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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political films'
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Cannon, Stephen. "Making political films politically? : the film making practice of Jean-Luc Godard." Thesis, Aston University, 1993. http://publications.aston.ac.uk/10301/.
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This thesis attempts to re-examine the work of Jean-Luc Godard and in particular the claims which have been made for it as the starting-point for a revolutionary cinema. This re-examination involves, firstly, a critical summary of the development of Structuralist thinking, from its origins in linguistics, with Saussure, through to its influence on Marxism, with Althusser. It is this `Structural Marxism' which prepared the ground for a view of Godard as a revolutionary film-maker so its influences on film theory in the decade after 1968 is traced in journals such as Cahiers du Cinéa and Screen and in the work of their editors and contributors. Godard's relationship with such theories was a complex one and some of the cross-breeding is revealed in a brief account of his own ideas about his film-making. More important, however is his practice as a committed `political' film-maker between 1968 and 1972 which is analysed in terms of the responses it makes to the cultural opportunities offered in the period after the revolutionary situation of May 1968. The severe problems revealed by that analysis may be partially resolved in Godard's greatest `political' achievement Tout va bien, but a comparative analysis proves that in earlier `a-political' films such as Vivre sa vie, he was creating more meaningful and perhaps even more revolutionary art, whose formal experimentation is more organically linked to its subject and whose ability to communicate ideas far oustrips the later work. In conclusion some indications are suggested of a more fruitful basis for Marxist theories of art than Structural variants, seeking a non-formalist approach in the work of Marx, of Trotsky, of Brecht and Luk`acs.
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Oberacker, Jon S. "The people and me Michael Moore and the politics of political documentary /." Amherst, Mass. : University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2009. http://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations/65/.
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Walton, Jennifer Lee. "POLITICAL REELISM: A RHETORICAL CRITICISM OF REFLECTION AND INTERPRETATION IN POLITICAL FILMS." Connect to this title online, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1143492027.
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Jall, Hutokshi Jamshed. "Raj Kapoor and Hindi Films: Catalysts of Political Socialization in India." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1994. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/3399.
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This dissertation seeks to describe and analyze Raj Kapoor and Hindi films as direct and latent catalysis of political socialization in India. The main objective of this study is to portray that Raj Kapoor as an actor, director and producer of Hindi films endeavors not only to entertain people but makes them socially conscious by capturing the socioeconomic scenario in the aftermath of the partition of India in 1947, and socializes them to love each other, live in peace, and consequently, contribute towards the resurgence of a reformed, united and vibrant India.
In order to defend the objective of the thesis, films in which Raj Kapoor established himself as an actor or a creator were reviewed and analyzed, and extensive fieldwork was undertaken in Bombay.
The National Film Archive of India, Pune and the Price Gilbert Library, Atlanta provided secondary sources of information. The framework of analysis combines Gabriel Almond, G. Bingham owell and Sidney Verba's model of political socialization with Karl Deutsch's theory of communication and the New Left paradigm.
This dissertation, in the final analysis seeks to establish that Raj Kapoor and Hindi films are capable of assisting the Indian state in the process of nation-building by instilling a buoyant sense of nationalism, and invoking universal values of nonviolence, love, unity, peace and friendship in the individual, national and international spheres.
The significance of this research is unique as it seeks to establish the importance of Hindi film artists who contribute directly or indirectly in shaping the attitude, values and beliefs of the Indian people. Perhaps, this research work is path breaking as it seeks to analytically point out and reiterate the importance of love and nonviolence in the realm of politics, and in improving the quality of everyday life via Hindi films and artists like Raj Kapoor.
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Grillo, Carmen M. "Haunting the Domestic Foam: A Political Spherology of Contemporary Haunted House Films." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/26197.
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This thesis is focused on the intersection between horror, gender and politics in American haunted house films. Taking a “spherological” approach, the author argues that horror is evidence of a spherical breakdown, or a violation of existential space. Applying this approach to Hollywood haunted house films, the author demonstrates how those movies have, in the years since 2005, responded to a masculinity crisis discourse: by figuring haunting as a horrific disruption of paternal authority by violent masculine entities and powerful female ones, film-makers situate the movies in that discourse. By positing “security moms” (Grewal: 2006) and “paternal sovereigns” (Gunn: 2008) as responses to the crisis, the films construct a domestic space where women are militant mothers and men are sovereigns. Because the family is an important metaphor for the American nation (Lakoff: 2002), this construction can be seen as part of a paternalistic national politics. Cette thèse se concentre sur l’intersection de l’horreur, le genre et la politique dans des filmes américains de maison hantée. En prenant une approche “sphérologique,” l’auteur constate que l’éclatement d’une sphère existentielle s’accompagne du sentiment d’horreur. Concernant les films de maison hantée, l’auteur démontre comment ces objets-là se sont adressés, depuis 2005, au discours de la crise de masculinité: en figurant l’hantise comme la subversion de l’autorité du père par des menaces masculins et féminins, les réalisateurs mettent les films dans la trajectoire du discours de la crise. À fin de répondre à la crise, les films construisent l’espace doméstique de façon que les femmes soient des mères militantes (les “security moms”) (Grewal: 2006) et les pères soient souverains (les “souverains paternels”) (Gunn: 2008). Finalement, car la famille reste une métaphore importante de la nation Américaine (Lakoff: 2002), cette construction peut être vue comme partie de la paternalisme nationale.
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Tjalle, Rosalie Olivia Vanessa. "The presentation of African government leaders or Sovereigns' in selected African and mainstream films." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/12392.
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African Cinema is an entity as diverse as the various countries, languages and cultures on this continent. The entertainment value of Cinema has been more popular than the study of its ideological significance, but nevertheless in a contemporary Africa where politics affect the social, cultural and economical survival of its citizens, Cinema can be used as a valuable asset and a powerful means of communication that can conscientize and educate African audiences. Thomas Hobbes’s leadership model and political theory of sovereignty, though a XVIIth century framework, can theoretically contribute in the analysis of the representation of African leadership styles in Cinema. This article analyzes four fiction films representing four different political leaders in, respectively, South Africa, Uganda, Cameroon and Nigeria. A film content analysis will explore the different representation of leadership styles, the personality of each leader, the power struggles in each society and how this may suggest value judgments about African leadership to the films’ various target audiences.
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Rosenfeld, Rachel F. "Confrontation Cinema in the Age of Neoliberalism; Where Brazil and the United States Meet." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2008. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/222.
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Contents: Introduction; The Smell of Revolution and Popcorn; Filling the Gaps: Historical Context; Brazilian Cinema in the Age of Neoliberalism and Political Discourse of the New Brazilian Left; US Films and the Iraq War: This isn’t my America; Epilogue
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Falkowska, Janina. "Dialogism in the political films of Andrzej Wajda : Man of Marble, Man of Iron and Danton." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=41116.
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This thesis is an attempt at an analysis of Andrzej Wajda's political films, Man of Marble, Man of Iron and Danton in a broad cultural and historical context. The manuscript is divided into five chapters. The first chapter, "The Political Film of Andrzej Wajda--Issues of Methodology", presents a theoretical basis for the discussion of political film. Bakhtin's dialogism complemented by linguistic pragmatics provides the methodology used in the thesis to illustrate the dialogical process of meaning formation in political films of Andrzej Wajda. Chapter two discusses Wajda as the carrier of the political message, while chapters three, four and five, respectively, contain the historical, the dramatis personae and the aesthetic discourses in the films under study.
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Erickson, Mary P. A. 1977. "Independent Filmmaking in the Pacific Northwest: A Critical Analysis of the Regional Film Landscape." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11527.
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xvii, 397 p. : ill., maps.Thousands of films are produced every year in the United States, and only a fraction of these is made by mainstream Hollywood film studios. Independent filmmakers working in regional locations produce the majority of these films, retaining financial, creative and distribution control and working with locally-based cast and crew members. This film activity must be acknowledged in order to fully understand the American film industry. This study examines regional independent filmmaking through case studies of two film communities: Portland, Oregon and Seattle, Washington. Using political economy of communication as the primary theoretical foundation, this study focuses on the infrastructure (systems, policies, resources and practices) that supports and/or limits the production and distribution of independent films. The research utilizes extensive document analysis of historical materials and contemporary documents produced by organizations and individuals, as well as a survey of 60 film professionals and interviews with over 40 film professionals. A central challenge to independent filmmaking is the term "independent," which has been contested by film professionals and scholars; therefore, this study analyzes and offers a new definition of "independent filmmaking." The history of filmmaking activity in Portland and Seattle is presented, as well as an extensive discussion of the contemporary landscape of regional independent filmmaking in these two communities. The study finds that there are a multitude of contradictions pertaining to financing, distribution, labor and myths of independent filmmaking. These contradictions present a range of opportunities and challenges that often simultaneously conflict with each other. The filmmaking communities in Portland and Seattle have notable networks of support, including professional and educational organizations, film festivals, government initiatives and a few locally-operated distributors. However, filmmakers in both cities also share challenges in financing, distribution and labor. The study argues that regional independent filmmaking has made a dynamic and influential contribution to the American film industry and cultural production but has been under-explored in academic scholarship. The research also points to the need to examine and understand the contradictions of independent filmmaking to improve the circumstances and infrastructure that support regional independent filmmaking.
Committee in charge: Dr. Janet Wasko, Chairperson; Dr. Gabriela Martinez, Member; Dr. H. Leslie Steeves, Member; Dr. Michael Aronson, Outside Member
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Jaudon, Raphaël. "Politiques du cinéma : pour une lecture esthétique de l’engagement des films." Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE2101/document.
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Partant de la difficulté qu’il y a à définir le « cinéma politique », ce travail se propose dans un premier temps de synthétiser, d’organiser et d’actualiser les savoirs disponibles sur le sujet. L’objectif est d’esquisser un panorama, non des films eux-mêmes, mais des discours théoriques qui accompagnent leur développement et fixent leurs objectifs. Ces discours peuvent être rassemblés en trois grands modes de lecture, en fonction de la définition qu’ils donnent de la politique et de la manière dont ils la rendent disponible pour les films. La deuxième partie procède à partir d’une hypothèse inverse : certes, on peut identifier des formes d’engagement dans les arts, mais on peut également constater que la politique est traversée par des logiques esthétiques, au sens de ce qui a trait à la perception et à la sensation (fictions, procédés de mise en scène, modes de distribution de l’espace et du temps). Or, si l’expérience esthétique est une modalité de l’expérience politique, cela signifie que les œuvres d’art peuvent avoir un rôle à jouer dans la manière dont une société se donne à voir, à éprouver, se transforme. À partir de là, il reste à imaginer les conséquences de cette hypothèse dans le champ de la théorie du cinéma, l’enjeu étant de parvenir à formuler un quatrième mode de lecture des films : la lecture esthétique. Les onze thèses qui composent la troisième partie s’efforcent d’en dessiner les contours, sur le plan à la fois théorique et méthodologique. Enfin, des analyses de films des années 1960 (une période qui passe souvent pour « moins politique » que la suivante) viennent mettre en pratique la lecture esthétique, explorer ses possibilités, éprouver ses limites. Chaque analyse se présente comme le contrechamp d’une thèse, de manière à illustrer la complémentarité des discours et des images. L’ambition de ce travail est donc de proposer une nouvelle analytique du cinéma politique, mais aussi de montrer ce que les films sont susceptibles d’ajouter aux problèmes politiques dont ils héritentNoticing how difficult it is to understand the notion of “political cinema”, I intend to summarize, arrange and update the knowledge on this subject. Part I presents an overview of theoretical discourses that try to define the purpose of political films. These theories can be gathered into three major reading frameworks, depending on the definition of politics they rely on and the way they extend it to include filmic phenomena. Part II reverses the perspective: it certainly is possible to identify several forms of commitment in the movies, but one can also notice that politics itself is woven from aesthetic logics, i.e. issues of perception and sensation (fictions, staging, directing, partitions of space and time). Yet if aesthetic experience is involved in political experience, it means that works of art can play a crucial part in the way a given society takes its definite shape, produces determined feelings, evolves. This hypothesis prepares the ground for a fourth reading framework that I present as a legitimate candidate to fulfill the task of understanding political cinema: the aesthetic reading. Part III consists of eleven theses that try to outline it, from both a theoretical and a methodological point of view. Finally, I put the aesthetic reading into practice by providing analyses of films from the 1960’s, a time often seen as “poorly committed”. The intention is to investigate the relevance of the aesthetic reading and its limits. Since politics is about discourses and images complementing one another, the whole part adopts an alternate structure, each analysis immediately following and expanding on a thesis. This study thus aims at renewing the methods and purposes of political film analysis, but also intends to understand what a film can do to the political problems it inherits
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Roy, André 1963. "Une lecture politique de Star trek /." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61800.
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陳家樂. "光影中的政治 : 香港電影的政治表述 = Politics on the silver screen : political representation in Hong Kong films." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2005. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/625.
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Smith, Juliana Jamel. "The cultural dynamic of the prison industrial complex a critique of political rhetoric and popular film during the 1980's /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p1450190.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed April 7, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 121-129).
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Chiasson, Basil Alexander Eugene. "Harold Pinter and the performance of power : considerations of affect in select plays, screenplays and films, poetry and political speeches." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2010. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/4620/.
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This thesis looks at selections of Harold Pinter's work across multiple media: written dramatic texts, screenplays and poetry, activity in theatrical and film production and his political activism. It has been argued that Pinter's dramatic medium is exceeded by movements, intensities and forces that operate on and circulate within the corporeal bodies of Pinter's 'audiences'. However, approaches to Pinter to date remain overly focused on representation and hermeneutics and tied to a decidedly idealist conception of being, perception and knowledge. I argue that in order to appreciate the politics of Pinter's aesthetics, readings of Pinter's work need to move in a more decidedly materialist direction. To do so, I enlist the conceptual tools of Gilles Deleuze and felix Guattari, specifically 'affect'. In bringing affect theory to Pinter I illustrate how 'the direct, mutual involvement of language and extra-linguistic forces,1 must be taken into account at every critical step, and that meaning need be construed as a material process, the expression of forces acting upon each other. The diversity of Pinter's work is explored over six chapters with a view to its aesthetic disposition and function, how it enters into noteworthy relations with those who engage with it, and how it establishes conditions that are propitious for transitory but ultimately productive trans formative encounters. Proceeding as such necessitates appraisal of ethical and political positions in relation to Pinter's expression without distinguishing politics from aesthetics - a trend common to intellectual enterprise. Rather, the three keywords in the title of this thesis - performance, power and affect - function as concepts to advance the argument for Pinter's aesthetics as a politics. In considering the aesthetics of Pinter's work in varied media, this thesis invites the reader to see the strategies by which Pinter intervenes in each area as interrelated and political.
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Nordle, Ryan. "Ethics in Iran: Jacques Lacan and the Films of Abbas Kiarostami's "Koker Trilogy"." ScholarWorks @ UVM, 2019. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/graddis/1067.
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In 1900, Sigmund Freud published The Interpretation of Dreams, establishing climacteric concepts for psychoanalysis and creating a structure upon which he built the theory and his career. 20 years later, he had entirely revised these concepts that solidified the foundation of psychoanalysis. In Beyond the Pleasure Principle (1920), Freud notably theorizes the ‘death drive’ for the first time, a radical but necessary break from the economics of the pleasure principle. Often, the death drive is taken to be the most important contribution of this essay, but I argue that the lasting message to be gleaned from Freud is what he concludes Beyond the Pleasure Principle with: “We must be ready, too, to abandon a path that we have followed for a time, if it seems to be leading to no good end. Only believers, who demand that science shall be a substitute for the catechism they have given up, will blame an investigator for developing or even transforming his views.” In this thesis, I argue that we can develop a necessary Ethic from this way that Freud approached the formation of his work. Drawing on the further developments from Jacques Lacan, I claim that one can take theory of the gaze as an ethical moment: the point at which one is faced with a disruption that they are tasked to carry out “to see where it will lead,” as Freud puts it. Further, I utilize this formation of the Ethic to read the films of Abbas Kiarostami’s “Koker trilogy” to highlight the points at which we can locate the characters, form, and content of these films as realizations of such ethical moments.
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Ntsane, Ntsane Steve. "The dual world metaphor and the 'struggle' in selected South African and African films (1948 to 1996)." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53628.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The terminology used in segregationist discourse that South Africa is a combination of 'first world' and 'third world' elements has been appropriated from an international discourse about problems of world-wide socio-economic development. The terms are used to describe the sophisticated metropolitan areas inhabited by highly developed whites and simple, backward, isolated, rural regions occupied by undeveloped or underdeveloped blacks. However, in South Africa this dual world metaphor, which has socio-political implications that have brought great misfortune to blacks, was institutionalised by apartheid, with the consequences that blacks have expressed their resistance in what became known as the 'struggle' against the dualist system. Selected South African and African films whose themes have a bearing on such a socio-economic system are explored in this thesis. A supplementary exploration of films dealing with the theme of the 'struggle', which has become a metaphor for the 'generations of resistance', has been undertaken by means ofa detailed analysis. The interpretation of 'development' in this thesis finds a link betweeen the dualist paradigm, the perpetuation of poverty and the migratory labour system. The peculiar relationship which the 'struggle' has had with the cultures of black people, in which there is a mutual influence between the 'struggle' and the nature of these cultures, is explored in the relevant films. However, this thesis offers no solutions, but exposes a VICIOUS system which IS threatening to gain world ascendency.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die terminologie gebruik in die segregasie-diskoers tot die effek dat Suid-Afrika 'n kombinasie van 'Eerste Wêreld' en 'Derde Wêreld' elemente is, is oorgeneem uit 'n internasionale diskoers wat handeloor wêreld-wye sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling. Dié terme word gebruik om die gesofistikeerde metropolitaanse areas bewoon deur hoogsontwikkelde blankes en eenvoudige, agterlike, geïsoleerde, landelike streke beset deur onder- of on-ontwikkelde swartes te beskryf. Maar in Suid-Afrika is hierdie dubbelwêreld metafoor - met die sosio-politiese implikasies daarvan wat tot groot ellende vir swartes aanleiding gegee het - deur Apartheid geïnstitusionaliseer, met die gevolg dat swartes hul weerstand uitgedruk het in wat bekend geword het as die 'struggle' teen dierdie dualistiese sisteem. 'n Keur van films uit Suid-Afrika en die res van Afrika, die tema's waarvan betrekking het op hierdie sosio-ekonomiese sisteem, word ondersoek in hierdie skripsie. 'n Bykomstige ondersoek na films wat handeloor die tematiek van die 'struggle', wat metafories geword het vir die 'generasie van weerstand', is by wyse van 'n meer gedetaileerde analise uitgevoer. Die interpretasie van 'ontwikkeling' in hierdie skripsie ontbloot 'n verband tussen die dualistiese sisteem, die voortsetting van armoede en die sisteem van trekardbeid. Die besonderse manier wat die 'struggle' met die kulture van swart mense verhou, waarin daar 'n wedersydse beïnvloeding tussen die 'struggle' en die aard van die kulture plaasvind, word ondersoek in die relevante films. Hierdie skripsie bied egter geen oplossings nie, maar ontmasker eerder 'n wrede sisteem wat dreig tot wêreld-oorheersing.
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Sjöblom, Katja, and Sanna Staflund. "Valet 2018 - svänger du åt vänster, svänger jag åt höger : En kvalitativ semiotisk, retorisk och ideologisk analys av Vänsterpartiets och Sverigedemokraternas valfilmer." Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Högskolan i Jönköping, HLK, Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-42979.
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Den här studien fokuserar på hur Vänsterpartiet och Sverigedemokraterna konstruerat en av sina valfilmer inför valet 2018. Studiens syfte är att undersöka hur visuella och retoriska medel används och samverkar samt hur respektive partis ideologi tydliggörs i valfilmerna. Detta görs för att klargöra vilket/vilka budskap samt vilken bild av verkligheten som sänds ut när partierna själva får styra den politiska kommunikationen. För att kunna se hur valfilmerna konstruerats används semiotik, retorik och ideologi som både teori och metod eftersom dessa i kombination med varandra kan ge ett sammanhållet resultat. Studiens analysgenomförande grundar sig i begrepp hämtade från semiotiken, retoriken och ideologin i kombination med en kvalitativ textanalys. Med hjälp av den kvalitativa textanalysen gjordes först en närläsning av texten för att därefter få fram det mest väsentliga i respektive valfilm och på så sätt få fram de underliggande budskapen i valfilmerna. Resultatet av analysen visar att med hjälp av semiotiska och retoriska medel konstruerar Vänsterpartiets valfilm en verklighet som består av ett splittrat samhälle, men också hur denna splittring kan överkommas gemensamt. Budskapet är hoppfullt och framåtsträvande. Vänsterpartiets socialistiska värderingar är även tydliga i valfilmen. Sverigedemokraternas valfilm målar upp en verklighet som är kaotisk, mörk och hotfull. Budskapet som sänds ut är att Sverigedemokraterna och deras partiledare Jimmie Åkesson är de enda som kan rädda Sverige från totalt förfall. Sverigedemokraternas valfilm fokuserar till största del på sakfrågor men vissa nationalistiska och konservativa värderingar framträder.This study focuses on how the Left Party and the Sweden Democrats constructed one of their election films for the 2018 election. The purpose of the study is to investigate how visual and rhetorical means are used and collaborate, as well as how each party's ideology is clarified. This is done to explain what message and what image of reality that are being sent out when the parties themselves control the political communication. To be able to understand how the electoral films have been constructed, semiotics, rhetoric, and ideology are used both as theory and method because these, in combination with each other, can give a coherent result. The study's analysis implementation is based on concepts derived from semiotics, rhetoric, and ideology in combination with qualitative text analysis. With help from the qualitative text analysis, a close reading of the text was first made to be able to find the most important aspects of each election films, leading to the hidden constructed meanings. The result of the analysis shows that with the help of semiotic and rhetorical means, the Left Party's election film constructs a reality that consists of a divided society, but also how this split can be overcome jointly. The message is hopeful and forward-looking. The Left Party's socialist values are also clear in the election film. The Swedish Democrats' election film paints a reality that is chaotic, dark and threatening. The message sent out is that the Sweden Democrats and their party leader Jimmie Åkesson are the only ones who can save Sweden from total decay. The Swedish Democrats' election film focuses mainly on issues of fact, but certain nationalist and conservative values emerge.
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Dedman, Stephen. "Techronomicon (novel) ; and The weapon shop : the relationship between American science fiction and the US military (dissertation)." University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0093.
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Techronomicon Techronomicon is a science fiction novel that examines far-future military actions from several different perspectives. Human beings have colonized several planets with help from the enigmatic and more technologically advanced Zhir, who gave spaceships and habitable worlds to those they deemed suitable and their descendants. The Joint Expeditionary Force is the military arm of the Universal Faith, called in when conflicts arise that the Faith decides are beyond the local government and militia and require their intervention. Leneveldt and Roader are JEF officers assigned to Operation Techronomicon, investigating what seems to be a Zhir-built defence shield around the planet Lassana. Another JEF company sent to Kalaabhavan after the murder of the planets Confessor-General loses its CO to a land-mine, and Lieutenant Hellerman reluctantly accepts command. Chevalier, a civilian pilot, takes refugees fleeing military-run detention camps on Ararat to a biological research station on otherwise uninhabited Lila. The biologists on Lila discover a symbiote that enables humans to photosynthesize, which comes to the attention of Operation Techronomicon and the JEF's Weapons Research Division. Leneveldt and Roeder, frustrated by the lack of progress on Lassana, are sent to Lila to detain the biologists, who flee into the swamps. Hellerman's efforts to restore peace on Kalaabhavan are frustrated by the Confessors, and his company finds itself besieged by insurgents. The novel explores individuals' motives for choosing or rejecting violence and/or military service; the lessons they learn about themselves and their enemies; and the possible results of attempts to forcibly suppress ideas.
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Spyropoulou, Adamantia. "Cinéma, Société et Politique. La politisation de la fiction dans les films Z, L’Aveu, Etat de siège de Costa-Gavras." Thesis, Paris 3, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA030045.
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Cette thèse aborde la question de la politisation de l'art, tout en interrogeant le rapport entre art et politique tel qu’il s'est manifesté à travers trois films à contenu politique, dont la production et la réception en France coïncide avec la période post Mai 68 : Z, L’Aveu, Etat de siège de Costa-Gavras. Il s’agit de mettre en évidence les mécanismes sociaux qui se trouvent au fondement de la politisation du cinéma à l’époque en France. L’enquête de terrain a pris en considération la trajectoire sociale des films, de leur création à leur réception. La construction sociale de la diégèse s’articule avec la réception critique des films, donnant lieu à un jeu d’étiquetage qui constitue le cristallisateur de cette politisation. Un changement advient dans les critères de jugements de la critique cinématographique et un espace de débat autour de la définition du politique dans le cinéma est créé. La méthodologie appliquée combine l’observation des films, l’étude des archives de la Cinémathèque Française et de l’INA, l’analyse des scénarii et la réalisation d’entretiens originaux avec le cinéaste. Enfin, une étude de la critique menée par la presse écrite – généraliste et spécialisée –, en France est réalisée, ainsi que dans les pays porteurs des faits réels (Grèce, Tchécoslovaquie, Uruguay), dans une posture comparative, afin de mettre en avant les spécificités de la réception en France. Cette étude a pour but, in fine, de comprendre le passage de la prescription d’une catégorie de réception empirique par la presse — celle du « cinéma politique » — à la « fiction politique » comme conception théorique d’un genre, dont le film Z de Costa-Gavras est considéré l’initiateurThis thesis questions the politicisation of art, while at the same time investigating the relationship between art and politics as manifest in three political films, the production and the reception of which in France coincided with the post-68 period: Z, L’Aveu, Etat de siège directed by Costa-Gavras. My research aims to demonstrate what social mechanisms are at the basis of the politicisation of film at this time in France by examining the social trajectory of these films, from their creation to their reception. The social construction of the diegesis is linked to the critical reception of these films, creating a playing field of definitions which shored up this politicisation. A change occurs in the judgement criteria used in film criticism and a space of debate is created about the definition of the political in cinema. The methodology applied combines the close-reading of films, research in the archives of the Cinémathèque française and INA, the analysis of scenarios and author-interviews with the filmmaker. Finally, I undertake a comparative study of the criticism in the French press—both general and specialist—, as well as in the countries where the events took place (Greece, Czechoslovakia, Uruguay), before focusing on the specificities of reception in France. This study aims to understand the how a category of empirical reception was prescribed by the press – that of “Political Cinema” to “Political Fiction’ as the theoretical conception of a genre, of which Costa-Gavras’s film, Z, is considered the first example
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Morkovine, Daniel. "Politically Connected Firms: A Novel Channel for the Political Business Cycle in Putin’s Russia." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1485.
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This paper tests whether politically connected firms in Putin’s Russia are a channel for the political business cycle. Given the widespread corruption and crony capitalism that exists in Russia, it is likely that federal and regional politicians may need to buy the electoral support of powerful, connected firms in order to win elections. Using panel data of approximately 60,000 Russian firms comprising an estimated 62 percent of GDP per year from 2003-2011, I find that federally connected firms are significantly more productive in federal election years. If these cycles in firm productivity are caused by electoral favors from politicians, this not only further corrupts Russia’s political landscape, but it also may induce powerful firms to engage in costly political bidding wars for these connections, thus inhibiting their productivity and the overall productivity of the Russian economy.
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Repetto, Benedetto. "Le documentaire Italien : la contestation cinématographique dans l'ère Berlusconienne." Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SACLV069.
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La présente étude aborde le documentaire italien sous l'ère berlusconienne tout en réfléchissant sur ses interactions avec les transformations historiques et culturelles de l'Italie. Cette production documentaire témoigne de l’urgence de dénoncer les mécanismes du pouvoir et de rechercher la vérité à une époque où réaliser du cinéma politique paraît difficile. Nous sommes partis de l’hypothèse qu’un documentaire de contestation a bien existé et l’étude du contexte social dans lequel un film a été réalisé permet de constituer un cadre de référence qui manifeste quelle production de sens les auteurs ont voulu contester. Le documentaire s’est concentré sur la réalité, en se posant par rapport à l’histoire et à la mémoire. Il a servi d’archive des luttes. Les images de ces films sont des témoignages d’une histoire douloureuse, mais elles montrent également qu’une partie du peuple résiste. Ces documentaires semblent avoir pour objectif d’être la mémoire de cette Italie-làThe present study debates the Italian documentary in Berlusconi’s era reflecting on its interactions with historical and cultural transformations in Italy. This documentary production reveals the urge to expose power mechanisms and seek truth in a moment when making political cinema looked difficult. We started from the theory that a political protest documentary certainly existed, and the study of the social context in which a certain movie was realized allows us to establish the frame in which the authors operated their criticism. The documentary focused on reality, correlating with history and memory. It served as an archive for struggles. These movies witness painful stories, but also show the resisting fraction of a people. This kind of documentary aspires to being the historical memory of that Italy
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Nwonka, Clive James. "Has the fire burnt out? : New Labour and the end of British social realism." Thesis, Brunel University, 2014. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/9058.
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This thesis is a retrospective analysis of British social realism. It combines conventional academic research with professional screenwriting practice in the genre. By definition, at its advent Social Realism employed documentary realist devices to explore the inequalities of society with the objective of stimulating socio-political debate about this imbalance and thus social reform. However, contemporary forms of social realism have emerged much more depoliticised, drawing on similar subject matter but using decontextualised narrative strategies. The commitment to truth now seems to consist of an aesthetic, as opposed to a sociological imperative.
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Popescu, Alina-Georgiana. "Les films étaient en couleur mais la réalité était grise… : la censure dans la cinématographie roumaine sous Nicolae Ceaușescu (1965-1989)." Thesis, Paris 10, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA100070.
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Ce projet de thèse est centré sur l’étude de la censure en tant que processus socio-politique, révélateur des logiques individuelles et institutionnelles qui se conjuguent dans la réalisation d’un film. Cette recherche est axée sur la période 1965-1989, « l’époque Nicolae Ceaușescu », remarquable par la quantité de films censurés. Pour ce faire, nous avons consacré la première partie du travail à l’analyse de l’organisation de la cinématographie roumaine, considérée dans le contexte politique, social et économique d’après la 2de Guerre Mondiale et jusqu’à la chute du régime. Une attention particulière est accordée ici à l’évolution des institutions de contrôle de la culture ainsi qu’aux discours qui façonnent les normes de la création cinématographique. Pour comprendre les différentes formes que peut revêtir la censure, nous nous situons ensuite à un niveau intermédiaire d’analyse, celui des institutions. Nous avons ainsi identifié et analysé plusieurs structures, comme les studios de production, l’Association des Cinéastes, la Radio Europe Libre, la Securitate, dont les fonctions censoriales vont du guidage à la répression. Dans la dernière partie de cette analyse, nous nous penchons sur des cinéastes et des films importants de la période. Nous avons fait le choix d’analyser les trajectoires des réalisateurs les plus représentatifs de la période, par le prisme de leurs dossiers de surveillance établis par la police politique. La Securitate les surveille parce qu’ils ont en commun une vision « non-conforme » de la réalité socialiste ; ce faisant, celle-ci révèle ce qui était (in)désirable dans la réalité socialiste. Enfin, pour illustrer comment la censure affecte la matière des films, nous proposons l’analyse de quelques cas notoires de film interdits, mais aussi de films qui permettent d’exemplifier en détail différents tabous, diverses formes d’intervention ou les réactions des réalisateurs à toute sorte de pressions. Le fait de choisir la censure comme un angle d’analyse privilégié est utile pour comprendre les contraintes, les servitudes et les espaces de liberté des cinéastes, les contradictions, les dits, et les non-dits du régimeThis PhD project focuses on the study of censorship as a socio-political process, revealing the individual and institutional logics that conjugate in the process of filmmaking. The research analyzes the period 1965-1989, which is the "Nicolae Ceauşescu era", remarkable for the amount of censored films.In conducting my research, I dedicated the first part of the work to the analysis of the Romanian cinematography organization, considered in the political, social and economic context, from the 2nd World War until the fall of the Communist regime. Particular attention is paid here to the evolution of culture control institutions and to the discourses, especially those of the Communist Party leaders, which shape the standards of the film production. In order to understand various possible forms of censorship, I then approached an intermediate level of analysis, that of institutions. Thus, I identified and analyzed several structures such as production studios, the Filmmakers’ Association, Radio Free Europe and the political police, whose censorial functions varied from guidance to repression.In the last part of this work, I looked into filmmakers’ biographies and important films of the period. I chose to analyze the trajectories of the period’s most representative filmmakers through the lenses of their surveillance files made by the political police. The Securitate monitored them because they shared a "non-compliant" vision of the socialist reality; while doing so, the political police revealed what was acceptable or undesirable in that reality. Finally, in order to illustrate how censorship affects films, I propose the analysis of some notorious cases of banned film, but also of films that exemplify various taboos, detailed forms of intervention or reactions of the filmmakers to any kind of pressure. Choosing censorship as a main angle of analysis is useful for the comprehension of the filmmakers’ constraints, servitudes and liberties, but also the understanding of contradictions, of what is made visible or kept silently hidden by the regime
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Holtmeier, Matthew. "Contemporary Political Cinema." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2019. https://www.amzn.com/1474423418.
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The political films that have emerged on the global film festival circuit since the 1990s mark a shift in cinematic strategies for critically addressing dominant, militant, or otherwise repressive ideologies. From a focus on the representation of oppression in films like The Battle of Algiers, films such as Timbuktu, Nobody Knows About Persian Cats and Chop Shop now contribute to the active formation of political characters and viewers, a form not fully realized until the 21st century due to shifts in information technologies and resulting political organization. This book demonstrates that a contemporary form of political cinema has emerged, centered on the production of subjectivity and networks of protest, which depicts the active formation of political identities that resonates with off-screen protest movements.https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu_books/1211/thumbnail.jpg
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Pourmand, Firouze. "How do Small Firms Manage their Political Environment? : - A Network Perspective." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Företagsekonomiska institutionen, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-151942.
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To this point research on firms’ political behavior has contributed knowledge concerning large firms’ relationships and strategies with political actors and their surrounding environment. Less is known about small firms’ behavior towards political organizations. As a matter of fact, the fields of international marketing, international business and corporate political science have left the political behavior of small firms almost untouched. Therefore, extant literature assumes that small firms due to their resource constraints are passive receivers of political initiatives. About 99 percent of all firms within the European Union are small firms, and it is therefore questioned whether all these firms are passive receivers of political initiatives. The intention with this thesis is to challenge some assumptions regarding how small firms manage their relationships with political actors concerning EU related rules and regulations. Consequently, the study raises the overarching research question; how do small firms manage their political environment? Theoretically, the study takes a network perspective on business political interaction to examine both individual and/or collective political behavior of small firms. It develops a theoretical view constituted of knowledge, commitment and legitimacy. Methodologically, two sequential stages are followed: first an in-depth qualitative case study of three successful cases is presented and second, the in-depth understanding is broadened to a wider population of firms based on a quantitative survey. A central contribution of this thesis is to aid research on the political behavior of small firms. It is found that small firms, in contrast to prevailing assumptions, do possess political resources. They are not passive receivers of political initiatives. Instead, the findings show that small firms are active and can exercise influence. This, however, is shown to be dependent on the firm’s political commitment, political knowledge and competency and business-political legitimacy. It is also shown that small firms mobilize these critical resources not only directly, but also indirectly through various intermediating actors. Besides the theoretical contributions, these conclusions are important not just because of the managerial implications but also, and perhaps more importantly, for the policy implications that can be drawn from the study. Being exploratory and opening up the black box of small firm’s political behavior, the thesis ends with a number of future research directions.
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Al, Khattab Adel. "Political risk assessment in Jordanian international firms." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.430297.
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Tanis-Plant, Suzette. "La Voix cinématographique : échos et résonances dans les premiers films de Julie Dash et Trinh T. Minh-ha." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010MON30035.
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Les théoriciens de la voix cinématographique, tels Michel Chion, Rick Altman, Mary Ann Doane et Kaja Silverman, évitent une réflexion sur l’expression des rapports de sexe en relation avec l’appartenance raciale ou la question postcoloniale. Au contraire, l’afro-américaine Julie Dash et la vietnamo-américaine Trinh T. Minh-ha se servent de la « caméra-stylo » afin de déconstruire le paradigme dominant de la voix selon lequel l’image serait source de la voix. Les films, Illusions et Daughters of the Dust de Dash, et Reassemblage, Naked Spaces et Surname Viet Given Name Nam de Trinh, désignent l’épistémologie comme un enjeu : les hommes blancs se servent de ce levier que constitue la fabrique de la voix pour investir le lieu du savoir. Ce faisant, ces deux cinéastes contemporaines élaborent un paradigme féministe. La voix masculine transcendante est remplacée par la voix immanente et polyphonique des femmes de couleur. Dash expose les techniques cinématographiques vocales et pratique un montage qui établit une vraisemblance avec la réalité. Nous sommes enveloppés par les voix de ses personnages. Trinh nous fait comprendre « l’architecture » du langage vocal cinématographique et opère un montage qui suspend la continuité. Elle nous incite à en découdre avec des éléments disparates. À travers certains procédés (voix synchronisée/voix désynchronisée par exemple), les femmes portent témoignage de la violence des hommes. Elles révèlent que la justice de la loi du Père est aussi illusoire que la voix cinématographique. D’objet épistémologique, la voix des femmes de couleur devient outil politique : elle détient la promesse de changer les mentalités et de fait, les lois de la citéThe theoreticians of the cinematic voice, such as Michel Chion, Mary Ann Doane and Kaja Silverman, do not address vocal representation as an issue of gender and its relationship to race and postcolonialism. To the contrary, two contemporary filmmakers, Julie Dash and Trinh T. Minh-ha, use their “caméra-stylo” to deconstruct the dominant paradigm of the voice which has spectators believe that the image is at the source of the voices they hear. The films, Illusions and Daughters of the Dust by Dash, and Reassemblage, Naked Spaces and Surname Viet Given Name Nam by Trinh, show us how the cinematic voice is a construction. The stakes are high: white men use this vocal illusion as a lever to impose control over the world of epistemology. As an alternative, Dash and Trinh propose a feminist paradigm. The transcendent masculine voice is replaced by the immanent and polyphonic voices of women of color. Dash reveals the cinematic techniques of vocal reproduction, and she practices a classical editing that reaches for fidelity. The voices of her characters envelope the spectators. Trinh brings to the screen an understanding of the “architecture” of cinematic language, and her editing techniques suspend continuity. The spectator’s own voice must continually intervene in the construction of meaning. Through various techniques (synchronized/a-synchronized voice), the women characters come forward to witness the violence of men. Their stories reveal that the justice of the Law of the Father is as much an illusion as the cinematic voice. Women of color therefore take up the voice as a political tool: it holds the promise of changing mentalities and, in turn, the laws of city
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Souza, Carlos Roberto Rodrigues de. "A cinemateca brasileira e a preservação de filmes no Brasil." Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/27/27153/tde-26102010-104955/.
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O tema deste trabalho é a preservação de filmes e seu foco é a Cinemateca Brasileira. Na introdução aborda-se a bibliografia existente sobre arquivos de filmes e preservação, definem-se conceitos e explica-se a questão da narrativa adotada. A primeira parte é dedicada à investigação das relações entre arquivos de filmes e Estado, com seu conseqüente reflexo na questão da autonomia de gestão dos arquivos sobre seus acervos. A partir das quatro instituições fundadoras da Fédération Internationale des Archives du Film propõe-se um quadro de categorias para os arquivos de filmes e seus estatutos jurídicos. A questão da autonomia é investigada em países do Leste europeu e experimenta-se a aplicação do quadro de categorias proposto aos arquivos da América Latina. A maior parte do trabalho é a segunda, que narra a história da Cinemateca Brasileira desde suas origens como Clube de Cinema de São Paulo, sua anexação ao Museu de Arte Moderna, a mudança de personalidade jurídica para fundação e sua transformação em órgão vinculado ao poder federal. As realizações e os obstáculos encontrados pela instituição para a preservação do patrimônio nacional de imagens em movimento são descritos e comentados desde aquelas origens até o ano de 2006, quando a Cinemateca Brasileira abriga o 62º Congresso anual da Fiaf. A conclusão questiona a tutela jurídica que a Cinemateca Brasileira se atribui em relação à preservação do patrimônio de imagens em movimento no Brasil.The subject of this work is film preservation and its focus is on the Cinemateca Brasileira. The introduction approaches the existing bibliography about film archives and preservation, defines concepts and explains the type of narrative that will be adopted. Part I is aimed at the investigation of the relations between film archives and the State, with its subsequent reflex on the question of management autonomy of the archives on their own collections. By analyzing the four institutions that founded the Fédération Internationale des Archives du Film, a framework of categories for the film archives and their legal statutes is proposed. The autonomy question is investigated in East European countries and the categories proposed before are applied to Latin America. Part II is the most extensive: the history of the Cinemateca Brasileira is narrated, from its origins as the Clube de Cinema de São Paulo, its attachment to the Museum of Modern Art, the change of juridical figure into foundation and its transformation into a federal organ. The accomplishments and the difficulties met by the preservation of the national moving images heritage are described and commented from those origins until the year 2006, when the Cinemateca Brasileira held the 62nd Fiaf Annual Congress. The concluding remarks question the legal tutelage that the Cinemateca Brasileira attributes itself regarding the preservation of the moving images heritage in Brazil.
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Maltère, Hugues. "The socio-political dimension of film noir /." This resource online, 1992. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-08142009-040450/.
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Maltère, Hugues. "The socio-political dimension of film noir." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/44231.
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After World War II, Hollywood produced a series of low budget pictures characterized by a dark mood, bleak urban landscapes and fierce violence. French critics called them films noirs (black films). These movies presented a critical vision of the social injustice present in the American capitalist society. This thesis examines the socio-political dimension of film noir firstly through its social, literary and filmic origins, then through a piecework study of shots and dialogues from six noir pictures: Body and Soul (1947), Force of Evil (1948), Knock On Any Door (1949), Kiss of Death (1947), I Walk Alone(1948) and The Set-up (1949). It is shown how the Marxist convictions of their makers influenced their style and their content. Even films noirs made by apolitical or moderate filmmakers follow a similar pattern. It is concluded that film noir contains expressions of anti-capitalist struggle toward social justice and moral redemption. The appeal of these ideas to many Americans is shown by the box-office success of these pictures, while many noir writers, actors and directors were the victims of the reactionary repression of the early fifties.
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Woerdman, Edwin. "Implementing the Kyoto mechanisms political barriers and path dependence /." [Groningen]: [Edwin Woerdman], 2002. http://dissertations.ub.rug.nl/FILES/faculties/jur/2002/e.woerdman/thesis.pdf.
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Mshelia, James Buba. "Political risk assessment by multinational firms in Nigeria." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2015. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/30193/.
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The study offers an insight into the dynamics of the relationship between political risk and multinational firms in the context of emerging markets. Political Risk Assessment (PRA) importance for multinational firms investing in emerging markets has increased significantly with the growing rate of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) globally. It is used for managing political risk, and decision-making processes during firms’ internationalisation, and has been identified as one of the key determinants of FDI into developing countries. However, only a few empirical studies on PRA have been undertaken in emerging markets. Previous studies have shown that political risk has been evolving and has resulted in a range of consequences that have influenced the type of strategies which firms adopt. It is in recognition of this that the need to identify a country’s specific political risk factors and their consequences for multinational firms that this study is undertaken in Nigeria. Despite the flux in the political environment of the country with its population divided along cultural, ethnic, language and religious lines within its different geographical regions, Nigeria has witnessed a continuous inflow of FDI. This research contributes to the assessment of political risk by critically analysing the determinants and indicators to examine how the consequences of political risk impact upon multinational firms, with a view to understanding the managerial practices associated with managing political risk in Nigeria. Six objectives were identified as follows: to investigate the determinants of political risk; to examine their impacts; to investigate the variables and indicators used to forecast political risk; to investigate the consequences of political risk; to explore practices of PRA in multinational firms and to identify strategies used to manage and mitigate political risk in Nigeria. Likewise, four hypotheses underpinning these objectives were formulated to understand the dynamics of the relationship between political risk and multinational firms. This study empirically used a sequential mixed method strategy to analyse statistically as well as using thematic and content analysis data collected through a multi-method approach from 74 multinational firms in Nigeria. The dataset of the International Country Risk Guide (ICRG) PRA annual rating for Nigeria within the period 2011 to 2015 was also analysed. The study identifies eight determinants that contribute to the emergence of political risk. It highlighted factors that influence the consequences of political risk on multinational firms which supports the conceptual premise for identifying reasons why firms manage and mitigate political risk in countries, and why some internationalise into specific countries. Empirically, it showed that the impact of political risk varies from one part of a country to another, as do the consequences of their impacts which inform why multinational firms are located more in some parts of the country, and how the consequences of political risk will differ between firms, depending on their location in a country. These findings have implications for practice and showed that firms could improve their conduct of PRA, influence the type of strategies they adopt and how to explore quantitative PRA methodologies when operating in similar emerging markets. This study also showed that some risk indicators used for forecasting political risk appeared major and did not retain the same value within the country. The case of Nigeria showed that the presence of high political risk does not deter firms if the financial and economic risk is low. It reveals also that the practice of PRA differs within firms and that the strategies used to mitigate political risk mostly involve the conduct of PRA and engagement in Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR).
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Jablonská, Linda. "České politické dokumentární filmy současnosti." Master's thesis, Akademie múzických umění v Praze. Filmová a televizní fakulta AMU. Knihovna, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-78552.
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This thesis titled "The current political documentaries of the Czech Republic" maps such documentaries which deal with politics and related issues. The thesis gives a couple of possible interpretations of the notion of "a political documentary" The paper investigates the question of documentary subjectivism and while glancing at the international context, it monitors the methodics in the czech documentaristic work. On the basis of concrete examples, it outlines the current trends of the czech political documentary and introduces the directors' approaches. It further mentions the terms of formation of such documentaries stressing their given situation in the Czech television. Finally, using specific examples, the thesis work reminds us of one of the main duties of the political documentary ? public servis.
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Duo, Yi. "Essays on politically connected firms." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/63324.
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This thesis explores a number of issues related to politically connected firms in two separate chapters. I follow Goldman et al. (2009), defining politically connected firms as those with at least one former politician serving as member of its board of directors, and construct a sample containing the S&P 500 firms between 2004 and 2013. The first chapter explores why firms seek these political connections, and how they benefit from two direct value extraction channels: government procurement and subsidies. I find that firms that aim for government contracts seek executive branch connections, while those that face heavy regulations target congressional connections. Next, I show that politically connected firms do get more government contracts and subsidies. Firm performance (using accounting based measures) suffers with government contracts and subsidies, and political connections fail to increase or decrease this negative relation, which suggests effective safeguards against overpricing and cronyism. However, politically connected firms do seem to enjoy a temporary increase in future ROA, when government contracts are taken into consideration. The second chapter asks if politically connected firms pay higher audit fees, and explores the underlying reasons. Prior studies have mixed implications on how risky these clients are for auditors. On the one hand, some studies suggest politically connected firms have lower accounting quality and face higher political risk, hence incur higher audit fees. On the other hand, less investor pressure and lower litigation and bankruptcy risks would decrease audit fees for firms with political connections. I find that politically connected firms do pay higher audit fees, and the effect is stronger for those with executive branch connections. Neither lower accounting quality nor higher political risk is found to be the underlying reason. The fact that many politically connected firms are government contractors, who are subject to additional regulations and government audit, is found to be the main factor for this difference in audit fee.Business, Sauder School of
Accounting, Division of
Graduate
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Serizawa, Molly M. "Dialectic of Celebrity Politics: Identifying Public Personalities and Political Performers in Twenty-First Century America." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/254.
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‘Celebrity’ has become a growing field of critical inquiry and cultural interest in twenty-first century society. Celebrities embody a host of meanings and engender larger ideological and discursive practices, in which they articulate expressions of social, cultural and political power that attach meaning to public individuals. Beginning with the late-twentieth century, celebrities have come to occupy spaces that exist beyond popular culture platforms, most notably in politics and international diplomacy. In spite of its typical association with superficial discussions of gossip and cheap entertainment, celebrities have become the site of anxiety in a capitalist society. To come to terms with these growing anxieties concerning celebrity and its accoutrements, this thesis explores the embedded complexities and consequences of the celebrity system within the framework of what has dubiously been called ‘celebrity politics.’ Through a detailed examination of this phenomenon, this thesis explores the coalescing spheres of Hollywood and the White House, where ‘celebrity’ and ‘politician’ have become interchangeable monikers. In addition to examining the historical conditions that have given rise to the phenomenon, this study examines contemporary articulations of the ‘celebrity politician,’ focusing on Angelina Jolie, Sean Penn and President Barack Obama. Discussion of these figures is framed by critical theory and media studies to better understand their location within the contemporary Western landscape.
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Popescu, Monica. "The politics of violence in post-communist films." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0016/MQ52637.pdf.
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Nombela, Gustavo. "A political economy approach to privatisation of public firms." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1998. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2614/.
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The economic policy named as privatisation has been one of the most popular among governments around the world since the early 1980's. Initially defined as the sale of state- owned enterprises. This thesis tries to be a contribution to privatisation, able to explain the fundamental causes of the inefficiency gap and the reasons why the present trend towards privatisation is being observed across the world. After a thorough revision of the existent literature, two theoretical models analyse different aspects of the problem. A common basic framework is used in both of them: the usual assumption of benevolent welfare- maximising governments is replaced by a more realistic approach to governments as non- benevolent vote-seeking agents. In addition, two empirical contributions are presented to examine how predictions from the political approach to privatisation are related to actual observations from public firms. The first theoretical model (chapter 2) studies how governments' ideologies can influence privatisation decisions. A voting game between two political parties is studied, showing that although ideology plays a role, strategic considerations are of greater importance to governments when taking decisions about public firms and privatisation. Results derived from this model explain the actual observation about privatisation being performed by governments of very different type of ideologies. The role that tight public budget constraints may have played on privatisations is also examined. The second model (chapter 3) analyses the problem of overstaffing of firms and its relationship to ownership structure. A non-benevolent government is assumed to take decisions under uncertainty over the size of a project or the level of a service to be publicly provided. Three types of firm can produce the good: a publicly-owned firm or a contracted-out private firm, regulated either with a complete or an incomplete contract. Outcomes are compared, showing that the public firm tends to be inefficiently larger in more states of nature. However, private firms may provide lower than optimal levels of service in more cases, the problem being more severe under incomplete contracting. These results help us to understand three key points: one fundamental cause of the inefficiency gap, how privatisation may solve the problem, and some of the potential drawbacks of the policy. The first empirical contribution (chapter 4) is a case of study for the Spanish urban bus industry. Using data from a sample of firms, a translog cost function is estimated to evaluate the relative inefficiency of public firms. Results indicate that public firms are highly overstaffed and pay high wages to their workers, even if labour productivity is low. Since private firms are also regulated by city councils and subject to the same laws, this case is presented as an example of the preference of politicians for direct control of firms instead of pursuing personal agendas through regulated firms. The second empirical contribution (chapter 5) estimates political effects over employment and wages using data from US local governments. A bargaining model between a non-benevolent government and a union is proposed and solved. First-order conditions and reduced-form equations of this model are then estimated using data from several services provided directly by US local authorities. Results indicate that looser controls over politicians lead to a larger number of workers employed and to higher wages. Unions' effects on wages are significant, while not so relevant impact on employment is observed. This empirical evidence supports the idea that political factors are highly relevant in explaining public firms' inefficiency, specially when they are combined with trade unions' effects.
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Mbenga, Chilombo. "Exploring South African youths' on/offline political participation." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/12353.
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Includes bibliographical references.This study is located between the contradiction that youth is politically disinterested and that youth is very much politically engaged. Some scholars have argued that youth political disinterest is a threat to the life of the traditional public sphere and democracy. Against the notion of the youth's disinterest and disaffection from politics, this study points out the deficit in exploratory studies that examine and explore the relationship between young people and their political participation both in the on/offline context. In light of the contradiction as well, this current study asked the following question: how does a group of South African youth use social media to participate in the virtual public sphere? Also, what are the views of a group of South African youth about political participation (via their use of traditional and new/social media)?
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Hanlon, Dennis Joseph. "Moving cinema: Bolivia's Ukamau and European political film, 1966-1989." Diss., University of Iowa, 2009. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/374.
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This study considers the films and writings of Jorge Sanjinés, an influential Latin American filmmaker and theorist known for the collaborative methods of filmmaking he and the Grupo Ukamau created working with indigenous Andean communities, in light of two interrelated but overlooked aspects of his theory and practice: the extent to which his theories intervened in European debates about politics and cinema during the period 1966-1989 (the release dates for his first and last significant features) and his experiments using cinematic form to create a language capable of communicating an alternative, non-western subjectivity.
After reviewing the history of the Grupo Ukamau, including its most significant Bolivian precursors, Jorge Ruiz, Oscar Soria, and the Insituto Cinematográfico Boliviano, as well as the group's theories of spectatorship, form in revolutionary cinema, and the practice of making a cinema with the people, this dissertation turns to three topics key to understanding Sanjinés in a properly transnational context: the importance of Bertolt Brecht's theories for Sanjinés, the sequence shot as the basis for his new cinematic language, and political parallels with other European filmmakers.
Like several European political filmmakers of the period who experimented with rhetorical and non-realistic uses of the sequence shot, Sanjinés was more inspired by Brecht's theory of Epic Theater than Italian Neo-realism. Sanjinés adapted these techniques both to communicate with his local indigenous audiences and intervene in European theory, a process described here as dialectical transculturation. To create what he called the "Andean sequence shot," Sanjinés adapted Jean-Luc Godard's dialectical editing of long takes, Miklós Jancsó's portrayals of collective protagonists, and Theo Angelopoulos' use of multiple temporalities within a single shot. The final section explores the parallels among Sanjinés' theory and practice and those of Pier Paolo Pasolini and Jean Rouch, two European filmmakers contemporaneously engaged in theorizing the representation of alternative subjectivities, at that time a marginal concern in Europe. The affinities between these three filmmakers' theories as well as Sanjinés contribution to European theorizing of cinematic subjectivity have been obscured, it is argued, by the politics of the period.
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Hsia, Yun. "The film industry in Taiwan : a political economy perspective." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2011. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/47937/.
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The main purpose of this thesis is to critically analyse the film industry in Taiwan from a political economy perspective and to compare Taiwan’s film industry with that of Hong Kong. The thesis will examine the development of the film industries in Taiwan and Hong Kong in the 1990s and analyse the decline of these film industries. The study takes into account how the governments’ policies have been framed and examines the interaction between the governments and the industries in the 1990s. This thesis will start by expounding the approach of political economy and explain how it will be applied to the study of Taiwan’s film industry. The approach of political economy will provide a historical analysis of the film industry and review the industry’s development in terms of both political influence and economic factors. This approach will provide a more comprehensive study of these film industries. The framework assumes that the development of the film industry in Taiwan has been influenced by government policy and especially government subsidies and that this policy has directed the industry. A film in Taiwan is regarded as an art form, perhaps with a diplomatic purpose, rather than as a commercial cultural product. A film in Hong Kong is mainly made for the commercial market with the purpose of entertaining audiences. The distinction between Taiwanese cinema and Hong Kong cinema provides a diverse view of the Chinese-language film market. After examining the development of the film industry in Taiwan and Hong Kong from a political economy perspective a new image for the Chinese- language film sphere will be discussed. The advantages and disadvantages of the film industry in two places will be summarised and used to provide some suggestions for the future development of “New Chinese Cinema” in the twenty-first century.
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Morrissey, James Rodger. "Political engagement in the French fiction film 1968-2008." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.542026.
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Holtmeier, Matthew. "The modern political film : biopolitical production and cinematic subjectivity." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3624.
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This project uses Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari's concept of the minor cinema to argue for a contemporary political mode of film that critiques dominant or majoritarian ideologies. I argue that these 'modern political films' perform this critique by rupturing the sensory-motor schemata that make up official times and create a space for everyday life and labor to emerge on screen. While political theorists such as Carl Schmitt argue proper politics necessitate oppositional conflict and dialectical progression, a classical model based on the opposition between ultimately Other subjects, modern political films challenge this notion by fragmenting the concept of an appropriate subject and revealing the networks that contribute to and create modern, multifaceted subjects. I locate modern political films in four global contexts: Algeria, Iran, China, and the United States. While the political circumstances of each context differ greatly, the filmmakers I examine turn to a slower pace or use of cinematic time that resists narrative conclusion to address political, economic, and social issues affecting populations within these global locations. Through this slower pace, these directors also address the biopolitical concerns of the subjects they depict: intolerable laws, ideologies, and economic forces that structure or otherwise control how individuals live their lives. As a result, these films operate according to a particular form of politics that opposes the subject-creating assemblages of regulatory biopower, and affirms the potential for new life to emerge on screen.
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Dayan, Dror. "The manifestations of political power structures in documentary film." Thesis, Bournemouth University, 2018. http://eprints.bournemouth.ac.uk/31565/.
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The aim of this practice-led research is to explore the ways in which the political and social power structures between filmmaker and protagonist are manifested in the aesthetics and cinematic means of documentary film. Through a synthesis of filmmaking practice and “hidden knowledge” with critical theories from the fields of cultural studies and political philosophy the research devise methodological approaches to the critical analysis of documentary films in light of the political and material conditions of their emergence. By exploring filmmaking practice, both through the practical aspects of the research as well as through experiences made and reported by filmmakers, and placing those in the context of wider theories pertaining to issues of power structures and representation, it sheds light on the different aspects which must be considered when approaching the analysis of a documentary film for its ideological and political content. The work also asserts that in order to fully understand and analyse a documentary film, a wider range of factors must be considered, most prominently the material conditions of the filmmaking process. Those include the financing and commissioning of the film, the conditions of its production as well as its distribution and reception. Drawing on methodologies of dialectical materialism in cultural studies, the research approaches the studied films as well as the practical experiences in a holistic fashion, contextulaising them in historical, political and cultural processes instead of viewing them as isolated texts divorced from social context.
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Peng, Kan. "A political economy of online film exhibition in China." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2013. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/23.
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As one of the most revolutionary technologies in human history, the Internet has dramatically transformed the media industry, including the film exhibition industry. In China, new online exhibition networks have continuously been established to exploit the lucrative markets of Internet users' online viewing and sharing habits. The destinies of different types of films in the Chinese market have been greatly changed due to the increasing connections and contradictions between China's Internet and film exhibition industry which are influenced by many political economy factors, such as the conflicting interests among different government departments. Therefore, this paper examines the Internet's impact on film exhibition in China from a political economy perspective. The thesis first traces the history of two online exhibition networks related to China's film market. One is the online video websites that accumulated their early capital by piracy content, but which were then progressively legalized under the forces of venture capital and government administration. The other is the online piracy network, which has become a problem for film industries worldwide , due to its transnational, decentralized and limitless network. However, this network also functions as a democratic tool to combat with the ideological controls of the government. This thesis argues that these two online exhibition networks are fated to conflict with each other since they operate under two conflicting logics. The former operates in the logic of capital gains, while the latter celebrates the logic of ommunal sharing and exchange. Based on the analysis of the dynamic between these two online exhibition networks, this thesis further investigates how, in the context of China's particular political economy, three different types of film are influenced by the two networks. The first is Chinese commercial films, which are making more and more profits from online video websites, while facing the challenge of online piracy. The second are foreigll'films, which are expanding their influence and bypassing the entry barriers into the Chinese market through the online video websites and piracy networks. The third are so-called Chinese independent films. As these films cannot be distributed through state-controlled channels, Chinese independent film 's domestic circulation was once quite confined. For independent films, the Internet has become an important exhibition channel that extends their influence to a wider domestic audience and even a bargaining chip with which to negotiate with the state's rigorous censorship system
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Allbritton, Jay Michael. "Religion and politics in films about the Vietnam war." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2003. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0001227.
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Naldi, Patrizia. "The 'view' : a historicised and contemporary socio-political mediation." Thesis, University of the Arts London, 2015. http://ualresearchonline.arts.ac.uk/8727/.
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This research develops an understanding of the ‘view’ as a historicised and contemporary socio‐political mediation. What is posited as a view, and its signification, as a view, is how we experience, understand and relate to others and the world around us. The thesis offers a re‐interpretation of accepted modes of viewing, what is viewed, and a re‐presentation of viewed imagery, in order to question and propose how might we better relate to, and function in, the production of social space. The premise of the enquiry is that the ‘view’, is a visual, spatial, and conceptual ideologically political position that shapes our relationship as citizens societally and to public space. The ‘image’ of, and as, a view, and point of view, permeates society. In our contemporary times of socio‐political instability, it becomes prescient to question the ‘view’, how it is constructed, and how it operates. The approach of this enquiry is interdisciplinary using a dialectic process of theoretical and practical sources. It draws on theories of space exploration, film studies, religion, photography, popular culture, geography, politics, contemporary visual culture, historical painting, architecture, and urban regeneration. The practice of lens‐based moving and still image, and the contexts within which the works have been created as research, are temporal and spatial. Journeys have been undertaken to acquire ‘views’ by hot-air balloon, by cable car, up tall buildings, by train, and by foot as a key method of investigation. The rhythm of the text in the thesis reflects this method of temporality, and spatiality. With the practice interlinked throughout, and with the text, in the guise of image inserts, the structure of each of the three chapters enacts a positionality from the perspective of a visual, spatial, and conceptual vantage point as a means of guiding the reader/viewer through the research.
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Robert-Gonçalves, Mickaël. "Cinéma portugais en révolution. 1974-1982 : genèse, enjeux, perspectives." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCA023/document.
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En se concentrant sur une période courte et libératrice de l’histoire du Portugal contemporain, ce travail vise à établir ce que la révolution, pensée comme processus, événement et rupture, a provoqué dans la production cinématographique. L’aire chronologique correspond donc aux années de la Révolution portugaise de 1974-1975 puis ses soubresauts jusqu’en 1982.Pour saisir ce moment complexe et singulier, l’observation des liens entre cinéma et politique est proposée à travers les rapports de force existants entre le régime, les institutions et le monde du cinéma. L’existence d’un cinéma révolutionnaire, qui accompagne un processus de changement social et politique radical et se révolutionne lui-même, se perçoit à travers des conflits et des enjeux de pouvoir. De la remise en question du modèle de production – l’avènement d’un modèle coopérativiste – à la volonté de diffuser autrement les films, en passant par les problématiques soulevées par la politisation des pratiques artistiques, les cinéastes n’ont alors eu de cesse de pouvoir mettre en crise les modalités de création. L’analyse de plusieurs films particulièrement significatifs montre que la rencontre entre la révolution et le cinéma offre des potentialités créatives nombreuses : des saillies pamphlétaires manifestent les nécessités du processus, les usages du cinéma-direct semblent faire corps avec l’événement, et l’idée de film-révolution au cœur de Bon peuple portugais (Bom Povo Português, 1981) de Rui Simões incarne, au cinéma, la rupture ouverte par le fait politique.Ce travail est animé par une double ambition. D’abord, grâce aux témoignages des cinéastes et producteurs de l’époque, il s’agit de proposer de nouveaux éclairages sur un pan encore méconnu et sous-évalué de l’histoire du cinéma portugais. Ensuite, à la faveur de l’étude des rencontres pratiques et formelles entre un processus historique et l’esthétique, les voies explorées dans la thèse voudraient contribuer à enrichir une histoire du cinéma engagéFocusing on a short and liberating time of recent Portugal history, this work aims to establish that the idea of revolution, understood as a process, but also as an event and a rupture, has provoked a specific film production. The chronological area thus corresponds to the years of the Portuguese Revolution of 1974-1975 and its upheavals until 1982.To grasp this singular moment in all its complexity, the observation of the links between cinema and politics is proposed through the balance of power existing between the regime, the institutions and the cinema world. The existence of a revolutionary cinema able to follow the radical changes in society can be seen through conflicts and power issues. Then, filmmakers would question the possibilities of creation in that context: experiences of collective production, alternative distribution, and new practices of militant cinema are all examples of different modalities of creation.The study of various films, and the confrontation between revolution and cinema, show an offer of many creative potentialities: from anticapitalist movies which follow the process to the uses of Direct cinema embodying the event, and finally, the arising of Good Portuguese People (Bom Povo Português, 1981) by Rui Simões, mark an aesthetical rupture in response to the political change.This dissertation has a dual ambition. First, it is important to propose new enlightments on this yet unknown and underevaluated part of Portuguese cinema, with the help of testimonies from filmmakers and producers of that period. Then, observing practical and visual exchanges between the historical process and aesthetics, the paths explored here would contribute to enriching a history of engaged cinema
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Shvets, Julia. "Law enforcement by courts : political economy and impact on firms." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1844/.
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The subject of this thesis is judicial enforcement of contracts and property rights and its economic implications. The first chapter introduces the topic, discusses the issues involved in empirical research on law enforcement, and surveys the literature. The second chapter develops an analytical method for empirical identification of relative policy preferences and competence of judges. The third chapter studies the impact of judicial selection on law enforcement. The fourth chapter analyses the effect of predictability of law enforcement on firms' finances. In chapter two, I develop a model of judicial decision making in a two tier court system. It shows that relative preferences of the two courts can be identified by comparing appellate court reversal rates for different types of lower court decisions. I use this result to analyze the data on Russia's commercial courts which I collected for this purpose. The findings show that regional courts favour small firms relatively more than courts of appeal. In chapter three, I compare selection of judges by the legislator with that by the executive branch. First, I analyze the differences in the incentives of the two offices theoretically. Second, I empirically exploit a natural experiment in judicial appointment procedures in Russian courts. I find that judges selected by the legislature favour small firms more than judges appointed by the executive. In the fourth chapter, I show both empirically and analytically that greater predictability in law enforcement encourages credit to firms. The data from Russia indicates that more predictable courts stimulate lending by raising the number of firms that have access to bank financing. In contrast, trade credit is only weakly affected by court performance.
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Elovsson, Elinor. "Politiskt ledarskap i postapokalyptisk film." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-163305.
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Film som format har varit underskattat som bärare för normer och beteenden hos arbetsföra vuxna. Denna uppsats undersöker vilka ledarskapsideal som fått ett bredare genomslag i samhället genom att analysera ledarskap i postapokalyptisk film från tre olika tidsperioder. Idealtypen ställs sedan mot transformativ ledarskapsteori – en form av ledarskap som många idag framhåller som den mest framgångsrika – för en jämförelse. Även vilka samhällskontexter som framkommer som kontrollmekanism analyseras. Den gemensamma idealtypens egenskaper som framkommer för protagonisten är: Projektledare, vacklande självbild och engagemang. Idealtypens egenskaper för antagonisten är: Intelligens och manipulation. Idealtypsegenskapens engagemang, stämmer bra överens med transformativa ledarskapsteori om egenskapen idealiserad påverkan, däremot finns inte intellektuell stimulans närvarande i någon av filmerna. Samhällskontexten är; legitimt våld, tradition och religion.
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Thomas, Patricia Brooks. "Propaganda on film : shadows from the past, projections for the future?" Thesis, Swansea University, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.678661.
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