Journal articles: 'Political films'

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Meade, Melissa R. "Violence, Oppression, and Double Standards in Three Colombian Films." CINEJ Cinema Journal 1, no. 1 (August 4, 2011): 16–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cinej.2011.13.

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This article compares three Colombian films that tell distinct stories of violence, personal and political oppression, and double standards. The films Confesión a Laura (Confessing to Laura, Jaime Osorio, 1991), La Primera Noche (The First Night, Luis Alberto Restrepo, 2003) and El Rey (The King, José Antonio Dorado, 2004) each highlight the characters’ struggles in the Colombian socio-political landscape. Each film’s content and themes do not merely offer representations of national culture, but also provide a way in which to discuss the political and social struggles of Colombia. The directors explore these stories of violence and socio-political struggle through the use of mis-en-scène, cinematography, sound, and editing.

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Zi, Ya. "Political Films and Human Rights Bias." Chinese Sociology & Anthropology 32, no. 2 (December 1999): 51–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/csa0009-4625320251.

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Haynes, J. "Political critique in Nigerian video films." African Affairs 105, no. 421 (October 1, 2006): 511–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adi125.

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Michelson, Annette. "The Kinetic Icon in the Work of Mourning." October 169 (August 2019): 87–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/octo_a_00361.

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Among Dziga Vertov's films, Three Songs of Lenin is unique in its immediate and enduring approval within the Soviet Union. The film was commissioned for the tenth anniversary of Lenin's death and made extensive use of archival material documenting Lenin's political trajectory and his funeral. Annette Michelson offers a reading of the film's political function within the historical situation of the USSR in the 1930s, claiming that the register and scale of Three Songs of Lenin make the film a “kinetic icon” for the deceased leader. Michelson discusses similarities between religious icons and films, particularly the way in which death haunts both, and she examines the way in which the film's emphasis on the role of the female mourner enables it to transform document into monument.

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Dvorak, Kevin. "Reelpolitik: Political Ideologies in '30s and '40s Films, and: Reelpolitik II: Political Ideologies in '50s and '60s Films (review)." Film & History: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Film and Television Studies 35, no. 2 (2005): 92–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/flm.2005.0035.

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Ilchenko, Sergei Nikolayevich. "Axiology of the Political Dichotomy of the Russian Screen Content's Political "Overtone"." Journal of Flm Arts and Film Studies 3, no. 1 (February 15, 2011): 124–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/vgik31124-133.

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The article analyses the political confrontations in Russian history of the 20th century as reflected in domestic audiovisual productions. The problem of the relationship between "the Reds" and "the Whites" is investigated by the author through films and TV shows in terms of the value systems of the belligerent social forces.

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Holtmeier, Matthew. "The Modern Political Cinema: From Third Cinema to Contemporary Networked Biopolitics." Film-Philosophy 20, no. 2-3 (October 2016): 303–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/film.2016.0017.

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Political cinema, particularly third cinema of the 1960s and subsequently inspired films, often relies upon the formation and transformation of subjectivity. Such films depict a becoming-political of their characters, such as Ali LaPointe's transformation from bricklayer and boxer to revolutionary in Battle of Algiers (La battaglia di Algeri, Gillo Pontecorvo, 1966 ). As subjects are politicized, they reveal social, moral, existential, or ethical exigencies that drive the politics of the film. In this respect, most narrative-driven political cinema is biopolitical cinema, although its expression shifts from film to film, or from one period of time to another. Gilles Deleuze articulated such a shift in his two works on cinema, Cinema 1: The Movement-Image and Cinema 2: The Time-Image. Namely, he points to the breaking of the link between action and reaction that marks a shift from pre-World War II cinema to the postwar filmmaking environment. To update Deleuze's project on political cinema, this article posits another qualitative shift in political cinema stemming from the emergence of neoliberal economic policies and the growth of networked information systems from the 1990s to the present. This shift compromises earlier models of political cinema and results in a modern political cinema based on the fragmentation of political publics and the formation of new political exigencies. Two films set in Algeria will be used to document this shift in political modes, in a move towards the modern political cinema: Battle of Algiers and Outside the Law (Hors-la-loi, Rachid Bouchareb, 2010 ).

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Nelson, John S. "Horror Films Face Political Evils in Everyday Life." Political Communication 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 381–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10584600591006654.

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Genovese, Michael A. "Politics and Science Fiction Films." News for Teachers of Political Science 46 (1985): 7–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0197901900001793.

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The movie theatre may seem like an odd place for politics, but almost all movies could be considered “political.” Even stranger is the notion that those spacemen, monsters and aliens we are so accustomed to seeing in science fiction films may be more than just entertaining us, they may be conveying a political message. In fact, most science fiction films make deeply political statements about the society from which they emerge.Science fiction films provide a unique opportunity for movie makers to comment on the implications of both human and “non-human” behavior. Through science fiction, one can look ahead to the way the world “might” look if the right wing, left wing, scientific rationalists, corporations, etc., take over and create their own “Brave New World.” It is an opportunity to play out the implications of various political philosophies for all to see and evaluate.

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Pisters, Patricia. "The Filmmaker as Metallurgist: Political Cinema and World Memory." Film-Philosophy 20, no. 1 (February 2016): 149–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/film.2016.0008.

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Compared to earlier waves of political cinema, such as the Russian revolution films of the 1920s and the militant Third Cinema movement in the 1960s, in today's globalized and digital media world filmmakers have adopted different strategies to express a commitment to politics. Rather than directly calling for a revolution, ‘post-cinema’ filmmakers with a political mission point to the radical contingencies of history; they return to the (audio-visual) archives and dig up never seen or forgotten materials. They reassemble stories, thoughts, and affects, bending our memories and historical consciousness. Following Deleuze and Guattari's geophilosophical ideas in A Thousand Plateaus filmmakers can be considered metallurgists. Discussing the work of Tariq Teguia, John Akomfrah and others, this article investigates several metallurgic strategies that have a performative effect in reshaping our collective memory and co-constructing the possibility of ‘a people to come.’

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Willems, Brian Daniel. "Thrilling Objects: The Scales of Corruption in Political Thrillers." Film-Philosophy 21, no. 1 (February 2017): 78–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/film.2017.0032.

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Political thrillers often encourage the feeling that a mere individual has the power to make a difference on a large scale. Caught up in a chain of events they wished they had never uncovered, a protagonist can occupy a position in which their actions have far-reaching consequences, with the rookie CIA analyst accidentally bringing down a whole corrupt political system being only one example. Much of the critical attention these films have garnered falls under the rubric of detective work in that the protagonist is seen as exposing a web of corruption which would otherwise have gone on unnoticed. However, this paper is focused on how the scale of the individual comes into contact with other, larger scales of events. Points of contact between scales are important because they are where change can take place, thus allowing an individual to influence the supra-individual.

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BEARD, DANIJELA Š. "Soft Socialism, Hard Realism: Partisan Song, Parody, and Intertextual Listening in Yugoslav Black Wave Film (1968–1972)." Twentieth-Century Music 16, no. 1 (February 2019): 95–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478572219000112.

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AbstractIn this article I examine the use of music in modernist and politically engaged Yugoslav cinema of the 1960s through three groundbreaking black wave films: Želimir Žilnik'sRani radovi(Early Works, 1969), Dušan Makavejev'sWR: Misterije organizma(WR: Mysteries of the Organism, 1971), and Lazar Stojanović’sPlastični isus(Plastic Jesus, 1971). With a specific focus on the use of Partisan songs, I analyse how key political moments are encoded with new levels of meaning in these films, often through parody, irony, and satire. I identify a ‘sonic turn’ within black wave cinema and propose a method of ‘intertextual listening’ to reflect the importance of contextual knowledge in identifying and interpreting the cultural and political baggage trafficked into these movies. I ask how does music shape the discursive strategies and communicative potential of these films, rendering pre-composed music a powerful medium for social and political critique? And in what ways does film music construct the Yugoslav socialist experience more broadly, reflecting how ideals of reform socialism found musical expression in Yugoslavnovi film?

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Allagui, Ilhem, and Abeer Najjar. "Framing Political Islam in Popular Egyptian Cinema." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 4, no. 2 (2011): 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187398611x571373.

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AbstractPolitical Islam has been at the forefront of political discussions in and of the Middle East and has often been associated with violence and 'terrorism'. Much has been written on political Islam, but there has been little work on how Arab audiences respond to and view political Islam and the groups seen to be acting under this generic framework, including al-Qa'eda. In the absence of serious audience research that would give us a better idea about attitudes, this article examines how Arab popular culture frames active Islamist groups; in particular we focus on Egyptian films that help shape Arab audiences' perspectives of political Islam. The article analyzes how political Islam is discussed in these films and by film producers, directors and media owners, and how Islamist groups are often framed as the 'other'.

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Khatun, Nadira. "Imagining Muslims as the ‘Other’ in Muslim political films." Journal of Arab & Muslim Media Research 9, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jammr.9.1.41_1.

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Martin, Philip. "Cinema's Vital Histories: Wabi-Cinema, Forces and the Aesthetics of Resistance." Film-Philosophy 21, no. 3 (October 2017): 349–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/film.2017.0055.

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Many films, both narrative and documentary, explore the relationship between history and politics or ethics. This may be accomplished when fictional narrative films enact ethical arguments regarding history in cinematic form, when documentary films explicitly seek to uncover lost histories of political oppression, or films may experientially and aesthetically stage ethical experience with respect to historical meanings and contexts. There are some cases where such ethical-historical experience is explored through the specific aesthetic form of the film in relation to its narrative. Ask This of Rikyū (Rikyū ni tazuneyo, Tanaka Mitsutoshi, 2013) is one such example. In this paper, I will suggest that film can explore the relation of aesthetic experience to the ethico-political character of history, opening up ways of responding aesthetically to concrete political conditions. Ask This of Rikyū accomplishes this by interrogating the possibility of a wabi-cinema, established with respect to its title character, his individual aesthetic practices, and his personal political circumstances. I will draw upon the work of Gilles Deleuze alongside Kyōto School philosopher Nishida Kitarō in order to articulate the way in which Ask This of Rikyū explores the relation of artistic activity and aesthetic experience to the general ethical and political forces that feed into history.

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Pearson, Demetrius W., Russell L. Curtis, C. Allen Haney, and James J. Zhang. "Sport Films." Journal of Sport and Social Issues 27, no. 2 (May 2003): 145–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0193732503251699.

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Araujo, Bruno Novaes, and Claudio Luis de Camargo Penteado. "Aesthetic representations of political leadership in cinema - Lincoln (2012) and Getúlio (2014)." Intexto, no. 47 (August 6, 2019): 54–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.19132/1807-8583201947.54-74.

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This article aims to analyze the films Lincoln (2012) and Getúlio (2014), verifying through the cinematographic language the aesthetic representations of these emblematic political leaderships. The documentary and entertainment films historically carried symbolic forms aimed at building a discourse favorable to certain ideologies and/or political leaderships. Soon, this work will analyze the selected films that convey the images of these two political icons, Getúlio Vargas and Abraham Lincoln, each one in his time and place of action, trying to identify in the symbolic forms in them how they are represented and which frameworks are mobilized by the directors in order to generate on the spectators subjectivities about these political people. In order to carry out this work, a bibliographical analysis of the theoreticians pertinent to the theme will be carried out, as well as a filmic analysis of the previously chosen entertainment films, using as methodological reference for both the film analysis proposed by Manuela Penafria (2009) and Depth Hermeneutics , used by John Thompson (2012) in Ideologia e Cultura moderna.

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Vansant, Jacqueline. "Political and Humanitarian Messages in a Horse's Tale: MGM's Florian." Austrian History Yearbook 42 (April 2011): 164–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237811000105.

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Before the United States entered World War II, major Hollywood studios had been slow to produce films critical of the Nazi regime. In addition to fearing that such films would alienate the lucrative European market and run counter to the United States’ policy of neutrality, film industry executives were mindful, too, that anti-Nazi films could well worsen the situation of Jews in Germany and German-occupied territories. Attuned to anti-immigrant feelings in the United States, they also appeared reticent to depict the lot of refugees from Hitler. If the studios’ prime objective was to make the most profit while entertaining audiences, those running the studios might have viewed taking a stand on controversial issues as counterproductive. MGM's full-length film, Florian (1940), however, proved something of an exception. In this case, a light-entertainment film doubled as a palimpsest for commentary on some of the most critical events of the day.

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Morozova, Irina Victorovna. "Phenomenon of Political Biopic in the English-Language Cinema." Journal of Flm Arts and Film Studies 6, no. 4 (December 15, 2014): 98–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/vgik6498-109.

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The English-language historical and biographical films are booming currently. Every year large number of biopics appears on the screen. Films devoted to political figures' biographies rank special place among them. The author treats American and British traditions of political biopic, examines their origins, singles out evolution stages of biographical genre in the English-language cinema as well as political biopic's characteristics. The article also contains the brief overview of Western scholarly literature devoted to historical and biographical genres in cinema. Main conclusions: Political biopic is a special phenomenon in the English-language cinema. Its origins are rooted in the traditions of Western historiography and literature, basing on corresponding traditions of antiquity. Political biopic always attracts different filmmakers' attention and enjoys great popularity of the audience as providing fascinating world art plots, that is outstanding individual's biographical path. The success of such films can be also explained by the fact that for the majority of spectators the interest to the past is realized primarily on the level of historical personalities, since common knowledge of the past is by and large personified in connection to individual historical figures. American and British traditions of political biopic share the same general framework, and differences can be reduced to the choice of biographical material and stylistic peculiarities of narration.

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Wheatley, Catherine. "The Third City: The Post Secular Space of the Dardenne Brothers' Seraing." Film-Philosophy 23, no. 3 (October 2019): 264–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/film.2019.0116.

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Set principally in or around Seraing, an industrial region in decline just outside of Liège, in Belgium, the films of Jean-Luc and Pierre Dardenne marry geographical and historical-social realism with a series of ethical inquiries into such topics as immigration, unemployment, black market trading and petty crime. To date, critical commentary on the films has tended mainly to read the work of the Dardennes along two lines. The dominant approach uses the work of Emmanuel Levinas as a philosophical touchpoint in order to illuminate the ethical dimension of the Dardenne brothers' films. The second considers the political dimensions of their films. However a third, related body of writing has emerged in later years, one which understands in terms of their relation to what Jürgen Habermas (2006) , amongst others, has dubbed the postsecular age. This article locates the Dardennes' films at the intersection between the ethical, the political, and the postsecular, looking to the theologically-inflected philosophy of Gillian Rose to make the case that Seraing serves as the model of what Rose refers to as “the third city” – a postsecular site which challenges easy divisions between politics and ethics. As such Seraing is not, I shall argue, a mere staging post for the moral, political and spiritual problems posed by the films, but its cradle. Paying particular attention to the Dardennes' film Two Days, One Night (Deux Jours, Une Nuit, 2014) I demonstrate what an engagement that turns on existence with and within the city – an engagement that is both political and ethical – might look like.

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Werenskjold, Rolf. "German pressure: Spy films and political censorship in Norway, 1914–40." Journal of Scandinavian Cinema 9, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 365–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jsca_00009_1.

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This article explores the relationship between spy films, political censorship and Norwegian foreign policy during the period from 1914 to 1940. Espionage was a popular topic in Norway during this era, both in the news media and as a theme in fictional dramas. Based on a survey of the vetting of 57 spy films, both silent and sound, by the state censorship board, the article focuses on the Norwegian government’s hidden role in political film censorship throughout the period. While Norway’s Constitution and film censorship statutes provided no legal foundation for political censorship, there is nonetheless ample evidence that it took place. The article concludes with an in-depth analysis of the process of banning the US film Confessions of a Nazi Spy in July 1939, the German involvement in that process, and the subsequent effort to change the censorship law to reflect what was happening in practice.

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Ashraf, Abida. "RELIGIO-POLITICAL DISCOURSES IN DOCUMENTARY FILMS ON IRAQ PROMOTING PEACE OR CONFLICT." Islamic Communication Journal 4, no. 2 (December 27, 2019): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/icj.2019.4.2.3892.

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<p class="Abstract">In the information age, media has become an important tool to seek information for clarity but it is paradoxical. This study shows whether documentaries are projecting skepticism and sarcasm of Iraqi people due to volatile, uncertain complex, and ambiguous (VUCA) conditions or projecting VUCA discourses for the restoration of peace and harmony. The object of this study consists of Oscar-winning and Oscar-nominated documentary films from 2003 to 2011 with a total of 45 films. The year 2003 is selected for its demarcation of U.S.-led invasion of Iraq which started in March 2003 and toppled over the government of Saddam Hussein. The year 2011 denotes the end with the departure of US troops in 2011. Through the criterion sampling, four films are selected that depict Iraq and all the four got nomination for Oscar that include: Iraq in Fragments (2006-Nomination); My Country My Country (2006-N); No End in Sight (2007-N); Operation Homecoming: Writing the Wartime Experience (2007-N). To explore Iraqi people’s perspectives, a further sampling is applied and two documentaries are selected depicting entanglement of religion and politics in Iraq from Iraqi people’s perspective.</p>

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Khatib, Lina. "The Politics of Iranian Cinema." American Journal of Islam and Society 27, no. 3 (July 1, 2010): 117–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v27i3.1315.

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If there is one element of the politics of Iranian cinema that is understudied,it is that of the relationship between Iranian films and the Iranian film audience.Saeed Zeydabadi-Nejad’s book, The Politics of Iranian Cinema: Filmand Society in the Islamic Republic, fills this glaring gap by providing aunique insight into how Iranian films are received in Iran; what political andsocial debates they spark; and how they form part of a larger nexus of powernegotiations between the state, artists, and film viewers. The book takes anexpansive approach to “politics,” not favoring hard politics over soft politics or vice versa, but showing how the two go hand in hand in defining the filmmakingprocess in Iran.The book’s uniqueness lies in its reliance on participant observation, inaddition to interviews, as one method of studying the Iranian film audience.Through this, the reader gets a sense of people’s reactions to the films discussed.Zeydabadi-Nejad often reproduces sections of conversation amongfilm viewers that bring to life his statements about the films’ relationshipwith the political environment. The cynicism expressed by a group of youngpeople after watching Bahman Farmanara’s 2001 film House on the Water(p. 86), for example, serves as a sharp illustration of the disillusionment withstate ideology among the urban middle class — an issue covered elsewherein the literature on Iranian cinema, but usually presented in generalized termsrather than through the prism of individual reactions found here ...

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Sunday Olayinka, Alawode,, and Sunday, Uduakobong. "Home Video Films and Grassroots’ Relevance in Nigerian Political Process." IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science 19, no. 1 (2014): 01–08. http://dx.doi.org/10.9790/0837-191100108.

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Broodryk, Chris. "A particularly Pretorian political economy: Phoenix Films’ Pretorian cinematic imaginary." Journal of African Cinemas 10, no. 1 (April 1, 2018): 131–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jac.10.1-2.131_1.

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Staiger, Janet. "“Based on the True Story of”: Political Filmmaking and Analogical Thinking." Recherches sémiotiques 30, no. 1-2-3 (July 15, 2014): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1025924ar.

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“Based on the True Story of” considers how reception studies contributes to determining what constitutes effective political filmmaking and the lessons these films offer to encourage political allegiances. Prior work has indicated that filmmakers need to provide narrative frames to insure their preferred views are accessible to audiences, that excessive emotional appeals can backfire, that conspiracy narratives are more accepted if the narratives argue for complicated webs of power structure, and that markers of authorial subjectivity provide space for spectators to negotiate the material. Here analogical thinking – finding resemblances of one or more features between events in the text and the historical past – is studied for docudramas. Using the reception of Good Night, and Good Luck (2005), the essay argues two further hypotheses that also involve analogical thinking : (1) reviewers expect audiences to seek lessons and explicitly engage with a film's assumed message about contemporary politics, and (2) reviewers often reposition the lessons into other generic narrative formula which have heroes and villains.

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Blair, Helen, and Al Rainnie. "Flexible films?" Media, Culture & Society 22, no. 2 (March 2000): 187–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016344300022002004.

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Epplin, Craig. "Sacrifice and Recognition in Carlos Reygadas's Japón." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 28, no. 2 (2012): 287–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2012.28.2.287.

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In his films, Carlos Reygadas eschews transparent narratives and advances no immediately clear political point of view. However, it is at the level of form that his films intervene in the political context of the Mexican and global present. This intervention becomes clear around two key concepts for the modern state form, concepts whose valence has been transformed under neoliberalism: sacrifice and recognition. Corresponding roughly to death and life, the terms provide a lens through which to read Reygadas's films as a comment on the immanence of contemporary political life, on its reduction to the common denominator of capital.

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Medvedev, Aleksei Dmitrievich. "The political history of France in reflection of the national cinematography (1960s – 1970s)." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 4 (April 2021): 94–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.4.35473.

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The goal of this research consists in determination of the place and role of French cinematography of 1960s – 1970s in the political history of postwar France. The object of this research is the process of transformation of political discourse in the context of transfer of power from Charles de Gaulle to Georges Pompidou. The subject of is reflection of the history of collaborationism in the films “Sadness and Pity” (1969) and “Lacombe Lucien” (1973). The author examines such aspect of the topic as reflection of the political and cultural elites on the Vichy regime. Special attention is given to the political consequences of the screening of films about collusion of the Nazi to French citizens. The scientific lies in the analytical overview of the popular films of French national cinematography of 1960s – 1970s, which interpret the phenomenon of “collaborationism” and “opposition" of the period of German occupation. As a result, it is proven that these films distorted the silence on collusion of a number of citizens to the occupier that prevailed in the French political and public discourse. The author notes that resign of Charles de Gaulle as the head of the French Republic led to the emergence of the products of popular culture that revise the previous interpretations of the military past and have a capacity to change the political situation in the country.

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Wyke, Maria. "Film Style and Fascism: Julius Caesar." Film Studies 4, no. 1 (2004): 58–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/fs.4.4.

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In studio publicity, trade papers, reviews, articles, and educational materials, Joseph L. Mankiewiczs Julius Caesar (1953) was described and accepted as a faithful and mostly pleasing adaptation of Shakespearean drama to the Hollywood screen. As Variety accurately predicted, it achieved four Oscar nominations, one award for art direction and set decoration, high grosses, a hit soundtrack album, and several subsequent revivals. With the content more or less given, contemporary discussion focussed closely on how the verbal had been visualised, on how theatre had been turned into cinema – in short, on the film‘s style. It is with contemporary and subsequent readings of the film‘s style that this article is concerned, where, following David Bordwell, style is taken to mean ‘a films systematic and significant use of techniques of the medium’. But whereas Bordwell analyses film style directly in terms of an aesthetic history he considers to be distinct from the history of the film industry, its technology, or a films relation to society, I explore interpretations of one film‘s style that are heavily invested with socio-political meaning. If, in Bordwell‘s organic metaphor, style is the flesh of film, these readings of style explicitly dress that flesh in socio-political clothing. This analysis of Julius Caesar, then, is not another contribution to debates about adaptation, theatre on film, or Shakespeare on screen, but about the politics of film style.

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Bracco, Carolina. "The Changing Portrayal of Dancers in Egyptian Films." Anthropology of the Middle East 14, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 6–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ame.2019.140102.

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This article examines the projected image of dancers in Egyptian cinema. The historical background includes the last period of the Farouk monarchy, the revolution of the Free Officers Movement and the Nasser regime, ending with Nasser’s death in 1970, when a new social and political era started blossoming. I consider the socio-political changes and their cultural repercussions as part of a dialectic relationship that affects the portrayal of dancers in three films: The Lady’s Puppet (1946), My Dark Darling (1958) and Pay Attention to Zuzu (1972). By examining Carioca’s roles in these films, I argue socio-political changes in Egypt have been projected on the image of the dancer while also changing it: she is first seen as a working woman, then as an evil woman and finally as a marginalised woman.

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Osuri, Goldie. "‘Ma’ and a Political Theology of Hindi Cinema." Theory, Culture & Society 31, no. 7-8 (September 17, 2014): 343–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276414547778.

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Hindi commercial cinema appears distinctive in its assemblage of earthly law and divine justice or political theology. Historically, Hindi cinema’s mothers have embodied a postcolonial melancholia of the (in)adequacy of law to justice. This blog piece seeks to explain a shift in the relationship between law and justice in recent Hindi films through a rumination on the disappearing melancholic mother.

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Haider, Maheen. "The Racialization of the Muslim Body and Space in Hollywood." Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 6, no. 3 (November 13, 2019): 382–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2332649219885982.

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Using 11 high-grossing post-9/11 Hollywood films on terrorism and the Middle East, the author analyzes how films racialize Muslim identities in service to Islamophobia. This research brings together racialization theory with analysis of political ideologies that illustrate visualized racialized meanings on Muslim identities. The racialized portrayals of Muslim bodies inscribed in the political rhetoric of the War on Terror follow a systemic process of ethnoracial cultural othering that objectifies, vilifies, and dehumanizes Muslim identities. The author demonstrates how films engage in the political processes of racial construction of Muslim identities by criminalizing their gendered identity, dehumanizing their body, and devaluing their territorial and physical space in the context of the War on Terror.

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Keming, David Nchinda. "POLITICAL DOWNLINE AND NCHINDAISM IN THE GLOBAL POLITICAL ECONOMY." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 8, no. 1 (January 24, 2021): 296–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.81.9565.

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The study focuses on the gambit of capitalism (political downline) and its relationship with the theory of Nchindaism. It provides an understanding to the exploitative mechanics of capitalists on the less developed and predicts the pendulum from Western controlled capitalism to military alliances where Western countries are elbowed from masters to actors and the possible collapse of the United Nations (UN). It targets: derivation, connotation, motives, manoeuvre/repercussions of capitalism, its drift, insight of Nchindaism & International Relations theories. The study is realised with primary, secondary and tertiary data under the ambit of qualitative methodology. Our findings reveal that the myth of None-Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction and the abusive application of Veto Rights by the Big Five within the UN Security Council (UNSC) catalysed nuclear polarisation leading to the regress of Western capitalism and the emergence of ideological military alliances. It argues that as long as the notion of state sovereignty is built on mutual respect, equality and none-interference in internal affairs, state’s capabilities and defence mechanics shouldn’t face restrictions from others or organisations if it doesn’t deter human rights and welfare. It concludes that since the evolution of science is a free gift from nature and growth of the human mind, education on nuclear responsibility should take preference rather than the myth of limitation to its development or acquisition.

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Falkowska, Janina. ""The Political" in the Films of Andrzej Wajda and Krzysztof Kieslowski." Cinema Journal 34, no. 2 (1995): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1225835.

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Thomas, R., M. Williams, R. Sapariya, and A. Deary. "1288 Ethnic language information films — considering cultural, political and religious issues." European Journal of Cancer Supplements 1, no. 5 (September 2003): S390. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1359-6349(03)91314-0.

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Sánchez Ruiz, Raquel. "Deterring Rebels: Political Persuasion and Manipulation in the 'Divergent' Trilogy Films." Círculo de Lingüística Aplicada a la Comunicación 80 (November 27, 2019): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/clac.66600.

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El objetivo de este artículo es analizar las estrategias y recursos de persuasión y manipulación que se emplean en la propaganda política de las películas de la trilogía Divergente. Mención especial recibe la segunda, Insurgente, pues el estallido de la guerra entre las diversas facciones políticas e ideológicas es caldo de cultivo de estrategias políticas manipulativas para persuadir a la población y atraerla hacia un lado u otro con el propósito de ganar. Con estas premisas, el discurso político sirve tanto para disuadir a los Divergentes rebeldes que amenazan el sistema establecido como para controlar a las masas de las diferentes facciones. Para el estudio sigo los parámetros de diferentes marcos teóricos, como el análisis crítico del discurso político, la Teoría de la Valoración –centrándome en la actitud– y los fenómenos de polarización y legitimación. Los resultados permiten observar cómo los agentes políticos de la película consiguen influir en la población que escucha sus discursos repletos de medios retóricos, subjetividad para presentar situaciones, objetos o personas de manera positiva o negativa según los intereses y conveniencia del emisor, y diferentes tipos de poder.

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Montebello, Fabrice. "Des films muets aux films parlants. Naissance de la qualité cinématographique." Politix 16, no. 61 (2003): 51–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polix.2003.1256.

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Király, Hajnal. "Looking West: Understanding Socio-Political Allegories and Art References in Contemporary Romanian Cinema." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Film and Media Studies 12, no. 1 (September 1, 2016): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ausfm-2016-0004.

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AbstractThe representation of other arts in cinema can be regarded as a different semiotic system revealing what is hidden in the narrative, as a site of cultural meanings inherent to the cinematic apparatus addressing a pensive spectator, or a discourse on cinema born in the space of intermediality. In the post-1989 films of Romanian director Lucian Pintilie, painterly and sculptural references, as well as miniatures become figurations of cultural identity inside allegories about a society torn between East and West. I argue that art references are liberating these films from provincialism by transforming them into a discourse lamenting over the loss of Western, Christian and local values, endangered or forgotten in the post-communist era. In the films under analysis – An Unforgettable Summer (1994), Too Late (1996) and Tertium Non Datur (2006) – images reminding of Byzantine iconography, together with direct references and remediations of sculptures by Romanian-born Constantin Brâncuşi, participate in historico-political allegories as expressions of social crisis and the transient nature of values. They also reveal the tension between an external and internal image of Romania, the aspiration of the “other Europe” to connect with the European cultural tradition, in a complex demonstration of a “self-othering” process. I will also argue that, contrary to the existing criticism, this generalizing, allegorical tendency can also be detected in some of the films of the generation of filmmakers representing the New Romanian Cinema, for example in Radu Jude’s Aferim! (2015).1

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Domingo, Heinrich S. "Archiving Asia Through Films." Asian Politics & Policy 9, no. 3 (July 2017): 519–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12324.

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Lucas, Martin. "The New Political Subject: Affect and the Media of Self-Organizing Politics." Afterimage 46, no. 2 (June 2019): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aft.2019.462005.

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This paper looks at new articulations of the subject found in documentary films about the Indignado or 15-M (15 May) movement and the Occupy Wall Street movement in 2011. These movements rejected representation in favor of a call for direct democracy on a political level. The paper suggests that their rejection had significant implications for documentary film, forcing makers to embrace new routes to portraying thought and action in a collective context. The paper uses the work of theorists of affect including Franco Berardi and Brian Massumi, as well as of political theorists and social scientists including Jodi Dean and Zeynap Tufekci to suggest that the groups that rose up in the aftermath of the Great Recession of 2008 were reacting specifically to a rise of an attention economy, an economic system that depends on the exploitation of the “immaterial labor” of human affect and attention to extract profit. The paper shows how the film Tres Instantes, Un Grito (Three Moments, One Cry, 2013) by Chilean-Spanish filmmaker Cecilia Barriga uses various strategies to avoid typical narrative approaches to character identification and development, and focuses instead on the shared space of discussion where a collective understanding is produced, and demonstrates how this strategy is appropriate for the depiction of a self-organizing movement. Other films emerging from the Occupy Wall Street and 15-M movements are analyzed to show how approaches using filmic rhythm and bodily entrainment give a sense of how these movements create new affective protocols for shared political action. I suggest finally that affective logics deployed in these films offer a way of understanding how films, specifically political documentaries, function beyond representation per se to help open a new kind of shared political space.

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Glas, Jeffrey M., and J. Benjamin Taylor. "The Silver Screen and Authoritarianism: How Popular Films Activate Latent Personality Dispositions and Affect American Political Attitudes." American Politics Research 46, no. 2 (December 3, 2017): 246–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x17744172.

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Do popular films activate authoritarianism? We theorize that, because of the willing suspension of disbelief, films encourage social learning, which primes viewers to respond to messages activating latent personality traits such as authoritarianism. This activation then affects citizens’ political attitudes. To test our theory, we use a 1 × 3 posttest experimental design where treatment groups watch feature-length films. As treatments, subjects watch 300 and V for Vendetta, and the control film is 21 Jump Street. Consistent with our hypotheses, we find that 300 activates authoritarianism while V for Vendetta activates antiauthoritarianism. As expected, 21 Jump Street has no effect. In addition, we show that the activation of authoritarianism produces significant differences in attitudes on U.S. primacy, rights of protestors, immigration, and military service. This research demonstrates how the causal mechanism between entertainment media and latent personality activation affects political attitudes, which advances both the American political behavior and media politics literature.

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Kosicki, Piotr H. "Forests, Families, and Films." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 4 (September 16, 2015): 730–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325415594670.

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Taking theoretical cues from the respective works of Jan and Aleida Assmann and Dan Diner, this article has two fundamentally linked goals: to historicize Polish cultural memory of Katyń, emplotting it within a narrative arc encompassing the seven decades separating 1943 from 2015; and to identify individual and collective agency within the history of Polish memory of Katyń. Certainly, the word “Katyń” exists variously as toponym, as metonym, as rallying cry. Yet the historical narratives anchored in that word are the outcomes of actions taken by concrete actors—individuals, states, social movements, international institutions. Although this article takes seriously the many theoretical frameworks undergirding the academic study of collective memory, its principal focus is the balance of historical contingency and structure that has constituted discrete, identifiable episodes of both commemorating and forgetting.

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Schecter, Darrow. "Gramsci's unorthodox Marxism: political ambiguity and sociological relevance." Modern Italy 15, no. 2 (May 2010): 145–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532941003683039.

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Gramsci's work continues to enjoy popularity amongst academics and activists. There is nonetheless a real question about the relevance of his central political ideas for the twenty-first century. This paper defends the thesis that Gramsci's humanism is part of a long tradition of political thought which dates back to Machiavelli, and that although this national-popular humanism is now outdated for reasons which are suggested in the writings and films of Pier Paolo Pasolini, there is also a sociological component to Gramsci's theorising that retains resonance today.

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Engchuan, Rosalia Namsai. "A Political Dance in the Rain." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 176, no. 1 (March 19, 2020): 7–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-bja10002.

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Abstract Queer films are largely absent from Indonesian cinema and television screens due to the country’s current climate of LGBT ‘moral panic’. This article examines how, two decades after the reformation, Indonesian film practitioners are forced to navigate complex configurations of power and knowledge—negotiating social, political, and religious entanglements through their cinematic practices. My analysis is focused on komunitas film (film community/ies) and, more specifically, events and activities surrounding Luhki Herwanayogi’s short film On Friday Noon (2016), which chronicles the emotionally and physically fraught journey of a transgender Muslim woman as she seeks to perform Friday prayers. Drawing on this example, the article explores the disruptive potential of cinematic practice to challenge and nullify the ostensible binary between Islam and queerness, showing alternative ways of being Muslim in contemporary Indonesia, where piety and sexual identity often come together in unexpected ways.

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Thomas, Sarah. "Primed for Suffering: Gender, Subjectivity, and Spectatorship in Spanish Crisis Cinema." boundary 2 48, no. 3 (August 1, 2021): 215–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01903659-9155817.

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Examining three fiction films (Techo y comida, Ayer no termina nunca, and Magical Girl), this essay illuminates the traces of the economic crisis in recent Spanish cinema, focusing on how it is inscribed on female-gendered bodies and subjectivities. In exploring how female pain accumulates across the boundaries of genre in these disparate films, it asks what kind of gendered subjects these films construct, and what work women's suffering is asked to perform, both for the benefit of the film's plot and the spectator's engagement. It shows how, even in cinema sympathetic to those devastated by crisis, women are cast as disposable raw material, as it were, “primed for suffering.” At the same time, it argues, these films bring to light and embody experiences that are seldom revealed, enacting an ethical gesture of potential solidarity with those devastated by multiple forms of crisis.

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Henry, Claire. "The Temporal Resistance of Kelly Reichardt’s Cinema." Open Cultural Studies 2, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 486–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2018-0044.

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Abstract Across her six feature films since 1994, American director Kelly Reichardt has taken time as a mechanism to reveal and question social, political, and economic structures. This article looks closely at how her films display a range of temporal interventions and resistances to features of capitalist temporalities. While film theorists and critics often locate Reichardt’s films within “slow cinema,” this article expands the range of temporal concepts applied to her films to explore the sociopolitical critique at work through this auteur’s aesthetics. The analysis focuses on time in three of Reichardt’s feature films, starting with commodified and metaphysical time in Old Joy (2006), then addressing impatience, entropy, and environmentalism’s temporalities in Night Moves (2013), and ending with an exploration of disconnection-and denial of coevalness-in Certain Women (2016). This article applies close scene analysis-along with a range of philosophical, political, and sociological concepts of time-to demonstrate how Reichardt elucidates and resists the temporal tensions underpinning social relations within capitalist culture.

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de la Mora, Sergio. "Roma: Reparation versus Exploitation." Film Quarterly 72, no. 4 (2019): 46–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fq.2019.72.4.46.

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Sergio de la Mora reviews Roma's reception in Mexico and reflects upon the film's intimate relationship with the nation's political history. Situating Roma with the broader trend in Latin American cinema for films that explore servant-employer relations, he examines how Roma visualizes the ways in which Indigenous domestic and intimate labor has been historically racialized and gendered in Mexico. He discusses the controversy surrounding Cleo's voice and agency in the film along with the aesthetic debates prompted by Cuarón's decision to film in black and white.

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Riabov, Oleg. "Gendering the American Enemy in Early Cold War Soviet Films (1946–1953)." Journal of Cold War Studies 19, no. 1 (January 2017): 193–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00722.

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Analyzing Soviet films and film criticism from the late Stalin period, this article shows how Soviet cinematographers exploited gender discourse to produce Otherness. Cinematic representations of U.S. femininity, masculinity, love, sexuality, and marriage played an important role in constructing external and internal Enemies. Cinematography depicted the U.S. gender order as resulting from the unnatural social system in the United States and as contrary to both the Soviet order and human nature. In line with the notion of “two different Americas,” the films also created images of “good Americans” who aspired to satisfy gender norms of the Soviet way of life. The image of the American Other helped shape Soviet gender and political orders. Internal enemies’ “groveling before the West” on political matters was depicted as causing gender deviancy, and the breaking of Soviet gender norms was shown to lead to political crimes.

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Bergero, Adriana J. "The Spanish Past in Transnational Films. The ‘Otherlands’ of Memory." European Review 22, no. 4 (September 26, 2014): 632–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798714000428.

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Translated by Chase RaymondBased on the work of theoreticians prevalent in the field of Memory Studies (Rothberg, Nora, Radstone, Aguilar, Faber, de Diego, Gómez López-Quiñones and Labanyi), this article analyses the films The Devil Backbone and Pan’s Labyrinth by the Mexican director Guillermo Del Toro as examples of a memory-formation that is deeply entrenched within Spain’s current political, legal and cultural debates on the Spanish Civil War, the Francoist dictatorship and the political immunity institutionalised by the Transition’s pact of silence. At the same time, as emerging from ‘otherlands’ of memory, Del Toro’s films are good examples of how multidirectional memories react to universal/transnational concerns about traumatic pasts and violations of human rights.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Political films'

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