Among Dziga Vertov's films, Three Songs of Lenin is unique in its immediate and enduring approval within the Soviet Union. The film was commissioned for the tenth anniversary of Lenin's death and made extensive use of archival material documenting Lenin's political trajectory and his funeral. Annette Michelson offers a reading of the film's political function within the historical situation of the USSR in the 1930s, claiming that the register and scale of Three Songs of Lenin make the film a “kinetic icon” for the deceased leader. Michelson discusses similarities between religious icons and films, particularly the way in which death haunts both, and she examines the way in which the film's emphasis on the role of the female mourner enables it to transform document into monument.

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Dvorak, Kevin. "Reelpolitik: Political Ideologies in '30s and '40s Films, and: Reelpolitik II: Political Ideologies in '50s and '60s Films (review)." Film & History: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Film and Television Studies 35, no. 2 (2005): 92–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/flm.2005.0035.

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Ilchenko, Sergei Nikolayevich. "Axiology of the Political Dichotomy of the Russian Screen Content's Political "Overtone"." Journal of Flm Arts and Film Studies 3, no. 1 (February 15, 2011): 124–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/vgik31124-133.

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The article analyses the political confrontations in Russian history of the 20th century as reflected in domestic audiovisual productions. The problem of the relationship between "the Reds" and "the Whites" is investigated by the author through films and TV shows in terms of the value systems of the belligerent social forces.

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Holtmeier, Matthew. "The Modern Political Cinema: From Third Cinema to Contemporary Networked Biopolitics." Film-Philosophy 20, no. 2-3 (October 2016): 303–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/film.2016.0017.

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Political cinema, particularly third cinema of the 1960s and subsequently inspired films, often relies upon the formation and transformation of subjectivity. Such films depict a becoming-political of their characters, such as Ali LaPointe's transformation from bricklayer and boxer to revolutionary in Battle of Algiers (La battaglia di Algeri, Gillo Pontecorvo, 1966 ). As subjects are politicized, they reveal social, moral, existential, or ethical exigencies that drive the politics of the film. In this respect, most narrative-driven political cinema is biopolitical cinema, although its expression shifts from film to film, or from one period of time to another. Gilles Deleuze articulated such a shift in his two works on cinema, Cinema 1: The Movement-Image and Cinema 2: The Time-Image. Namely, he points to the breaking of the link between action and reaction that marks a shift from pre-World War II cinema to the postwar filmmaking environment. To update Deleuze's project on political cinema, this article posits another qualitative shift in political cinema stemming from the emergence of neoliberal economic policies and the growth of networked information systems from the 1990s to the present. This shift compromises earlier models of political cinema and results in a modern political cinema based on the fragmentation of political publics and the formation of new political exigencies. Two films set in Algeria will be used to document this shift in political modes, in a move towards the modern political cinema: Battle of Algiers and Outside the Law (Hors-la-loi, Rachid Bouchareb, 2010 ).

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Nelson, John S. "Horror Films Face Political Evils in Everyday Life." Political Communication 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 381–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10584600591006654.

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Genovese, Michael A. "Politics and Science Fiction Films." News for Teachers of Political Science 46 (1985): 7–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0197901900001793.

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The movie theatre may seem like an odd place for politics, but almost all movies could be considered “political.” Even stranger is the notion that those spacemen, monsters and aliens we are so accustomed to seeing in science fiction films may be more than just entertaining us, they may be conveying a political message. In fact, most science fiction films make deeply political statements about the society from which they emerge.Science fiction films provide a unique opportunity for movie makers to comment on the implications of both human and “non-human” behavior. Through science fiction, one can look ahead to the way the world “might” look if the right wing, left wing, scientific rationalists, corporations, etc., take over and create their own “Brave New World.” It is an opportunity to play out the implications of various political philosophies for all to see and evaluate.

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Pisters, Patricia. "The Filmmaker as Metallurgist: Political Cinema and World Memory." Film-Philosophy 20, no. 1 (February 2016): 149–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/film.2016.0008.

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Compared to earlier waves of political cinema, such as the Russian revolution films of the 1920s and the militant Third Cinema movement in the 1960s, in today's globalized and digital media world filmmakers have adopted different strategies to express a commitment to politics. Rather than directly calling for a revolution, ‘post-cinema’ filmmakers with a political mission point to the radical contingencies of history; they return to the (audio-visual) archives and dig up never seen or forgotten materials. They reassemble stories, thoughts, and affects, bending our memories and historical consciousness. Following Deleuze and Guattari's geophilosophical ideas in A Thousand Plateaus filmmakers can be considered metallurgists. Discussing the work of Tariq Teguia, John Akomfrah and others, this article investigates several metallurgic strategies that have a performative effect in reshaping our collective memory and co-constructing the possibility of ‘a people to come.’

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political films"

Cannon, Stephen. "Making political films politically? : the film making practice of Jean-Luc Godard." Thesis, Aston University, 1993. http://publications.aston.ac.uk/10301/.

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This thesis attempts to re-examine the work of Jean-Luc Godard and in particular the claims which have been made for it as the starting-point for a revolutionary cinema. This re-examination involves, firstly, a critical summary of the development of Structuralist thinking, from its origins in linguistics, with Saussure, through to its influence on Marxism, with Althusser. It is this `Structural Marxism' which prepared the ground for a view of Godard as a revolutionary film-maker so its influences on film theory in the decade after 1968 is traced in journals such as Cahiers du Cinéa and Screen and in the work of their editors and contributors. Godard's relationship with such theories was a complex one and some of the cross-breeding is revealed in a brief account of his own ideas about his film-making. More important, however is his practice as a committed `political' film-maker between 1968 and 1972 which is analysed in terms of the responses it makes to the cultural opportunities offered in the period after the revolutionary situation of May 1968. The severe problems revealed by that analysis may be partially resolved in Godard's greatest `political' achievement Tout va bien, but a comparative analysis proves that in earlier `a-political' films such as Vivre sa vie, he was creating more meaningful and perhaps even more revolutionary art, whose formal experimentation is more organically linked to its subject and whose ability to communicate ideas far oustrips the later work. In conclusion some indications are suggested of a more fruitful basis for Marxist theories of art than Structural variants, seeking a non-formalist approach in the work of Marx, of Trotsky, of Brecht and Luk`acs.

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Oberacker, Jon S. "The people and me Michael Moore and the politics of political documentary /." Amherst, Mass. : University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2009. http://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations/65/.

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Walton, Jennifer Lee. "POLITICAL REELISM: A RHETORICAL CRITICISM OF REFLECTION AND INTERPRETATION IN POLITICAL FILMS." Connect to this title online, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1143492027.

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Jall, Hutokshi Jamshed. "Raj Kapoor and Hindi Films: Catalysts of Political Socialization in India." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1994. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/3399.

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This dissertation seeks to describe and analyze Raj Kapoor and Hindi films as direct and latent catalysis of political socialization in India. The main objective of this study is to portray that Raj Kapoor as an actor, director and producer of Hindi films endeavors not only to entertain people but makes them socially conscious by capturing the socioeconomic scenario in the aftermath of the partition of India in 1947, and socializes them to love each other, live in peace, and consequently, contribute towards the resurgence of a reformed, united and vibrant India. In order to defend the objective of the thesis, films in which Raj Kapoor established himself as an actor or a creator were reviewed and analyzed, and extensive fieldwork was undertaken in Bombay. The National Film Archive of India, Pune and the Price Gilbert Library, Atlanta provided secondary sources of information. The framework of analysis combines Gabriel Almond, G. Bingham owell and Sidney Verba's model of political socialization with Karl Deutsch's theory of communication and the New Left paradigm. This dissertation, in the final analysis seeks to establish that Raj Kapoor and Hindi films are capable of assisting the Indian state in the process of nation-building by instilling a buoyant sense of nationalism, and invoking universal values of nonviolence, love, unity, peace and friendship in the individual, national and international spheres. The significance of this research is unique as it seeks to establish the importance of Hindi film artists who contribute directly or indirectly in shaping the attitude, values and beliefs of the Indian people. Perhaps, this research work is path breaking as it seeks to analytically point out and reiterate the importance of love and nonviolence in the realm of politics, and in improving the quality of everyday life via Hindi films and artists like Raj Kapoor.

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Grillo, Carmen M. "Haunting the Domestic Foam: A Political Spherology of Contemporary Haunted House Films." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/26197.

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This thesis is focused on the intersection between horror, gender and politics in American haunted house films. Taking a “spherological” approach, the author argues that horror is evidence of a spherical breakdown, or a violation of existential space. Applying this approach to Hollywood haunted house films, the author demonstrates how those movies have, in the years since 2005, responded to a masculinity crisis discourse: by figuring haunting as a horrific disruption of paternal authority by violent masculine entities and powerful female ones, film-makers situate the movies in that discourse. By positing “security moms” (Grewal: 2006) and “paternal sovereigns” (Gunn: 2008) as responses to the crisis, the films construct a domestic space where women are militant mothers and men are sovereigns. Because the family is an important metaphor for the American nation (Lakoff: 2002), this construction can be seen as part of a paternalistic national politics. Cette thèse se concentre sur l’intersection de l’horreur, le genre et la politique dans des filmes américains de maison hantée. En prenant une approche “sphérologique,” l’auteur constate que l’éclatement d’une sphère existentielle s’accompagne du sentiment d’horreur. Concernant les films de maison hantée, l’auteur démontre comment ces objets-là se sont adressés, depuis 2005, au discours de la crise de masculinité: en figurant l’hantise comme la subversion de l’autorité du père par des menaces masculins et féminins, les réalisateurs mettent les films dans la trajectoire du discours de la crise. À fin de répondre à la crise, les films construisent l’espace doméstique de façon que les femmes soient des mères militantes (les “security moms”) (Grewal: 2006) et les pères soient souverains (les “souverains paternels”) (Gunn: 2008). Finalement, car la famille reste une métaphore importante de la nation Américaine (Lakoff: 2002), cette construction peut être vue comme partie de la paternalisme nationale.

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Tjalle, Rosalie Olivia Vanessa. "The presentation of African government leaders or Sovereigns' in selected African and mainstream films." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/12392.

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African Cinema is an entity as diverse as the various countries, languages and cultures on this continent. The entertainment value of Cinema has been more popular than the study of its ideological significance, but nevertheless in a contemporary Africa where politics affect the social, cultural and economical survival of its citizens, Cinema can be used as a valuable asset and a powerful means of communication that can conscientize and educate African audiences. Thomas Hobbes’s leadership model and political theory of sovereignty, though a XVIIth century framework, can theoretically contribute in the analysis of the representation of African leadership styles in Cinema. This article analyzes four fiction films representing four different political leaders in, respectively, South Africa, Uganda, Cameroon and Nigeria. A film content analysis will explore the different representation of leadership styles, the personality of each leader, the power struggles in each society and how this may suggest value judgments about African leadership to the films’ various target audiences.

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Rosenfeld, Rachel F. "Confrontation Cinema in the Age of Neoliberalism; Where Brazil and the United States Meet." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2008. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/222.

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Contents: Introduction; The Smell of Revolution and Popcorn; Filling the Gaps: Historical Context; Brazilian Cinema in the Age of Neoliberalism and Political Discourse of the New Brazilian Left; US Films and the Iraq War: This isn’t my America; Epilogue

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Falkowska, Janina. "Dialogism in the political films of Andrzej Wajda : Man of Marble, Man of Iron and Danton." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=41116.

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This thesis is an attempt at an analysis of Andrzej Wajda's political films, Man of Marble, Man of Iron and Danton in a broad cultural and historical context. The manuscript is divided into five chapters. The first chapter, "The Political Film of Andrzej Wajda--Issues of Methodology", presents a theoretical basis for the discussion of political film. Bakhtin's dialogism complemented by linguistic pragmatics provides the methodology used in the thesis to illustrate the dialogical process of meaning formation in political films of Andrzej Wajda. Chapter two discusses Wajda as the carrier of the political message, while chapters three, four and five, respectively, contain the historical, the dramatis personae and the aesthetic discourses in the films under study.

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Erickson, Mary P. A. 1977. "Independent Filmmaking in the Pacific Northwest: A Critical Analysis of the Regional Film Landscape." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11527.

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xvii, 397 p. : ill., maps.
Thousands of films are produced every year in the United States, and only a fraction of these is made by mainstream Hollywood film studios. Independent filmmakers working in regional locations produce the majority of these films, retaining financial, creative and distribution control and working with locally-based cast and crew members. This film activity must be acknowledged in order to fully understand the American film industry. This study examines regional independent filmmaking through case studies of two film communities: Portland, Oregon and Seattle, Washington. Using political economy of communication as the primary theoretical foundation, this study focuses on the infrastructure (systems, policies, resources and practices) that supports and/or limits the production and distribution of independent films. The research utilizes extensive document analysis of historical materials and contemporary documents produced by organizations and individuals, as well as a survey of 60 film professionals and interviews with over 40 film professionals. A central challenge to independent filmmaking is the term "independent," which has been contested by film professionals and scholars; therefore, this study analyzes and offers a new definition of "independent filmmaking." The history of filmmaking activity in Portland and Seattle is presented, as well as an extensive discussion of the contemporary landscape of regional independent filmmaking in these two communities. The study finds that there are a multitude of contradictions pertaining to financing, distribution, labor and myths of independent filmmaking. These contradictions present a range of opportunities and challenges that often simultaneously conflict with each other. The filmmaking communities in Portland and Seattle have notable networks of support, including professional and educational organizations, film festivals, government initiatives and a few locally-operated distributors. However, filmmakers in both cities also share challenges in financing, distribution and labor. The study argues that regional independent filmmaking has made a dynamic and influential contribution to the American film industry and cultural production but has been under-explored in academic scholarship. The research also points to the need to examine and understand the contradictions of independent filmmaking to improve the circumstances and infrastructure that support regional independent filmmaking.
Committee in charge: Dr. Janet Wasko, Chairperson; Dr. Gabriela Martinez, Member; Dr. H. Leslie Steeves, Member; Dr. Michael Aronson, Outside Member

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Jaudon, Raphaël. "Politiques du cinéma : pour une lecture esthétique de l’engagement des films." Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE2101/document.

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Partant de la difficulté qu’il y a à définir le « cinéma politique », ce travail se propose dans un premier temps de synthétiser, d’organiser et d’actualiser les savoirs disponibles sur le sujet. L’objectif est d’esquisser un panorama, non des films eux-mêmes, mais des discours théoriques qui accompagnent leur développement et fixent leurs objectifs. Ces discours peuvent être rassemblés en trois grands modes de lecture, en fonction de la définition qu’ils donnent de la politique et de la manière dont ils la rendent disponible pour les films. La deuxième partie procède à partir d’une hypothèse inverse : certes, on peut identifier des formes d’engagement dans les arts, mais on peut également constater que la politique est traversée par des logiques esthétiques, au sens de ce qui a trait à la perception et à la sensation (fictions, procédés de mise en scène, modes de distribution de l’espace et du temps). Or, si l’expérience esthétique est une modalité de l’expérience politique, cela signifie que les œuvres d’art peuvent avoir un rôle à jouer dans la manière dont une société se donne à voir, à éprouver, se transforme. À partir de là, il reste à imaginer les conséquences de cette hypothèse dans le champ de la théorie du cinéma, l’enjeu étant de parvenir à formuler un quatrième mode de lecture des films : la lecture esthétique. Les onze thèses qui composent la troisième partie s’efforcent d’en dessiner les contours, sur le plan à la fois théorique et méthodologique. Enfin, des analyses de films des années 1960 (une période qui passe souvent pour « moins politique » que la suivante) viennent mettre en pratique la lecture esthétique, explorer ses possibilités, éprouver ses limites. Chaque analyse se présente comme le contrechamp d’une thèse, de manière à illustrer la complémentarité des discours et des images. L’ambition de ce travail est donc de proposer une nouvelle analytique du cinéma politique, mais aussi de montrer ce que les films sont susceptibles d’ajouter aux problèmes politiques dont ils héritent
Noticing how difficult it is to understand the notion of “political cinema”, I intend to summarize, arrange and update the knowledge on this subject. Part I presents an overview of theoretical discourses that try to define the purpose of political films. These theories can be gathered into three major reading frameworks, depending on the definition of politics they rely on and the way they extend it to include filmic phenomena. Part II reverses the perspective: it certainly is possible to identify several forms of commitment in the movies, but one can also notice that politics itself is woven from aesthetic logics, i.e. issues of perception and sensation (fictions, staging, directing, partitions of space and time). Yet if aesthetic experience is involved in political experience, it means that works of art can play a crucial part in the way a given society takes its definite shape, produces determined feelings, evolves. This hypothesis prepares the ground for a fourth reading framework that I present as a legitimate candidate to fulfill the task of understanding political cinema: the aesthetic reading. Part III consists of eleven theses that try to outline it, from both a theoretical and a methodological point of view. Finally, I put the aesthetic reading into practice by providing analyses of films from the 1960’s, a time often seen as “poorly committed”. The intention is to investigate the relevance of the aesthetic reading and its limits. Since politics is about discourses and images complementing one another, the whole part adopts an alternate structure, each analysis immediately following and expanding on a thesis. This study thus aims at renewing the methods and purposes of political film analysis, but also intends to understand what a film can do to the political problems it inherits

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Books on the topic "Political films"

Seeing films politically. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991.

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Cannon, Stephen. Making political films politically?: The film making practice of Jean-Luc Godard. Birmingham: Aston University. Department of Modern Languages, 1991.

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Christensen, Terry. Projecting politics: Political messages in American films. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2005.

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Politics and the cinema: An introduction to political films. Lexington, Mass: Ginn Press, 1986.

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American political movies: An annotated filmography of feature films. New York: Garland, 1990.

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Reelpolitik II: Political ideologies in '50s and '60s films. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2004.

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States of emergency: Documentaries, wars, democracies. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000.

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Jall, Hutokshi. Raj Kapoor and Hindi films: Catalysts of political socialization in India. [Calcutta]: Statesman, 1995.

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Šprah, Andrej. Neuklonljivost vizije: Politični dokumentarni film po drugi svetovni vojni. Ljubljana: Slovenska kinoteka, 2013.

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Visions of empire: Political imagery in contemporary American film. New York: Praeger, 1992.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political films"

Cioffi, Angelo Emanuele. "Epistemic values afforded by political films." In Philosophical Theories of Political Cinema, 82–102. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780367816872-6.

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Nelson, John S. "Introduction Doing Political Theory with Popular Films: Styles in Action in Everyday Life." In Popular Cinema as Political Theory, 1–16. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137373861_1.

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Joshi, Sarah A. "Transnational Subject/Transnational Audience: The NRI Trope and Diasporic Aesthetic in Diasporic Romance Films." In The Political Economy of South Asian Diaspora, 167–86. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137285973_9.

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Ebbrecht-Hartmann, Tobias. "Socialist Competition or Window to the World? East German Student Films at International Festivals in the Context of the Cold War." In Cultural Transfer and Political Conflicts, 15–30. Göttingen: V&R unipress, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.14220/9783737005883.15.

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Lebdai, Benaouda. "Winnie Madikizela Mandela: The Construction of a South African Political Icon." In Women Activists and Civil Rights Leaders in Auto/Biographical Literature and Films, 13–32. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77081-9_2.

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Ceuterick, Maud. "Conclusion: Forms of Affirmative Aesthetics." In Affirmative Aesthetics and Wilful Women, 163–75. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-37039-8_6.

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Abstract An affirmative approach to film consists of making visible what the diegesis may conceal. As the chapter reflects on the political impact of art and the affect of films onto the bodies of the spectators, it concludes that looking for affirmative aesthetics is about mapping the feminist forms that will allow us to build a future beyond gendered and racialised power relations.

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"Political History." In Hollywood’s History Films. I.B.Tauris, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755604272.ch-004.

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Karan, Kavita. "Cultural Political System." In Advances in Media, Entertainment, and the Arts, 221–37. IGI Global, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-1986-7.ch012.

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The use of popular culture of music, dance, songs, theatre, videos and films for electioneering has been part of the Indian election process. Politics has been the narrative of Indian cinema since the beginning of century where political themes, political roles and political issues were exemplified through lead roles of politicians, enactment of political scenes, political satires and songs. This chapter examines the role of film artists in politics, popular political songs in films and campaign films that have expanded the levels of traditional and new media campaigning in India. Films and songs in the films glorify the country, arouse patriotism and whenever needed expose social issues such as high prices, corruption, feudalism, and other political issues. In the process, political campaign films became a way of marketing parties and candidates. This further characterizes the future of the political cultural system and the political economy of Indian cinema.

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Karan, Kavita. "Cultural Political System." In Civic Engagement and Politics, 966–82. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-7669-3.ch048.

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"The New Blue Films." In Policing, Popular Culture and Political Economy, 205–9. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315089706-9.

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Conference papers on the topic "Political films"

Kazaz, Arzu, Süleyman Karaçor, and Mete Kazaz. "POLITICAL ADVERTISEMENT AND SEMIOTICS: SEMIOTIC ANALYSIS OF THE CHP ADVERTISEMENT FILMS WITH THE THEME ‘WE ARE*." In 23rd International Academic Conference, Venice. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/iac.2016.023.047.

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Widagdo, Muhammad. "Teen Audience and Fabrication of Fear in Indonesian Horror Films." In Proceedings of the 5th International Conference on Indonesian Social and Political Enquiries, ICISPE 2020, 9-10 October 2020, Semarang, Indonesia. EAI, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.9-10-2020.2304749.

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Rahayu, Dwi, and Farah Oktafani. "The Effect of Online Customer Review on Trust and its impact on Purchase Intention in Cinema Films on Subscribers of YouTube Channel Review Film Cine Crib." In Proceedings of the 5th International Conference on Indonesian Social and Political Enquiries, ICISPE 2020, 9-10 October 2020, Semarang, Indonesia. EAI, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.9-10-2020.2304779.

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Koç, Murat, and Hakkı Çiftçi. "World Investments, Global Terrorism and the New Perception of Politic Risk." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01108.

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Based on economic power struggle, the economic strength began to take the place of military power and economic security has been considered as important as military security in this new world order. Multinational companies and their feasibility studies constitute the agenda of politic risks before entering these markets. Political risk faced by firms can be defined as “the risk of a strategic, financial, or personnel loss for a firm because of such nonmarket factors as macroeconomic and social policies, or events related to political instability”. However, terrorism should be considered as a multiplier effect on some of the components mentioned above. Terrorism itself and these strict measures directly affect investments. In 2012, FDI (Foreign Direct Investment) flows into the Middle East and North Africa have been adversely affected by political risk over the past couple of years. Investor perceptions of political risks in the region remain elevated across a range of risks. The Arab Spring countries have fared worse than other developing countries in the region. The risk perception of civil disturbance and political violence, but also breach of contract, is especially prominent in Arab Spring countries. In other words, global terrorism has created a negative multiplier effect in the region. In this context, Multiplier effect can be summarized as an effect on a target, situation or event which exceed its creating strength than expected. Considering this impact, MNC’s SWOT analysis and investment analysis must signify a redefinition in a wide range by the means of political risk perceptions.

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Berner, Elias. "Alle Menschen werden Brüder?! Ein historisches Dokument aus dem Nationalsozialismus in den sozialen Medien." In Jahrestagung der Gesellschaft für Musikforschung 2019. Paderborn und Detmold. Musikwissenschaftliches Seminar der Universität Paderborn und der Hochschule für Musik Detmold, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.25366/2020.110.

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This article deals with the recent emergence on social media of a particular kind of audiovisual sources from the time of National Socialism, namely extracts from a performance of the 9th Symphony that took place in 1942 at the ‘Berlin Philharmonie’ on Hitler‘s birthday. The concert was conducted by Wilhelm Furtwängler. In the footage, Joseph Goebbels can be seen in the applauding audience, before he congratulates the conductor with a handshake at the end of the concert. The material was filmed for propaganda purposes and used in a German News Reel in April 1942. Excerpts from the concert have, in varying lengths and usually without any context, been uploaded to YouTube by different users. This article examines these excerpts, revealing different layers of media within the collaged material. It then illustrates how the original propaganda material was also incorporated into documentary films after the war as part of a strategy to rehabilitate Furtwängler from his involvement with National Socialism. In the second part of the article, an analysis of user comments shows how the relationship between National Socialism, Furtwängler and the symbolism of the symphony is evaluated differently, and how these evaluations may be aligned with four political ideologies – each of which manifests a different understanding of the relationship between society and music.

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Yao, Shanshan. "Political Connections and Firm PerformanceEvidence from ST Firms of China." In 2015 International Conference on Economics, Management, Law and Education. Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/emle-15.2015.71.

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Xu, Rui. "The Relationship Between Sci-Fi Films and Chinese Politics." In 5th International Conference on Contemporary Education, Social Sciences and Humanities - Philosophy of Being Human as the Core of Interdisciplinary Research (ICCESSH 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200901.035.

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Xiao, Hao, and Xinping Xia. "The Type of Private Listed Firms, Political Connections and Market Valuation." In 2010 International Conference on Management and Service Science (MASS 2010). IEEE, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icmss.2010.5577523.

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Panuju, Redi, and Stefanus Rodrick Juraman. "Politics of Film Needed by National Film Industry in Indonesia." In Proceedings of the 1st Annual Internatioal Conference on Social Sciences and Humanities (AICOSH 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aicosh-19.2019.28.

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Sander, Priit. "DETERMINANTS OF DIVIDEND POLICY IN ESTONIAN FIRMS: AN EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS." In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b22/s6.025.

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Reports on the topic "Political films"

Gupte, Jaideep, Sarath MG Babu, Debjani Ghosh, Eric Kasper, and Priyanka Mehra. Smart Cities and COVID-19: Implications for Data Ecosystems from Lessons Learned in India. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/sshap.2021.034.

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This brief distils best data practice recommendations through consideration of key issues involved in the use of technology for surveillance, fact-checking and coordinated control during crisis or emergency response in resource constrained urban contexts. We draw lessons from how data enabled technologies were used in urban COVID-19 response, as well as how standard implementation procedures were affected by the pandemic. Disease control is a long-standing consideration in building smart city architecture, while humanitarian actions are increasingly digitised. However, there are competing city visions being employed in COVID-19 response. This is symptomatic of a broader range of tech-based responses in other humanitarian contexts. These visions range from aspirations for technology driven, centralised and surveillance oriented urban regimes, to ‘frugal innovations’ by firms, consumers and city governments. Data ecosystems are not immune from gendered- and socio-political discrimination, and technology-based interventions can worsen existing inequalities, particularly in emergencies. Technology driven public health (PH) interventions thus raise concerns about 1) what types of technologies are appropriate, 2) whether they produce inclusive outcomes for economically and socially disadvantaged urban residents and 3) the balance between surveillance and control on one hand, and privacy and citizen autonomy on the other.

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Lazonick, William, Philip Moss, and Joshua Weitz. The Unmaking of the Black Blue-Collar Middle Class. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp159.

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In the decade after the Civil Rights Act of 1964, African Americans made historic gains in accessing employment opportunities in racially integrated workplaces in U.S. business firms and government agencies. In the previous working papers in this series, we have shown that in the 1960s and 1970s, Blacks without college degrees were gaining access to the American middle class by moving into well-paid unionized jobs in capital-intensive mass production industries. At that time, major U.S. companies paid these blue-collar workers middle-class wages, offered stable employment, and provided employees with health and retirement benefits. Of particular importance to Blacks was the opening up to them of unionized semiskilled operative and skilled craft jobs, for which in a number of industries, and particularly those in the automobile and electronic manufacturing sectors, there was strong demand. In addition, by the end of the 1970s, buoyed by affirmative action and the growth of public-service employment, Blacks were experiencing upward mobility through employment in government agencies at local, state, and federal levels as well as in civil-society organizations, largely funded by government, to operate social and community development programs aimed at urban areas where Blacks lived. By the end of the 1970s, there was an emergent blue-collar Black middle class in the United States. Most of these workers had no more than high-school educations but had sufficient earnings and benefits to provide their families with economic security, including realistic expectations that their children would have the opportunity to move up the economic ladder to join the ranks of the college-educated white-collar middle class. That is what had happened for whites in the post-World War II decades, and given the momentum provided by the dominant position of the United States in global manufacturing and the nation’s equal employment opportunity legislation, there was every reason to believe that Blacks would experience intergenerational upward mobility along a similar education-and-employment career path. That did not happen. Overall, the 1980s and 1990s were decades of economic growth in the United States. For the emerging blue-collar Black middle class, however, the experience was of job loss, economic insecurity, and downward mobility. As the twentieth century ended and the twenty-first century began, moreover, it became apparent that this downward spiral was not confined to Blacks. Whites with only high-school educations also saw their blue-collar employment opportunities disappear, accompanied by lower wages, fewer benefits, and less security for those who continued to find employment in these jobs. The distress experienced by white Americans with the decline of the blue-collar middle class follows the downward trajectory that has adversely affected the socioeconomic positions of the much more vulnerable blue-collar Black middle class from the early 1980s. In this paper, we document when, how, and why the unmaking of the blue-collar Black middle class occurred and intergenerational upward mobility of Blacks to the college-educated middle class was stifled. We focus on blue-collar layoffs and manufacturing-plant closings in an important sector for Black employment, the automobile industry from the early 1980s. We then document the adverse impact on Blacks that has occurred in government-sector employment in a financialized economy in which the dominant ideology is that concentration of income among the richest households promotes productive investment, with government spending only impeding that objective. Reduction of taxes primarily on the wealthy and the corporate sector, the ascendancy of political and economic beliefs that celebrate the efficiency and dynamism of “free market” business enterprise, and the denigration of the idea that government can solve social problems all combined to shrink government budgets, diminish regulatory enforcement, and scuttle initiatives that previously provided greater opportunity for African Americans in the government and civil-society sectors.

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Inside the Islamic State in Mosul: A Snapshot of the Logic & Banality of Evil. George Washington University, June 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4079/poe.06.2020.02.

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Placing the documents retrieved from northern Iraq as part of The ISIS Files project in their historical and political context, this report provides an overview of the categorization of the documents by thematic tranche. The report additionally describes the research and analysis agenda for The ISIS Files project.

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