Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political ideologies

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Political ideologies'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Political ideologies"

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G., G., and Andrew Vincent. "Modern Political Ideologies." Philosophical Quarterly 43, no. 172 (July 1993): 400. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2219917.

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Tolpygo, A. K. "Ukrainian Political Ideologies." Russian Social Science Review 36, no. 5 (September 1995): 34–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rss1061-1428360534.

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Tolpygo, A. K. "Ukrainian Political Ideologies." Russian Politics & Law 33, no. 2 (March 1995): 55–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rup1061-1940330255.

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Chen, Chiung Hwang, and Ethan Yorgason. "Framing Political Ideologies." Media Asia 34, no. 1 (January 2007): 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2007.11726843.

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Armstrong, Gordon S. "Political and Practical Ideologies." Performing Arts Journal 15, no. 1 (January 1993): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3245795.

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Chin, M. K., Donald C. Hambrick, and Linda K. Treviño. "Political Ideologies of CEOs." Administrative Science Quarterly 58, no. 2 (April 15, 2013): 197–232. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0001839213486984.

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Charney, Evan. "Genes and Ideologies." Perspectives on Politics 6, no. 2 (June 2008): 299–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592708080626.

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AbstractThere is a trend among behavioral scientists to view ever more complex attitudes or systems of belief as in some sense genetically determined (or “heritable”). Consistent with this trend is the recent article of Alford, Funk, and Hibbing titled “Are Political Orientations Genetically Transmitted?” in which the authors claim to have demonstrated that when it comes to the transmission of political ideologies, genes count for more than environment. Their article has received an enormous amount of attention among political scientists and in the popular press. I critically evaluate the research technique on the basis of which the authors' support their claims and argue that it suffers from significant methodological flaws. Such flaws notwithstanding, I demonstrate that the authors' data do not clearly support their conclusions. I then question the cogency, from an historical and theoretical perspective, of proposing the existence of “liberal” and “conservative” “phenotypes” and “genotypes.” My argument has implications beyond the findings of Alford, Funk, and Hibbing, and applies to all studies that claim to have demonstrated the heritability of complex and politically relevant attitudes.
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Singleton, Shermichael V., and Andrew Honeycutt. "Utilizing Political Ideologies To Market A Political Candidate." Journal of Business & Economics Research (JBER) 10, no. 1 (February 6, 2012): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jber.v10i1.6796.

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This article explores the reductionist approach of political ideologies as used by political candidates, which is part of the common feature of political marketing. Understanding the value or belief system which is accepted as fact or truth by the targeted group, places the candidate in a position to promote them self as a well-intentioned, committed leader who seeks to motivate the audience to action. Modern marketing of political candidates begins by understanding central concepts of ideologies. The utilization of ideologies is complex, in that there is no single concept or claim revealing surprising affinities with various images of the candidate. It also has distinctive function, by misrepresenting the totality of the ideology by forming a total belief in the candidate versus the ideology in a particular way. People must commit or surrender to the demands of the candidate, thus making it possible for the candidate to get elected. The branding of the candidate while utilizing political ideologies in part disables people from easily disregarding information perceived to be antithetical to the concepts of the ideology (Quelch, 2007).
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Bystydzienski, Jill M., Nickie Charles, and Helen Hintjens. "Gender, Ethnicity and Political Ideologies." Contemporary Sociology 29, no. 2 (March 2000): 408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2654443.

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Scheerer, Sebastian. "Political ideologies and drug policy." European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research 1, no. 1 (March 1993): 94–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02249526.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political ideologies"

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Hardman, Dean. "Political ideologies and identity in British newspaper discourse." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2008. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/10601/.

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Newspaper editorials have a special role within the pages of the press, as they are openly persuasive and there is less emphasis on objectivity (Lee and Lin, 2006). They represent the participation of the newspaper in public debate (Le, 2003) and are sites where the ideological stances of a newspaper can often be found (Hackett and Zhao, 1994). Editorials frequently focus upon issues surrounding national politics, often discussing political leaders and the decisions taken by leading politicians. This thesis investigates four British newspapers, The Guardian, The Telegraph, the Daily Mail and the Mirror, in order to assess the different ways in which identities have been constructed over the past thirty-five years by the newspapers for the political leaders featured in the editorials. The thesis utilises a novel analytical framework that modifies Critical Discourse Analysis by incorporating theories of performed identities and metaphor with a "Discourse Historical" approach to critical analysis. The creation of identities, alongside the stance adopted towards individuals and political issues, are found to both help create an ideological identity for the newspaper itself while simultaneously encouraging readers to conceptualise events in such a way that serves the ideology in question. The findings show a series of strategies used by newspapers to evaluate political leaders and their decisions in ways that serve the newspapers' ideologies. Differences in the linguistic strategies used to reflect stance in tabloid newspapers when compared to broadsheet newspapers are also found.
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Vroblová, Petra. "Politické ideologie v programech politických stran Ruska." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-73932.

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The subject of the diploma thesis is the Political ideologies in programs of political parties of Russia. The thesis consists of three parts. The first one concentrates on theory about ideologies predominantly function and principle of ideologies. The second one provides an overview of evolution political parties in modern Russian history and parliament election results. The third one concerned with programs of Russian current political parties and its ideologies. The goal of this thesis is definition of ideological profile of Russian political parties.
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Hoare, George Thomas Benjamin. "Left/Right and thinking about politics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ffdb2af3-e4b0-4872-bc3d-7d51b0635c00.

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Since its birth at the time of the French Revolution, Left/Right has been a key tool for understanding politics. This thesis investigates how we think about politics using Left/Right: how it shapes, constrains and interacts with our most deeply-held conceptions of politics, how its meaning and implications have developed historically and in the British context, and why it might warrant the attention of the student of ideologies. After outlining the methodological underpinnings of the study and histories of Left/Right, the thesis examines uses of Left/Right in a range of contexts of actual thinking about politics. Left/Right is widely used in both the academic study of politics and popular commentary on British politics. The early New Left in Britain in the late 1950s and early 1960s is studied as a group attempting to influence the discourse around the political label “the Left”; a section of the neo-conservative New Right in Britain in the 1980s, around The Salisbury Review, is analysed as a political group with a complicated relationship to the political label “the Right”. Left/Right emerges as an element of the contested “common sense” of politics. Further, it is argued that some elements of common sense, such as Left/Right, may be expressed through narratives. Left/Right is theorized as a political narrative, or as a story about politics. The concept of political narrative explores the possibility that Left/Right may be susceptible to “interpretation”, both in terms of the assumptions about how politics is done and how politics should be done that underlie it, and more complexly in its relationship with a master narrative of political conflict understood as class struggle. Students of ideologies can learn much about how we think about and do our politics by attending to Left/Right.
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Ayres, Jolene M. "Counter-Radicalization| An Analysis on Violent Extremist Ideologies." Thesis, National American University, 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=13807573.

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The goal of this research is to assist in predictive modeling for radicalization into violent extremist ideologies. This research also shapes the theory of radicalization and establishes perimeters of micro subject areas that are included in the theory. The research examined domestic terrorists convicted in U.S. court systems who espoused violent extremist ideologies. U.S. citizens by birth, resident aliens, and naturalized citizens were included in the research data to determine whether a particular group is more susceptible to radicalization than others. Additionally, what group is carrying out more domestic terrorism attacks? The case study analysis is of 200 individuals who fit this profile. The development of a predictive modeling pathway was the result of the research. Additionally, examination of current policy with counter-radicalization programs overseas resulted in recommendations for future research and best practices for implementation into a unified U.S. counter-radicalization strategy.

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Khatib, Mouad. "Arab political movements in Israel: different ideologies and disparate rhetoric." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/32482.

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Arab Palestinians in Israel live under highly complex circumstances. In 1948, when they became Israeli citizens, they found themselves facing challenges at different levels: national, social, political, financial, educational, as well as the very challenge of existence. The Palestinian community in Israel underwent various stages of development and witnessed major events under the new Israeli rule, bringing about fundamental changes in their lives, their attitudes, and consequently, their rhetoric. Arab politicians, particularly those who represent Arab Palestinians in the Knesset (the Israeli Parliament), often find themselves compelled to adjust the approach and rhetoric they use to address the Arab public. They do it not only to satisfy the Arab public's expectations, but also to adapt to the ever-changing Israeli political atmosphere and to avoid conflict with the Jewish public, the majority of whom, as polls indicate, are not happy about Arab representation in the Israeli Knesset. Discussion of the rhetoric used by the Arab parties in Israel that represent the Palestinian people who before 1948 were a majority and after that year became a minority that suffers inequality, oppression, and discrimination, is important in order to understand how argumentation and methods of persuasion are influenced by the kind of circumstances that national minorities like Palestinians in Israel experience. This thesis will examine the rhetoric used by the main Arab political movements in Israel when addressing several key issues that are currently the subject of heated debate and are expected to have remarkable effects on Arabs and their lives as non-Jews in the Israeli state. These issues are: Arab representation in the Israeli Parliament, recognition of Israel as a "Jewish State", and National Service for Arabs. The largest part of the research will focus on the Arab representation in the Knesset, being the most controversial topic among the Arab minority in Israel, and which also determines to a great extent the positions of the parties on other issues. After reviewing the position of each party/political movement on each of these topics, I intend to analyze the rhetoric each of them uses to defend their position or promote it to gain the support of the public, especially during parliamentary elections. Is the rhetoric of Arab parties in Israel coherent and harmonious as it represents a Palestinian minority dealing with Israeli policies as a collective entity, or does each of the parties have a unique rhetoric of its own, based on its ideology and agendas? What are the arguments that these parties use to justify their views, and how do they present these arguments? Are the arguments used by each party from the deliberative branch of rhetoric, the forensic, or the epideictic? Do Arab politicians mostly use ethos, pathos, or logos to persuade the audience and gain their support? This thesis will answer these questions by analyzing the parties' publications and official statements and political charters, and it will show that the positions, the rhetoric, and the argumentation of the different Arab parties are far from being homogeneous, and are highly influenced by their ideological background.
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Yu, Sik Chuen. "The Influence of Consumers’ Political Ideologies on Online Review Persuasiveness." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/19665.

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This research examines how consumers’ political ideologies influence their perceptions of the usefulness of online reviews. Although the extant research has studied how review-related factors (e.g., review content, reviewers’ characteristics, and context) influence online review persuasiveness, research has often remained silent about how consumers’ characteristics influence review evaluations. Prior research suggests conservatives have a stronger desire than liberals to feel affiliated and connected with others. The present research argues that these fundamental relational needs drive conservatives (vs. liberals) to align their preferences with reviewers’ opinions, because having the same product evaluation as others offers a sense of social connection. Three experiments demonstrate that when choosing among products or services, reviewers’ opinions are valued more by conservatives than liberals (studies 1, 2, and 3). Consistent with the framework presented, this effect dissipates when the reviewer is a person with whom consumers have no desire to connect (study 2 and 3), and when the product does not facilitate identity-related connection with others (study 3). The effect is robust across different political ideology measures.
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Duque-Salazar, Juan Diego. "When armed politics empower women : Gender ideologies in armed groups and women’s political empowerment: Evidence from Colombia." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-385097.

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This study aims to account for variation on women’s political empowerment in localities during wartime. I draw upon political ideologies and civilian-armed group interaction literature to argue that gender ideologies could explain why some conflict-affected areas have more women’s political empowerment than others. I argue that gender egalitarian ideologies in armed groups leads to specific organizational structure and political discourse where women are allowed to take leadership and political-related roles within the armed groups. More specifically, I argue that gender egalitarian armed groups not only encourage women to take public roles within their group but also to engage in politics in communities under their territorial control through four strategies: ideological meetings, penetration of social and political organization, establishment of social behaviors and infiltration in electoral politics. I test this argument using quantitative sub-national data looking at territorial control of non-state armed groups and number female mayor candidates in Colombia from 1997 to 2007. I expect that guerrilla areas, are more likely to have more female candidates compared with paramilitary areas. Surprisingly, I found an opposite direction, where paramilitary areas have more female candidates compared with guerrilla areas. I offer an alternative explanation based on the qualitative sources in order to account for the unexpected findings.
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Talshir, Gayil. "The political ideologies of the German and British green parties : reconceptualising ideology?" Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.267554.

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Leader, Maynard Jonathan. "Ideologies and mass violence : the justificatory mechanics of deadly atrocities." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:069038eb-ffbe-4d31-8f17-8dc2dc67539e.

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This thesis seeks to provide an account of the role played by ideologies in acts of mass violence against civilians, such as genocides, murderous state repression, war crimes, and other ‘atrocities’. Mass violence of this kind has already received extensive study, with scholars frequently emphasising their belief that ideology is important. Until now, however, discussions of ideology have been held back by a lack of conceptual and theoretical development, leading to narrow portrayals of ideology’s role, vagueness over its relevance, and dubious assumptions about its theoretical implications. This thesis addresses these problems by building a more focused and integrative theoretical framework for analysing the ideological dynamics of atrocities. I engage in an extensive conceptual and methodological discussion, to establish the best way of defining and utilising the concept of ideology. In doing so, I emphasise how ideology can be important even for that majority of atrocity perpetrators who do not meet classic but misleading stereotypes of fanatical killers driven by burning hatred. I then detail my actual account of the ideological dynamics of deadly atrocities, which centres around the identification of six ‘justificatory mechanisms’: dehumanisation, guilt-attribution, threat-construction, deagentification, virtuetalk, and future-bias. These justificatory mechanisms describe sets of ideological processes that recur across different cases of violence against civilians, and which make that violence look permissible or even desirable to those who, in a variety of roles, carry it out. I then substantiate this account through three case studies: of Nazi atrocities, Stalinist oppression, and Allied area bombing in World War II. These cases demonstrate the cross-case applicability of the six justificatory mechanisms, and illustrate how the framework I offer allows us to construct more causally explicit, psychologically plausible, and comprehensive pictures of the way key ideologies feed in to the most destructive campaigns of violence against civilians.
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Prakoonheang, Kevin, University of western Sydney, and of Arts Education and Social Sciences College. "Political ideologies and development in the Lao people's democratic republic since 1975." THESIS_CAESS_HUM_Prakoonheang_K.xml, 2001. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/823.

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This work is a study in some detail of the political history and development of Laos since 1975. The contents include: Origin of the Lao Modern Political Ideology; Backgrounds of the Lao Communist Party; Development of Lao People's Revolutionary Party (LPRP); The LPRP as a ruling party; New economic policy 'Chintanakarn Mai'; Future directions of the LPRP. Several maps, tables, charts and photographs are included in the research
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Books on the topic "Political ideologies"

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Heywood, Andrew. Political Ideologies. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-36994-8.

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Heywood, Andrew. Political Ideologies. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21965-0.

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Heywood, Andrew. Political Ideologies. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-60604-4.

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Heywood, Andrew. Political Ideologies. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26409-4.

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Baradat, Leon P. Political Ideologies. Twelfth edition. | New York, NY: Routledge, 2017.: Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315625539.

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Connolly, Brian. Political ideologies. Stockport: Politics Association Resources Bank, 1989.

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Leach, Robert. British Political Ideologies. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14909-4.

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Vincent, Andrew. Modern political ideologies. Oxford: Blackwell, 1992.

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Roger, Eatwell, and Wright Anthony 1948-, eds. Contemporary political ideologies. 2nd ed. New York: Pinter, 1999.

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Wright, Anthony, and Roger Eatwell. Contemporary political ideologies. Boulder, Colorado, United States of America: Westview Press, 1993.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political ideologies"

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Heywood, Andrew. "Political Ideologies." In Politics, 39–63. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25543-6_3.

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Ware, Alan. "Political Ideologies." In Political Conflict in America, 41–65. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137010339_3.

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Neill, Edmund. "Political ideologies." In The Routledge Companion to Historical Theory, 397–413. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780367821814-25.

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Browne, Victoria. "Political ideologies." In Politics, 195–242. Third edition. | New York : Routledge, 2019. | “Second edition published by Routledge 2002”—T.p. verso.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315629346-8.

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Heywood, Andrew. "Introduction." In Political Ideologies, 1–14. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21965-0_1.

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Heywood, Andrew. "Democracy." In Political Ideologies, 269–94. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21965-0_10.

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Heywood, Andrew. "Conclusion: Ideology without End?" In Political Ideologies, 295–99. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21965-0_11.

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Heywood, Andrew. "Liberalism." In Political Ideologies, 15–52. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21965-0_2.

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Heywood, Andrew. "Conservatism." In Political Ideologies, 53–92. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21965-0_3.

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Heywood, Andrew. "Socialism." In Political Ideologies, 93–135. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21965-0_4.

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Conference papers on the topic "Political ideologies"

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Chen, Wei, Xiao Zhang, Tengjiao Wang, Bishan Yang, and Yi Li. "Opinion-aware Knowledge Graph for Political Ideology Detection." In Twenty-Sixth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2017/510.

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Identifying individual's political ideology from their speeches and written texts is important for analyzing political opinions and user behavior on social media. Traditional opinion mining methods rely on bag-of-words representations to classify texts into different ideology categories. Such methods are too coarse for understanding political ideologies. The key to identify different ideologies is to recognize different opinions expressed toward a specific topic. To model this insight, we classify ideologies based on the distribution of opinions expressed towards real-world entities or topics. Specifically, we propose a novel approach to political ideology detection that makes predictions based on an opinion-aware knowledge graph. We show how to construct such graph by integrating the opinions and targeted entities extracted from text into an existing structured knowledge base, and show how to perform ideology inference by information propagation on the graph. Experimental results demonstrate that our method achieves high accuracy in detecting ideologies compared to baselines including LR, SVM and RNN.
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Doronin, V. A. "Using design-design objects for popularization political ideologies through education." In ТЕНДЕНЦИИ РАЗВИТИЯ НАУКИ И ОБРАЗОВАНИЯ. НИЦ «Л-Журнал», 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/lj-01-2019-13.

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Wardhana, Indra. "Sources of Child Abuse in Indonesian Educational Ideologies." In Proceedings of the International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (IcoCSPA 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icocspa-17.2018.5.

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Colacrai, Ernesto, Federico Cinus, Gianmarco De Francisci Morales, and Michele Starnini. "Navigating Multidimensional Ideologies with Reddit's Political Compass: Economic Conflict and Social Affinity." In WWW '24: The ACM Web Conference 2024. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3589334.3645606.

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Tangit, Trixie M. "Conceptualizing the Language and Cultural Ideologies of the Kadazandusun in Sabah, Malaysian Borneo." In GLOCAL Conference on Asian Linguistic Anthropology 2022. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/cala2022.5-1.

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The Kadazandusun ethnic grouping in Sabah, Malaysia, a political network of at least 40 cultural groups with Bornean roots and animistic traditions, continues to grapple with identity issues and threats of internal splitting. While group leaders maintain that their respective group identities and languages are in contradistinction, they urge members to remain united under the Bornean Indigeneity symbol found in Kadazandusun, and to contest homogenisation under the Malayanising state. Yet, the decision to coin the term ‘Kadazandusun’ from two previously used ethnic categories in census, Kadazan and Dusun, continues to plague them. There is also opposition to the standard Kadazandusun language, which was created and has been taught in public schools since the late 1990s. As the identity politics of the Kadazandusun threatens its continued implementation, the entwining and entangled relationship between language and cultural ideas for the Kadazandusuns need to be properly unpacked and studied, if we are to truly understand what it means to be Kadazandusun today.
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Park, Jinkyung, Rahul Dev Ellezhuthil, Joseph Isaac, Christoph Mergerson, Lauren Feldman, and Vivek Singh. "Misinformation Detection Algorithms and Fairness across Political Ideologies: The Impact of Article Level Labeling." In WebSci '23: 15th ACM Web Science Conference 2023. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3578503.3583617.

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Hadzantonis, Michael. "Sustaining a Regional Dialect in Greece: Karpathos Island and its Linguistic Heritage." In GLOCAL Conference on Mediterranean and European Linguistic Anthropology Linguistic Anthropology 2022. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/comela22.1-10.

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The island of Karpathos sits both geographically and socio-politically within a vortex. Geographically, the island has been instrumental over centuries as a gateway to Crete and Rhodes, which in turn have offered a haven for foreign occupation. Socio-politically, the case is not significantly devoid. Through occupation of Karpathos, the waves of intruders have attempted to gain some level of footing over both local and larger regions, in order to assert power. Consequent to these waves of occupation, the language and cultural heritages of Karpathos have been tumultuous and dynamic. Yet, ideologies on the island have pervaded such changes and shifts, to adhere to a nationalist code, that is, a Greek nationalism and locally independent mentality, and in which, such a nationalist and independent culture-political positions are entextualized. The study landscapes the language of Karpathos to expose the language ideologies of the inhabitants of the island. I identified a connection to Greek continuity and Greek patriotism, yet entextualized in the island’s language behaviors that are themselves relative to the geographical and sociopolitical stance of the island. The study thus draws on a methodical framework of entextualization, as one that sits firmly within the boundaries of linguistic anthropology.
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Ward, Colleen, Sara Watters, Jaimee Stuart, and Johannes Karl. "Normative Multiculturalism in Socio-Political Context." In International Association of Cross Cultural Psychology Congress. International Association for Cross-Cultural Psychology, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4087/tjcz3402.

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Normative multiculturalism refers to individuals’ perceptions about the extent to which interactions between culturally diverse groups, multicultural policies and practices, and diversity-valuing ideologies are common or normative in one’s society. In this paper, we explore these dimensions of normative multiculturalism as predictors of social connectedness (trust) and psychological well-being (flourishing) in two socio-political contexts: The United States and the United Kingdom. Two hundred and eighty-four residents (143 Hispanics and 141 non-Hispanic Whites) in the United States and 375 (125 British Indians and 250 British Whites) participated in the research. The results revealed that normative Multicultural Ideology predicted greater trust and normative Multicultural Contact predicted greater flourishing in both countries; however, minority-majority group status moderated the effects in different ways in the two contexts. The positive effects of normative multicultural ideology were confined to Hispanics in the United States, while in the United Kingdom it held for both groups with the effects being stronger for Whites. In addition, the positive effects of normative multicultural contact on flourishing was stronger for Indians than for Whites in the United Kingdom. The findings are discussed in relation to socio-political context and group characteristics along with limitations of the research.
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Meden, Katja, Jure Skubic, and Tomaž Erjavec. "Adding political orientation metadata to ParlaMint corpora." In CLARIN Annual Conference 2023. Linköping University Electronic Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/ecp210017.

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Parliamentary debates are an important source for political discourse research as well as research in other disciplines. The ParlaMint project aims to create comparable corpora of parliamentary debates which, through unified encoding, provide a comprehensible resource to support such research. Within these corpora, speeches are attributed to speakers, and speaker metadata, including temporal affiliations with different organizations such as parliamentary groups and political parties. This paper discusses the addition of metadata on the political orientation of parties and parliamentary groups to the ParlaMint corpora. The paper explains our two sources for this information, namely the Chapel Hill Expert Survey Dataset and Wikipedia, the process of data collection and its subsequent encoding in the corpora. Furthermore, the paper presents an analysis of the extent of the added metadata, along with an example of exploratory data analysis. It also outlines the distribution of utterances across political orientation categories within ParlaMint, offering a comprehensive overview of the diverse perspectives and ideologies within the corpora. The inclusion of this supplementary metadata could prove valuable for parliamentary data research, while the methodology developed could be used to add further metadata to the ParlaMint corpora.
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Didkovskaya, Yana, Dmitriy Onegov, and Dmitriy Trynov. "THE RELATION BETWEEN THE POLITICAL SELF-IDENTIFICATION AND SOCIAL WELLBEING OF POLITICALLY-ACTIVE YOUTH IN RUSSIA." In NORDSCI International Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2019/b2/v2/36.

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this paper, we present the analysis of the relation between the political self-identification and social wellbeing of politically active youth in Russia. The method we used to study political self-identification included the identification of respondents' political views in the specter of ideologies representing the most established ideological and political trends in the public consciousness. We measured social well-being using a scale from 1 to 5 points to assess subjective satisfaction with the situation in the country in various fields. Although we measured the level of young people security: how do they assess their future - as confident or not? The political activity of Russian youth exists in two forms: "support" and "opposition"- whether they support the authorities or oppose them. Based on this principle, we surveyed two groups of respondents. The first group includes participants of youth organizations actively cooperating with authorities, as well as participants of regional Youth Parliaments, Youth Governments, Youth Public Chambers (active supporters, N=300). The second group includes those young people, which represent the modern youth protest, first of all, volunteers of the Progress Party and the Libertarian Party (active oppositionists, N=300). The study revealed that among active supporters, there are a lot of those who are not following any political ideology (40%) or cannot identify their political and ideological views (17%). Respondents with such position are quite a few among active oppositionists. The significant proportion of active oppositionists share liberal or libertarian views (51%). In both groups, radical views are not popular - almost no one identifies himself with the Communist or Nationalist ideology. We found that several wellbeing indicators have significantly different values in both groups. In particular, young supporters of the authorities are more secure: almost 80% of respondents feel security in one way or another, and only 16% are not secure, while among oppositionists, only 15% fell secure, and more than 80% of oppositionist respondents not feel security. The results of the survey showed that low levels of satisfaction, in general, characterize the social wellbeing of politically active youth. Politically active youth is most critical in the economic sphere of society. If we compare the social wellbeing of the two groups of politically active youth (supporting and opposing authorities), the indicators of satisfaction with the situation in the political, economic, social and cultural spheres of society among active oppositionists are significantly lower than those of supporters. We concluded that there is a relation between the social wellbeing of young people and their self-identification in politics: young people who identify themselves with liberal political views (close to the ideology of liberalism) express pessimistic social sentiment and sharply critical assessment of social wellbeing. Young people with uncertain or "blurred" political orientation, show more optimistic mood and satisfaction with the current situation.
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Reports on the topic "Political ideologies"

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Do, Hung, Rabindra Nepal, and Tooraj Jamasb. Electricity Market Integration, Decarbonisation and Security of Supply: Dynamic Volatility Connectedness in the Irish and Great Britain Markets. Copenhagen School of Energy Infrastructure, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/csei.pb.004.

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This study investigates the volatility connectedness between the Irish and Great Britain electricity markets and how it is driven by changes in energy policy, institutional structures and political ideologies. We assess various aspects of volatility connectedness between 2009 and 2018. Among other implications, our results suggest that supporting renewable generation by setting an appropriate carbon price in interconnected wholesale electricity markets will improve market integration.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Kainat Shakil. Imran Khan: From Cricket Batsman to Populist Captain Tabdeli of Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/lp0006.

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Imran Khan is not the first to use populism to wield power in Pakistan. Religious leaders, political figures, and military generals have used faith and the promise of a better life to gain support or legitimize their actions. The uniqueness of Khan’s populism lies in the fact that he has been able to condense a host of diverse ideologies into a coherent populist narrative that has endeared him to “the people.”
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Tusor, Anita. COMTOG Report on “The Light in the Darkness”. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), April 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0038.

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Video games can be used to counter extremist ideologies by highlighting the dangers of hate speech and promoting tolerance and understanding. This can be done through educational games and by incorporating messages of inclusivity and diversity into the gameplay and storyline. Holocaust education through video games make people to learn about the events of the Holocaust more interactively and engagingly. It allows players to experience the stories of individuals who lived through the Holocaust, better understand its impact on the world and make connections to present-day political events, and understand what democracy is and why it is crucial to protect it.
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Bachtiar, Hasnan. Indonesian Islamist populism and Anies Baswedan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), October 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0025.

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Anies Baswedan emerges as a pivotal figure in Indonesian Islamist populism, notably for his role in defeating Basuki Tjahaya Purnama (Ahok) in the 2016 Jakarta gubernatorial election and his involvement in the criminalization of Ahok’s blasphemy case. His influence has fueled the rise of Islamist populism in the post-reform democratization era. Anies’s recent announcement as the National Democratic Party’s (Nasdem) presidential candidate for the 2024 election positions him against Ganjar Pranowo and Prabowo Subianto. This article scrutinizes Anies’s prospects in the 2024 presidential election, exploring whether he continues to employ identity politics and Islamist ideologies to attack political opponents and what his overall stance is regarding Islamist populism. It raises pertinent questions about the impact of these developments on Indonesian democracy, pondering whether the looming challenges will culminate in storms or pave the way for clearer skies in the nation’s democratic landscape.
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Busch, Ella, and Jacob Ware. The Weaponization of Deepfakes: Digital Deception on the Far-Right. ICCT, December 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.19165/2023.2.07.

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In an ever-evolving technological landscape, digital disinformation is on the rise, as are its political consequences. In this paper, we explore the creation and distribution of synthetic media by malign actors, specifically a form of artificial intelligence-machine learning (AI/ML) known as the deepfake. Individuals looking to incite political violence are increasingly turning to deepfakes–specifically deepfake video content–in order to create unrest, undermine trust in democratic institutions and authority figures, and elevate polarised political agendas. We present a new subset of individuals who may look to leverage deepfake technologies to pursue such goals: far-right extremist (FRE) groups. Despite their diverse ideologies and worldviews, we expect FREs to similarly leverage deepfake technologies to undermine trust in the American government, its leaders, and various ideological ‘out-groups.' We also expect FREs to deploy deepfakes for the purpose of creating compelling radicalising content that serves to recruit new members to their causes. Political leaders should remain wary of the FRE deepfake threat and look to codify federal legislation banning and prosecuting the use of harmful synthetic media. On the local level, we encourage the implementation of “deepfake literacy” programs as part of a wider countering violent extremism (CVE) strategy geared towards at-risk communities. Finally, and more controversially, we explore the prospect of using deepfakes themselves in order to “call off the dogs” and undermine the conditions allowing extremist groups to thrive.
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Lajosi, Krisztina. ECMI Minorities Blog. Disinformation, Digital Nationalism and the Hungarian Minority in Ukraine. European Centre for Minority Issues, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/slwe2333.

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The Hungarian minority in Ukraine living mainly in the region of Transcarpathia (Zakarpattia Oblast) has not yet been directly exposed to the horrors of the war. However, roughly since 2014, it has been targeted by online propaganda and disinformation serving the interests of the Kremlin in both Russian and Hungarian media. Several studies have demonstrated how the right-wing media supporting the Hungarian government have come increasingly under Russian influence either directly by translating pieces from Russian media outlets, or indirectly by channeling the talking points of the Kremlin. This digital propaganda has merged with the offline diffusion of ideologies supporting the illiberal democracy that Viktor Orbán declared official policy in Hungary in his infamous speech from 2014. This blog post explores the intricate web of nationalisms that influence political opinions among the Hungarian minority in Ukraine.
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Blazakis, Jason, and Colin Clarke. From Paramilitaries to Parliamentarians: Disaggregating Radical Right Wing Extremist Movements. RESOLVE Network, December 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/remve2021.2.

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The global far right is extremely broad in nature and far from monolithic. While the “far right” is often used as an umbrella term, using the term runs the risk of over-simplifying the differences and linkages between white supremacist, anti-immigration, nativist, and other motivating ideologies. These beliefs and political platforms fall within the far-right rubric, and too often the phrase presents a more unified image of the phenomena than is really the case. In truth, the “far right” and the individual movements that comprise it are fragmented, consisting of a number of groups that lack established leadership and cohesion. Indeed, these movements include chauvinist religious organizations, neo-fascist street gangs, and paramilitary organs of established political parties. Although such movements largely lack the mass appeal of the interwar European radical right-wing extreme, they nevertheless can inspire both premeditated and spontaneous acts of violence against perceived enemies. This report is intended to provide policymakers, practitioners, and the academic community with a roadmap of ongoing shifts in the organizational structures and ideological currents of radical right-wing extremist movements, detailing the difference between distinct, yet often connected and interlaced echelons of the far right. In particular, the report identifies and analyzes various aspects of the broader far right and the assorted grievances it leverages to recruit, which is critical to gaining a more nuanced understanding of the potential future trajectory of these movements.
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Lylo, Taras. Ideologemes of modern Russian propaganda in Mikhail Epstein’s essayistic interpretations. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11404.

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The article analyzes the main anti-propaganda accents in Mikhail Epstein’s essayistic argumentation about such messages of modern Russian propaganda as “Russia is threatened by an external enemy”, “Russia is a significant, powerful country”, “The collapse of the USSR was a tragedy”, “Russia is a special spiritual civilization”, “Our cause in Donbass is sacred”, “The enemy uses, or may use of illegal weapons”... A special emphasis is placed on the fact that the basis of these concepts is primarily ontological rather than ideological. Ideology is rather a cover for problematic Russian existence as a consequence of Russia’s problematic identity and for its inability to find itself in history. As a result, Russia is trying to resolve its historical issues geographically, through spatial expansion, trying to implement ideologemes such as “The Great Victory. We can repeat” or “Novorossia”. That is why M. Epstein clearly identifies the national and psychological basis of the Kremlin’s behavior in 2014-2021. М. Epstein easily refutes the main ideologemes of Russian propaganda. This gives grounds to claim that Russian political technologists use the classical principles of propaganda: ignore people who think; if the addressee is the masses, focus on a few simple points; reduce each problem to the lowest common denominator that the least educated person can repeat and remember; be guided by historical realities that appeal to well-known events and symbols and appeal to emotions, not to the mind. М. Epstein’s argumentation clearly points to another feature of modern Russian propaganda: if Soviet propaganda was concerned with the plausibility of its lies, then Kremlin propaganda does not care at all. It totally spreads lies, often ignoring even attempts to offer half-truth.
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Dalglish, Chris, and Sarah Tarlow, eds. Modern Scotland: Archaeology, the Modern past and the Modern present. Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, September 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.9750/scarf.09.2012.163.

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The main recommendations of the panel report can be summarised under five key headings:  HUMANITY The Panel recommends recognition that research in this field should be geared towards the development of critical understandings of self and society in the modern world. Archaeological research into the modern past should be ambitious in seeking to contribute to understanding of the major social, economic and environmental developments through which the modern world came into being. Modern-world archaeology can add significantly to knowledge of Scotland’s historical relationships with the rest of the British Isles, Europe and the wider world. Archaeology offers a new perspective on what it has meant to be a modern person and a member of modern society, inhabiting a modern world.  MATERIALITY The Panel recommends approaches to research which focus on the materiality of the recent past (i.e. the character of relationships between people and their material world). Archaeology’s contribution to understandings of the modern world lies in its ability to situate, humanise and contextualise broader historical developments. Archaeological research can provide new insights into the modern past by investigating historical trends not as abstract phenomena but as changes to real lives, affecting different localities in different ways. Archaeology can take a long-term perspective on major modern developments, researching their ‘prehistory’ (which often extends back into the Middle Ages) and their material legacy in the present. Archaeology can humanise and contextualise long-term processes and global connections by working outwards from individual life stories, developing biographies of individual artefacts and buildings and evidencing the reciprocity of people, things, places and landscapes. The modern person and modern social relationships were formed in and through material environments and, to understand modern humanity, it is crucial that we understand humanity’s material relationships in the modern world.  PERSPECTIVE The Panel recommends the development, realisation and promotion of work which takes a critical perspective on the present from a deeper understanding of the recent past. Research into the modern past provides a critical perspective on the present, uncovering the origins of our current ways of life and of relating to each other and to the world around us. It is important that this relevance is acknowledged, understood, developed and mobilised to connect past, present and future. The material approach of archaeology can enhance understanding, challenge assumptions and develop new and alternative histories. Modern Scotland: Archaeology, the Modern past and the Modern present vi Archaeology can evidence varied experience of social, environmental and economic change in the past. It can consider questions of local distinctiveness and global homogeneity in complex and nuanced ways. It can reveal the hidden histories of those whose ways of life diverged from the historical mainstream. Archaeology can challenge simplistic, essentialist understandings of the recent Scottish past, providing insights into the historical character and interaction of Scottish, British and other identities and ideologies.  COLLABORATION The Panel recommends the development of integrated and collaborative research practices. Perhaps above all other periods of the past, the modern past is a field of enquiry where there is great potential benefit in collaboration between different specialist sectors within archaeology, between different disciplines, between Scottish-based researchers and researchers elsewhere in the world and between professionals and the public. The Panel advocates the development of new ways of working involving integrated and collaborative investigation of the modern past. Extending beyond previous modes of inter-disciplinary practice, these new approaches should involve active engagement between different interests developing collaborative responses to common questions and problems.  REFLECTION The Panel recommends that a reflexive approach is taken to the archaeology of the modern past, requiring research into the nature of academic, professional and public engagements with the modern past and the development of new reflexive modes of practice. Archaeology investigates the past but it does so from its position in the present. Research should develop a greater understanding of modern-period archaeology as a scholarly pursuit and social practice in the present. Research should provide insights into the ways in which the modern past is presented and represented in particular contexts. Work is required to better evidence popular understandings of and engagements with the modern past and to understand the politics of the recent past, particularly its material aspect. Research should seek to advance knowledge and understanding of the moral and ethical viewpoints held by professionals and members of the public in relation to the archaeology of the recent past. There is a need to critically review public engagement practices in modern-world archaeology and develop new modes of public-professional collaboration and to generate practices through which archaeology can make positive interventions in the world. And there is a need to embed processes of ethical reflection and beneficial action into archaeological practice relating to the modern past.
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