To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Political ideologies.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political ideologies'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Political ideologies.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Hardman, Dean. "Political ideologies and identity in British newspaper discourse." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2008. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/10601/.
Full textAbstract:
Newspaper editorials have a special role within the pages of the press, as they are openly persuasive and there is less emphasis on objectivity (Lee and Lin, 2006). They represent the participation of the newspaper in public debate (Le, 2003) and are sites where the ideological stances of a newspaper can often be found (Hackett and Zhao, 1994). Editorials frequently focus upon issues surrounding national politics, often discussing political leaders and the decisions taken by leading politicians. This thesis investigates four British newspapers, The Guardian, The Telegraph, the Daily Mail and the Mirror, in order to assess the different ways in which identities have been constructed over the past thirty-five years by the newspapers for the political leaders featured in the editorials. The thesis utilises a novel analytical framework that modifies Critical Discourse Analysis by incorporating theories of performed identities and metaphor with a "Discourse Historical" approach to critical analysis. The creation of identities, alongside the stance adopted towards individuals and political issues, are found to both help create an ideological identity for the newspaper itself while simultaneously encouraging readers to conceptualise events in such a way that serves the ideology in question. The findings show a series of strategies used by newspapers to evaluate political leaders and their decisions in ways that serve the newspapers' ideologies. Differences in the linguistic strategies used to reflect stance in tabloid newspapers when compared to broadsheet newspapers are also found.
2
Vroblová, Petra. "Politické ideologie v programech politických stran Ruska." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-73932.
Full textAbstract:
The subject of the diploma thesis is the Political ideologies in programs of political parties of Russia. The thesis consists of three parts. The first one concentrates on theory about ideologies predominantly function and principle of ideologies. The second one provides an overview of evolution political parties in modern Russian history and parliament election results. The third one concerned with programs of Russian current political parties and its ideologies. The goal of this thesis is definition of ideological profile of Russian political parties.
3
Hoare, George Thomas Benjamin. "Left/Right and thinking about politics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ffdb2af3-e4b0-4872-bc3d-7d51b0635c00.
Full textAbstract:
Since its birth at the time of the French Revolution, Left/Right has been a key tool for understanding politics. This thesis investigates how we think about politics using Left/Right: how it shapes, constrains and interacts with our most deeply-held conceptions of politics, how its meaning and implications have developed historically and in the British context, and why it might warrant the attention of the student of ideologies. After outlining the methodological underpinnings of the study and histories of Left/Right, the thesis examines uses of Left/Right in a range of contexts of actual thinking about politics. Left/Right is widely used in both the academic study of politics and popular commentary on British politics. The early New Left in Britain in the late 1950s and early 1960s is studied as a group attempting to influence the discourse around the political label “the Left”; a section of the neo-conservative New Right in Britain in the 1980s, around The Salisbury Review, is analysed as a political group with a complicated relationship to the political label “the Right”. Left/Right emerges as an element of the contested “common sense” of politics. Further, it is argued that some elements of common sense, such as Left/Right, may be expressed through narratives. Left/Right is theorized as a political narrative, or as a story about politics. The concept of political narrative explores the possibility that Left/Right may be susceptible to “interpretation”, both in terms of the assumptions about how politics is done and how politics should be done that underlie it, and more complexly in its relationship with a master narrative of political conflict understood as class struggle. Students of ideologies can learn much about how we think about and do our politics by attending to Left/Right.
4
Ayres, Jolene M. "Counter-Radicalization| An Analysis on Violent Extremist Ideologies." Thesis, National American University, 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=13807573.
Full textAbstract:
The goal of this research is to assist in predictive modeling for radicalization into violent extremist ideologies. This research also shapes the theory of radicalization and establishes perimeters of micro subject areas that are included in the theory. The research examined domestic terrorists convicted in U.S. court systems who espoused violent extremist ideologies. U.S. citizens by birth, resident aliens, and naturalized citizens were included in the research data to determine whether a particular group is more susceptible to radicalization than others. Additionally, what group is carrying out more domestic terrorism attacks? The case study analysis is of 200 individuals who fit this profile. The development of a predictive modeling pathway was the result of the research. Additionally, examination of current policy with counter-radicalization programs overseas resulted in recommendations for future research and best practices for implementation into a unified U.S. counter-radicalization strategy.
5
Khatib, Mouad. "Arab political movements in Israel: different ideologies and disparate rhetoric." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/32482.
Full textAbstract:
Arab Palestinians in Israel live under highly complex circumstances. In 1948, when they became Israeli citizens, they found themselves facing challenges at different levels: national, social, political, financial, educational, as well as the very challenge of existence. The Palestinian community in Israel underwent various stages of development and witnessed major events under the new Israeli rule, bringing about fundamental changes in their lives, their attitudes, and consequently, their rhetoric. Arab politicians, particularly those who represent Arab Palestinians in the Knesset (the Israeli Parliament), often find themselves compelled to adjust the approach and rhetoric they use to address the Arab public. They do it not only to satisfy the Arab public's expectations, but also to adapt to the ever-changing Israeli political atmosphere and to avoid conflict with the Jewish public, the majority of whom, as polls indicate, are not happy about Arab representation in the Israeli Knesset. Discussion of the rhetoric used by the Arab parties in Israel that represent the Palestinian people who before 1948 were a majority and after that year became a minority that suffers inequality, oppression, and discrimination, is important in order to understand how argumentation and methods of persuasion are influenced by the kind of circumstances that national minorities like Palestinians in Israel experience. This thesis will examine the rhetoric used by the main Arab political movements in Israel when addressing several key issues that are currently the subject of heated debate and are expected to have remarkable effects on Arabs and their lives as non-Jews in the Israeli state. These issues are: Arab representation in the Israeli Parliament, recognition of Israel as a "Jewish State", and National Service for Arabs. The largest part of the research will focus on the Arab representation in the Knesset, being the most controversial topic among the Arab minority in Israel, and which also determines to a great extent the positions of the parties on other issues. After reviewing the position of each party/political movement on each of these topics, I intend to analyze the rhetoric each of them uses to defend their position or promote it to gain the support of the public, especially during parliamentary elections. Is the rhetoric of Arab parties in Israel coherent and harmonious as it represents a Palestinian minority dealing with Israeli policies as a collective entity, or does each of the parties have a unique rhetoric of its own, based on its ideology and agendas? What are the arguments that these parties use to justify their views, and how do they present these arguments? Are the arguments used by each party from the deliberative branch of rhetoric, the forensic, or the epideictic? Do Arab politicians mostly use ethos, pathos, or logos to persuade the audience and gain their support? This thesis will answer these questions by analyzing the parties' publications and official statements and political charters, and it will show that the positions, the rhetoric, and the argumentation of the different Arab parties are far from being homogeneous, and are highly influenced by their ideological background.
6
Yu, Sik Chuen. "The Influence of Consumers’ Political Ideologies on Online Review Persuasiveness." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/19665.
Full textAbstract:
This research examines how consumers’ political ideologies influence their perceptions of the usefulness of online reviews. Although the extant research has studied how review-related factors (e.g., review content, reviewers’ characteristics, and context) influence online review persuasiveness, research has often remained silent about how consumers’ characteristics influence review evaluations. Prior research suggests conservatives have a stronger desire than liberals to feel affiliated and connected with others. The present research argues that these fundamental relational needs drive conservatives (vs. liberals) to align their preferences with reviewers’ opinions, because having the same product evaluation as others offers a sense of social connection. Three experiments demonstrate that when choosing among products or services, reviewers’ opinions are valued more by conservatives than liberals (studies 1, 2, and 3). Consistent with the framework presented, this effect dissipates when the reviewer is a person with whom consumers have no desire to connect (study 2 and 3), and when the product does not facilitate identity-related connection with others (study 3). The effect is robust across different political ideology measures.
7
Duque-Salazar, Juan Diego. "When armed politics empower women : Gender ideologies in armed groups and women’s political empowerment: Evidence from Colombia." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-385097.
Full textAbstract:
This study aims to account for variation on women’s political empowerment in localities during wartime. I draw upon political ideologies and civilian-armed group interaction literature to argue that gender ideologies could explain why some conflict-affected areas have more women’s political empowerment than others. I argue that gender egalitarian ideologies in armed groups leads to specific organizational structure and political discourse where women are allowed to take leadership and political-related roles within the armed groups. More specifically, I argue that gender egalitarian armed groups not only encourage women to take public roles within their group but also to engage in politics in communities under their territorial control through four strategies: ideological meetings, penetration of social and political organization, establishment of social behaviors and infiltration in electoral politics. I test this argument using quantitative sub-national data looking at territorial control of non-state armed groups and number female mayor candidates in Colombia from 1997 to 2007. I expect that guerrilla areas, are more likely to have more female candidates compared with paramilitary areas. Surprisingly, I found an opposite direction, where paramilitary areas have more female candidates compared with guerrilla areas. I offer an alternative explanation based on the qualitative sources in order to account for the unexpected findings.
8
Talshir, Gayil. "The political ideologies of the German and British green parties : reconceptualising ideology?" Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.267554.
Full text
9
Leader, Maynard Jonathan. "Ideologies and mass violence : the justificatory mechanics of deadly atrocities." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:069038eb-ffbe-4d31-8f17-8dc2dc67539e.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis seeks to provide an account of the role played by ideologies in acts of mass violence against civilians, such as genocides, murderous state repression, war crimes, and other ‘atrocities’. Mass violence of this kind has already received extensive study, with scholars frequently emphasising their belief that ideology is important. Until now, however, discussions of ideology have been held back by a lack of conceptual and theoretical development, leading to narrow portrayals of ideology’s role, vagueness over its relevance, and dubious assumptions about its theoretical implications. This thesis addresses these problems by building a more focused and integrative theoretical framework for analysing the ideological dynamics of atrocities. I engage in an extensive conceptual and methodological discussion, to establish the best way of defining and utilising the concept of ideology. In doing so, I emphasise how ideology can be important even for that majority of atrocity perpetrators who do not meet classic but misleading stereotypes of fanatical killers driven by burning hatred. I then detail my actual account of the ideological dynamics of deadly atrocities, which centres around the identification of six ‘justificatory mechanisms’: dehumanisation, guilt-attribution, threat-construction, deagentification, virtuetalk, and future-bias. These justificatory mechanisms describe sets of ideological processes that recur across different cases of violence against civilians, and which make that violence look permissible or even desirable to those who, in a variety of roles, carry it out. I then substantiate this account through three case studies: of Nazi atrocities, Stalinist oppression, and Allied area bombing in World War II. These cases demonstrate the cross-case applicability of the six justificatory mechanisms, and illustrate how the framework I offer allows us to construct more causally explicit, psychologically plausible, and comprehensive pictures of the way key ideologies feed in to the most destructive campaigns of violence against civilians.
10
Prakoonheang, Kevin, University of western Sydney, and of Arts Education and Social Sciences College. "Political ideologies and development in the Lao people's democratic republic since 1975." THESIS_CAESS_HUM_Prakoonheang_K.xml, 2001. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/823.
Full textAbstract:
This work is a study in some detail of the political history and development of Laos since 1975. The contents include: Origin of the Lao Modern Political Ideology; Backgrounds of the Lao Communist Party; Development of Lao People's Revolutionary Party (LPRP); The LPRP as a ruling party; New economic policy 'Chintanakarn Mai'; Future directions of the LPRP. Several maps, tables, charts and photographs are included in the researchMaster of Arts (Hons)
11
Davies, Jack Frederick. "Exorcising the Demons-A Critique of the Totalizing Political Ideologies of Modernity." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1524826887336661.
Full text
12
Stephan, Laurie Ann. "Political correctness vs freedom of speech : language ideologies and their social uses /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/9394.
Full text
13
Prakoonheang, Kevin. "Political ideologies and development in the Lao people's democratic republic since 1975." Thesis, View thesis View thesis View thesis, 2001. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/823.
Full textAbstract:
This work is a study in some detail of the political history and development of Laos since 1975. The contents include: Origin of the Lao Modern Political Ideology; Backgrounds of the Lao Communist Party; Development of Lao People's Revolutionary Party (LPRP); The LPRP as a ruling party; New economic policy 'Chintanakarn Mai'; Future directions of the LPRP. Several maps, tables, charts and photographs are included in the research
14
Prakoonheang, Kevin. "Political ideologies and development in the Lao People's Democratic Republic since 1975 /." View thesis View thesis View thesis, 2001. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20030506.124709/index.html.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A.) (Honours) -- University of Western Sydney, Macarthur, 2001.A thesis presented to the University of Western Sydney, Macarthur, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Honours), September, 2001. Bibliography : leaves 296-309.
15
Tougher, Shaun F. "The reign of Leo VI (886-912) : personal relationships and political ideologies." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14582.
Full textAbstract:
Leo VI (886-912) is an emperor who has suffered from a hostile and inadequate press. He has been portrayed as a weak and careless emperor, known mainly for his dubious parentage and marital exploits. This thesis questions these popular perceptions of Leo, and attempts to present a more realistic account of the emperor and the politics of his age. The aspects of the reign tackled focus on essential elements of Leo's life and rule, presented in a rough chronological framework, and the themes of personal relationships and political ideologies are recurrent. Chapter One examines Leo's relationship with Basil I and his attitude to his Macedonian heritage. Chapter Two considers the fate of the monumental figure of Photios at the emperor's hands. Chapter Three deals with the position and role of the 'all powerful' Stylianos Zaoutzes during the first half of the reign. Chapter Four ponders the origin and meaning of Leo's 'wise' epithet. Chapter Five focuses on the emperor's four marriages. Chapter Six turns to the course of foreign affairs during the reign, concentrating on Bulgaria and the Arab navy, and considers the emperor's attitude towards these military problems. Chapter Seven examines the emperor's relationship with his senatorial officials, focusing on two distinct groups, eunuchs and the generals who originated from families of the eastern frontier. Finally Chapter Eight addresses the tense relationship that existed between Leo and his brother and co-emperor Alexander. What emerges from a consideration of these aspects of Leo and his reign is that this is an emperor who does not deserve the popular perceptions that still persist about him. He was an emperor who forged a 'new' and distinctive imperial style, a style that should not deceive us; he may have been literate, sedentary and city-based, but he was also forceful, strong-willed and conscientious.
16
Sepulveda, David. "All Politics is Not Local: The Role of Competing Nationalisms in the Rhetoric of American Political Ideologies." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/223331.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation addresses the different ways in which Americans define citizenship and nationhood and the associated implications for politics and political rhetoric. I argue that the contesting of the national identity--the ways in which a given image of the United Sates is privileged over other images of the nation--is central to the ideological divisions of the United States today. The dissertation begins by examining existing scholarship on the nature of ideological divisions and arguments in contemporary US politics, and the survey demonstrates that each of these approaches tells us a great deal about how certain individual factors influence ideological arguments, but these insights tend to come at the cost of minimizing the roles played by extremely powerful societal forces like race, ethnicity, gender, religion, and sexual orientation. I propose, therefore, a view of the left-center-right political spectrum in the United States as a spectrum based on competing--and sometimes overlapping--nationalist ideologies, with opposing groups competing for control of the state agencies that sustain and diffuse the national high culture. According to this view, individuals define their position in the ideological spectrum based on whom they culturally identify with, and practitioners of political rhetoric would benefit from identifying the culture of their ideology with the American "mainstream." Toward this end, the dissertation draws on nationalism theory to establish a theory to examine how competing national identities are contested both in political rhetoric and in popular media that is not explicitly political. The dissertation then concludes by identifying rhetorical strategies that have been effective at crossing ideological lines in the past and proposing new strategies that can be effective at crossing ideological lines in the future.
17
Magub, Alexandra. "Political and religious ideologies on Parthian coins of the 2nd-1st centuries BC." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2018. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/30283/.
Full text
18
Celik, Nur Betul. "Kemalist hegemony from its constitution to its dissolution." Thesis, University of Essex, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.296583.
Full text
19
Dungan, Drew W. "South Park and absurd culture war ideologies the art of stealthy conservatism /." To access this resource online via ProQuest Dissertations and Theses @ UTEP, 2009. http://0-proquest.umi.com.lib.utep.edu/login?COPT=REJTPTU0YmImSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=2515.
Full text
20
Caron, Daniel. "Language Ideologies and Mobility: A Political Economy Approach to Quebec City's English-speaking Minority." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/35822.
Full textAbstract:
Socio-economic processes have long underlined the value of language and ethno-linguistic categories in Canada. The Quiet Revolution, widely considered to be one such process, has resulted in the production of Quebec's English-speaking minority. Although recent studies pertaining to Quebec's English-speaking minority have largely focused on the construction of identity, little research has explored the perceived value of language. While Quebec City’s English-speaking minority is increasingly bilingual, figures suggest that its youth continues to migrate. Through a critical perspective, this thesis explores how Quebec City’s English-speaking minority is navigating the uneven distribution and rising value of bilingualism. Using a qualitative approach, I conducted 15 interviews with participants who attended an English-language high school in Quebec City. Results revealed that participants mobilized ethnic and economic language ideologies as a means to negotiate the value of their linguistic practices and that these language ideologies structured mobility and enabled participants to reposition themselves within a new linguistic market.
21
Wilson, Katherine. "Sometimes, it's not Right to go Left : the perceived consequences of endorsing political ideologies." Thesis, University of Kent, 2014. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/48564/.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of the research within this thesis was to investigate lay people’s beliefs about political ideologies and related constructs. Specifically, I researched whether people recognise the functions of ideologies and recognise when strategically, it makes the most sense to endorse them. In nine studies, participants’ knowledge of ideological constructs was assessed. To begin with, participants’ knowledge was assessed indirectly by asking them about their own endorsement of variables, such as social dominance orientation, while imagining themselves embroiled within an international conflict. As the research progressed, more direct methods were used in which participants were asked whether endorsing left or right wing ideological constructs would promote inequality within society and palliative outcomes for individuals. In my first empirical chapter, I present three studies which assess under what specific conditions people will endorse SDO. These studies demonstrate how people endorse SDO strategically in response to specific contextual features of intergroup conflicts. Study 1 showed that people endorse SDO more when locked in an intergroup dilemma with a group which defects (vs. cooperates). In Study 2, the presence (vs. absence) of sunk costs – previous investments by the ingroup in a conflict – increased SDO. In Study 3, high stakes (compared to none) increased the endorsement of SDO. In Studies 2 and 3, increases in SDO elicited indirect effects of contextual factors on participants’ willingness to make further investments in the conflict. In my second empirical chapter, I consider whether this strategic adoption of ideological positions may be based on knowledge of their consequences for intergroup relations. In Study 4, participants evaluated a group described as being high (compared to low) in SDO as more likely to be committed to a conflict, more likely to invest in that conflict, and as a result, more likely to emerge successfully from that conflict. These results were replicated in Study 5, where I began to utilise more direct measures in order to explore lay theories of ideological variables. Participants were explicitly asked whether they thought endorsing ideological variables (SDO, conservatism and system justification) would promote outcomes including success in conflicts and maintaining inequality along with social cohesion within societies. Participants attributed both SDO and conservatism with promoting inequality and success within conflict whereas system justification was evaluated as likely to promote social cohesion. Chapter 5 provided compelling evidence that lay people have accurate knowledge of the functions of ideological constructs. In my third and fourth empirical chapters, I empirically examine the folk beliefs about political ideologies that may draw people to them. Across four studies, participants attributed both left and right wing ideologies as likely to promote aspects of hedonic and eudaimonic wellbeing for others and themselves. Furthermore, participants recognised, with a compelling degree of accuracy, that there are marked differences between left and right wing political ideologies in terms of closed-mindedness and the attitudes they promote towards inequality, just world beliefs and concern for others. Taken together, these findings suggest that lay individuals have accurate knowledge of the consequences of endorsing ideological variables and recognise when it makes strategic sense to do so. Although people’s ideological positions are determined by many factors, the present research suggests that one of these factors may be informed, strategic choice. That is, people may select or modify their ideological positions based on shared and surprisingly sophisticated understandings of their consequences. In the final chapter, I discuss how further research may explore the interplay between lay beliefs about political ideology and their consequences for political choice.
22
Gurinskaitė, Laima Milda. "Lietuvos ir Estijos fiskalinės politikos vertinimas verslo ciklo atžvilgiu." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2013. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2013~D_20130606_105925-64730.
Full textAbstract:
Baigiamajame darbe analizuojamos Lietuvos ir Estijos fiskalinės politikos verslo ciklo atžvilgiu. Tiriama, kaip kito valstybių taikoma fiskalinė politika keičiantis verslo ciklo momentams ir valdančių partijų ideologijoms. Darbo tikslas: suformuoti metodiką fiskalinės politikos vertinimui verlso ciklų atžvilgiu. Pirmiausia, ištirta mokslinė fiskalinės politikos, ekonomikos augimo modelių ir valdančių partijų ideologijų teorija. Ja remiantis suformuotas modelis, paremtas Cobb-Duglas ekonomikos augimo veiksniais: darbu ir kapitalu. Sukurtu modeliu tiriama bendrojo vidaus produkto pokyčio priklausomybė nuo dirbančiųjų skaičiaus, bendrojo kapitalo formavimo ir asignavimų pasikeitimo. Tyrimo rezultatai atskleidė, kad modelis neparodo fiskalinės politikos ir verslo ciklų ryšio. Valstybės asignavimai gauti kaip statistiškai nereikšmingi bendro vidaus produkto pasikeitimui. Bendram fiskalinės politikos įvertinimui naudotas lyginamosios dinamikos metodas, kuriuo remiantis Lietuva ir Estija vykdo prociklines fiskalines politikas, nepriklausomai nuo valdančių partijų ideologijų.In the thesis it is analysed fiscal policy of Lithuania and Estonia regarding to business cycle. There is made research how governments’ fiscal policy was changing by business cycle moments and main political parties’ ideologies. Thesis objective: create the methodic for fiscal policy evaluation regarding to business cycles. First of all, in the thesis was made fiscal policy, business cycles, and political parties ideologies theoretical analysis. After theoretical analysis was formed model, by Cobb-Douglas production function major factors: capital and work force. Model was used to find dependence between gross domestic product changes and gross capital forming, employees, government expenditure changes. Research showed that model doesn’t reveal connection between fiscal policy and business cycles. Government expenditure was detected like statistically insignificant for gross domestic product changes. Comparative model was used for general fiscal policy assessment, which showed that in Lithuania and Estonia it is used procyclical fiscal policy independently from political parties’ ideologies.
23
Buckley, Ian M. M. "Rescripting the political romance : narratives of kingship, tyranny, and community." Thesis, University of South Wales, 2003. https://pure.southwales.ac.uk/en/studentthesis/rescripting-the-political-romance(b6d18460-be63-4e95-9b04-4f2c2ef5a8e0).html.
Full textAbstract:
Without seeking to reify a category of 'political romances', this study explores the participation of five Middle English poems (Havelok, The Tale of Gamelyn, Sir Orfeo, Sir Gowther, Robert of cisyle), normally classed among the romances, in the cultural process of constructing and regulating contemporary understandings of good kingship, tyranny, and community. In their participation in this discourse these romances cross generic boundaries, interacting with textual traditions (including historiography, hagiography, folk tale, and the literature of complaint), inscribing ideologies contesting romance's world-view. This study attempts to trace the ideological impact of these generic interactions on romance models of rule, investigating whether these romances cross generic boundaries in search of an idiom in which to critique dominant models of power relations, or whether, in attempting to appropriate the discourse of other genres, they seek to bolster dominant ideology by containing the subversive energies of its textual opponents. If these romances are identified as cultural products of a dominant ideology striving to perpetuate its own ascendancy, then it is a dominant ideology in the process of adapting itself in response to changing pressures, the nature of which I attempt to recover by attending to these texts' constructions and reconstructions of the hero's identity. I approach these romances not so much as the expression of the ideology of the dominant stratum, but part of the production of that ideology, called forth in a continuing dynamic response to contending discourses. I conclude that the energies of the genres with which these romances interact refuse appropriation, challenging the monologism of romance and continuing in their new narrative environment to propose their own political solutions. The resulting dialogization of romance indicates romance's diminishing ability to provide convincing resolutions to the contradictions of a changing society and to address the aspirations of a changing audience, In the ideological adjustments made by these romances in the process of interacting with other genres can be glimpsed the end of romance's insistence on heroic, and hence kingly, autonomy, and the replacement of heroic autonomy by community as the subject of romance.
24
Hadley, Graham John. "Performance culture meets police culture : the relationship between political ideologies, police reform and police culture." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2014. https://researchportal.port.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/performance-culture-meets-police-culture(31510fe4-4810-449b-8117-1c2d20956344).html.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores successive police reform agendas over the period 1979 – 2012 in terms of the relationship between political ideology, police reform and police occupational culture. The thesis addresses the interplay between ideologically driven police reform and the reception of reform agendas within the central mindset of policing. It examines the significance of political and economic drivers in police reform agendas and literature on police occupational culture, with emphasis upon change and reform and the response within the police. As a means of exploring the relationship between reform and police culture the thesis gathers data through empirical research based upon documentary analysis and semi-structured interviews. Research upon street and management cops (Reuss-Ianni 1983) and the analytical model of cultural knowledge and change outlined by Chan (1997), was used to analyse and present the research findings. The main conclusions concern how ideology in police reform agendas was received by police occupational culture. Utilising the theoretical frameworks of Reuss-Ianni and Chan, the thesis argues that the ideology in police reform agendas is received and assessed through cultural knowledge. This places into context documented features of police occupational culture such as the sense of mission, conservatism, resistance to change and the street – management divide. As a result, this thesis contributes to the understanding of police occupational culture through the prism of reform and the implications for practice, outlining how ideologically driven police reform agendas are received and interpreted through police occupational culture.
25
Page, Marguerite. "VISUAL NARRATIVES IN PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN 2020: A BATTLE OF BELIEFS, VALUES, & IDEOLOGIES." OpenSIUC, 2021. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/1915.
Full textAbstract:
All human communication is narrative in nature (Fisher, 1987) and should adhere to narrative rationality and value-laden idealistic-moralistic or materialistic Master Analogues to be accepted by audiences (Fisher, 1985). This study examined the persuasive nature of the visual narratives presented by the 2020 presidential candidate’s official Facebook posts as well as examine how the candidates’ rhetorical visions create referential points in constructing the viewers’ own identities as supporters (Messaris, 1997). As Foss, Foss, & Trapp (2002) contend, “a basic function of the media is the creation of representations or simulations – reproduced versions of reality” (p. 313). The version of reality being presented on each candidate’s official Facebook page creates narratives as means of influence and cultivating group identity.
26
Souza, Sauloeber Tarsio de. "Docentes no Congresso Nacional (5ª e 6ª Legislaturas -1963/1967." [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/252923.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Sergio Eduardo Montes CastanhoTese (doutorado) - Universidade Etadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T19:54:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Souza_SauloeberTarsiode_D.pdf: 797526 bytes, checksum: e3e0f4329878ef75701368ea404bf460 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005
Resumo: A proposta deste trabalho surgiu de nosso interesse de pesquisa pela problemática dos docentes entendidos como intelectuais produtores da cultura e, portanto, construtores da hegemonia (no sentido gramsciano de busca do consenso). O período abordado, anos 60, representa, ao nosso ver, momento de intersecção de mudanças significativas iniciadas nos anos 30, e que aceleraram os fenômenos da urbanização e da industrialização, no Brasil, traduzidos como ¿modernização conservadora¿, quando se aprofundou a adoção de técnicas avançadas para a economia, mas com poucos ganhos nas áreas sociais. Para a execução desta pesquisa trabalhamos os dados sócio-econômicos das biografias dos 96 docentes eleitos para as legislaturas de 63 e 67, além de analisarmos sua formação acadêmica e aspectos culturais. O estudo de seus discursos no plenário possibilitou-nos desvelar certas ideologias às quais se filiavam, apontando também especificidades destes docentes inseridos nas esferas instituídas de poder. A análise biográfica, a partir dos dados sobre escolaridade, instituição formadora, profissão, partido, idade, etc., e a leitura de seus discursos voltados para as questões educacionais no plenário, contribuíram para o entendimento das conexões entre esses docentes e os grupos sociais dos quais se faziam representantes. Propiciou-nos, também, a análise de alguns aspectos do pensamento dos docentes em relação às ideologias hegemônicas no contexto de intensa polarização ideológica e de implantação do autoritarismo no cenário nacional, buscando o particular do docente legislador a partir de sua formação sócio-cultural e não somente considerando-se suas opções político-partidárias. Ficou evidente o caráter elitista e diletante predominante entre os indivíduos deste grupo o que acreditamos ser resultado da precária profissionalização e da pouca sindicalização do magistério, sobretudo de nível superior, que seriam reestruturadas com o advento da ditadura, nos anos 60
Abstract: The proposal of this work appeared of our interest of research about the professors understood as intellectual producers of the culture and, therefore, constructors of the hegemony (as Gramsci thought, in the way of search for the consensus). The boarded period, the Sixties, represent to us a moment of intersection of significant changes initiated in years 30, and that they had sped up the phenomena of the urbanization and industrialization, in Brazil, translated as "modernização conservadora", when if deepened the adoption of advanced techniques for the economy, but with few profits in the social areas. For the execution of this research we work the partner-economic data of the biographies of the 96 elect professors in years of 1963 and 1967, besides analyzing their academic formation and cultural aspects. The study of theirs speeches in the plenary assembly made possible reveal certain particular ideologies of this group inserted in the instituted structures of power. The biographical analysis, using the data on schooling, academic institutions, profession, political party, age, etc., and the reading of their speeches directed toward the educational questions in the plenary assembly, had contributed for the agreement of the connections between these professors and the social groups of which they represents. It also propitiated us the analysis of some aspects of the thought of the professors in relation to the hegemonic ideologies in the context of intense ideological polarization and implantation of the authoritarianism in the national scene, searching the particularly of these professors from its partner-cultural formation and not only considering its options politician-partisans. The elitist character of this group was evident what we believe to be resulted of the precarious professionalization and the bad syndicalization of the professors, that would be reorganized with the advent of the dictatorship, in Sixties
Doutorado
Historia, Filosofia e Educação
Doutor em Educação
27
Arling, Heidi Kristina. "Northern-Southern populism in Europe : Political manifestos of the Finns Parly, the Sweden Democrats, the League, and the National Rally, 2011-2018." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-187380.
Full textAbstract:
For this study, I set out to examine the electoral manifestos of four European populist parties in national elections, in order to analyze the ideological similarities and differences between the Finns Party, the Sweden Democrats, the National Rally, and the League. Political manifestos represent authoritative statements on party policies. I aimed to compare the ideologies expressed in the manifestos and to allocate them on a left-neutral-right scale according to a model developed by Backlund (2013), Benoitand Laver (2007), and Lowe et al. (2011). The theoretical background comes from Spatial theory (Downs 1957, Sartori 1977, Adams 1998) and Saliency theory (Budge & Farlie 1983, Budge et al. 2001, Klingemann et al. 2006). I derived the research data from the Manifesto Research on Political Representation (MARPOR) database; the data are longitudinal, covering 48 variables from two elections during the period of 2011-2018. I investigated how the parties present their political goals through qualitative analyses, as well as an examination of the salience and frequency of issues. Icompared the data to long-term trends from MARPOR data and from the Chapel Hill Expert Surveys. My findings indicate that the parties have common ideological traits such as nationalism, European Union (EU) opposition, and immigration negativity, but they differ in how they advocate for various policy matters. The Finns Party is the least moderate and openly exhibits nationalism and discriminatory features. The Sweden Democrats share attributes with leftist ideologies, except for the EU opposition and a veiled immigration negativity. The National Rally is nationalistic and privileges protectionism, but is more indirectly immigration and EU negative. The League shows an increasing preference for federalism and EU and immigration negativity during the two elections.
28
Arling, Heidi Kristina. "Northern-Southern populism in Europe : Political manifestos of the Finns Party, the Sweden Democrats, the League, and the National Rally, 2011-2018." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-187380.
Full textAbstract:
For this study, I set out to examine the electoral manifestos of four European populist parties in national elections, in order to analyze the ideological similarities and differences between the Finns Party, the Sweden Democrats, the National Rally, and the League. Political manifestos represent authoritative statements on party policies. I aimed to compare the ideologies expressed in the manifestos and to allocate them on a left-neutral-right scale according to a model developed by Backlund (2013), Benoitand Laver (2007), and Lowe et al. (2011). The theoretical background comes from Spatial theory (Downs 1957, Sartori 1977, Adams 1998) and Saliency theory (Budge & Farlie 1983, Budge et al. 2001, Klingemann et al. 2006). I derived the research data from the Manifesto Research on Political Representation (MARPOR) database; the data are longitudinal, covering 48 variables from two elections during the period of 2011-2018. I investigated how the parties present their political goals through qualitative analyses, as well as an examination of the salience and frequency of issues. I compared the data to long-term trends from MARPOR data and from the Chapel Hill Expert Surveys. My findings indicate that the parties have common ideological traits such as nationalism, European Union (EU) opposition, and immigration negativity, but they differ in how they advocate for various policy matters. The Finns Party is the least moderate and openly exhibits nationalism and discriminatory features. The Sweden Democrats share attributes with leftist ideologies, except for the EU opposition and a veiled immigration negativity. The National Rally is nationalistic and privileges protectionism, but is more indirectly immigration and EU negative. The League shows an increasing preference for federalism and EU and immigration negativity during the two elections.
29
Schena, Jucinara. "Mapping press’s political ideology: a content analysis of editorial articles from the most read Brazilian online newspapers." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/670418.
Full textAbstract:
Aware of the well-studied non-neutrality of media and the challenge that represents to have mechanisms to objectively identify the ideological bias, this thesis provides a methodological proposal to assess the political ideology of newspapers. The model’s originality lies on merging the contribution from political and communication sciences, as it is built considering the core values of political ideologies. The model is qualitatively inspired by the Critical Discourse Analysis perspective, and quantitatively by the traditional Content Analysis. It allows to compare samples according to an ideological framework and classify the outlets in four categories: elitism, egalitarianism, communitarianism and individualism. The model was applied to study the one-year time frame (2018) of editorial content (n=2,195) from the eight most read online newspapers in Brazil. The results show the feasibility of the model and draw a scenario dominated by a strong elitist discourse with only one off-key Brazilian newspaper leaning towards an egalitarian worldview.Conscient de la no-neutralitat dels mitjans de comunicació i del repte que representen els mecanismes per identificar objectivament el biaix ideològic, aquesta tesi proporciona una proposta metodològica per valorar la ideologia política dels diaris. L’originalitat del model rau en fusionar la contribució de les ciències polítiques i de la comunicació, ja que es construeix tenint en compte els valors fonamentals de les ideologies polítiques. El model s’inspira qualitativament en la perspectiva de l’anàlisi crític del discurs i quantitativament en l’anàlisi de contingut tradicional. Permet comparar mostres segons un marc ideològic i classificar-les en quatre categories: elitisme, igualitarisme, comunitarisme i individualisme. El model es va aplicar per estudiar el termini d’un any (2018) de contingut editorial (n=2,195) dels vuit diaris digitals més llegits del Brasil. Els resultats mostren la viabilitat del model i dibuixen un escenari dominat per un fort discurs elitista amb un únic diari brasiler que s’enfoca cap a una visió del món igualitària.
30
Al-Kooheji, Lamya Abdulmajeed Mohammed. "Discursive strategies used by political parties in the Bahraini Council of Representatives : a critical discourse analysis of religious ideologies in politic language." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/10642.
Full textAbstract:
This study attempts to present the relations between discourse and ideology in debates taking place in the Bahraini Council of Representatives. It uses critical discourse analysis (CDA) and the Sociocognitive Approach (SCA) to ground the theoretical claims in the idea that Shiite members of parliament (MPs) in the Bahraini Council of Representatives employ discursive strategies differently from Sunni MPs. To test this hypothesis, the research aims first to observe whether, and if so how, the Sunni parties and the Shiite party employ discursive devices and strategies differently to achieve three ideological goals: attempting to gain political advantage discursively in parliamentary debates on topics related to dissent control and political freedom; manoeuvring the definitions of self and others in the contexts of dissent control and political rights; and manipulating the law to support one’s party’s and/or sectarian affiliation’s ideological stances about dissent-controlling laws and the definition of political freedom and political rights. The second aim of the research is to explore whether and how the use of discursive devices and strategies reflects the sectarian ideological conflict in Bahrain. The research critically analyses excerpts on dissent control and personal freedom from the Hansard of the Bahraini Council of Representatives. The research first marks discursive devices used by MPs. It then identifies discursive strategies. The research detects three major discursive strategies that are fulfilled by using the devices and called them ‘corroborating by information’; ‘intensifying grievance’; and ‘centralising pride and dignity’. The analysis shows that some discursive devices are used more intensively, though not exclusively, under certain strategies. The research also notes that the Shiite party, Al Wefaq, employs the strategy of intensifying grievance more often than other strategies. The Al Wefaq members demonstrate more tendency toward objecting than do the other parties to the dissent control in Bahrain. The research relates this tendency to the ideologies of Shi’ism as a religious and political institution that heavily relies on the ideology of protest and the feeling of injustice and discrimination. Finally, the research provides a preview of the use of identified strategies during the unrest that started in Bahrain in February 2011.
31
Zimmerman, Adam. "Impact of Anonymity and Social Modeling: Online Aggression in Emerging Adults and Their Religious and Political Ideologies." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3564.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation investigated online aggression in emerging adults to understand the contextual power of anonymity and social modeling. Emerging adults are characterized as undergoing a period of identity exploration, instability, self-focus, transition, and possibility (Arnett, 2004). Given the importance of identity development at this stage of the lifespan, this research explored religiosity/spirituality and political ideology; two pivotal belief systems that are introspectively evaluated and molded in emerging adults as they separate their identities from their world views (Barry & Nelson, 2004). Furthermore, this dissertation sought to apply religiosity/spirituality and political ideology to the previously established link of anonymity and social modeling and their joined impact on online aggression (Zimmerman & Ybarra, 2016). Behavioral temptation to aggress and participant responses following interaction on a mock blog was recorded and analyzed in situations of anonymity and positive or neutral social models. Aggressive social modeling influenced blog posts and behavioral temptation to aggress. Religiosity/spirituality and political attitudes moderated aggression in blog posts.
32
Entwistle, Philip Owen. "The dragon and the lamb : Christianity and political engagement in China." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e6b9286c-c7bf-43ff-8c1e-34fcb78bbe30.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines political engagement amongst young urban Chinese Protestants. Based on 100 interviews in Beijing and Shenzhen, 50 with Protestants, and 50 with non-Protestants, it focuses on three areas: national narratives (what individuals think about China, its current situation and its future direction), political opinions, and social and political activity. I firstly argue that Protestants generally adhere to a relatively ‘critical’ national narrative, one that is more divergent from the Party-state’s nationalist discourse than that of their demographic peers. I then argue that in causal terms, it is primarily individuals who hold these critical values who are most drawn to Christianity, rather than developing the values as a result of their faith. Secondly, Protestants do not just hold more negative opinions of China's political regime, but that the criteria by which they judge it are different. In contrast to their demographic peers, Protestants do not base their judgements of the regime on its performance at delivering on everyday political issues. Thirdly, Protestantism catalyses the development of a sense of agency in its adherents: a sense of moral responsibility towards China and a desire to bring change through transformative activism. However, factors in China's cultural, historical, social and political context serve to steer Protestants' activism away from engagement with secular society and inward towards the church community. I conclude by arguing that Protestantism poses two challenges to China's Party-state: Firstly, it is symptomatic of an underlying sense of social and political malaise, of scepticism towards the primacy of economic enrichment and towards the Party-state’s attempt to legitimise its rule based upon this. Secondly, Protestantism catalyses the emergence of a critical, morally agentic individualism that anchors its worldview in a discourse outside the control of the Party-state. Adapting to these social shifts presents a major future challenge for the CCP.
33
Ström, Sten. "Political rhetoric vs. economic policy : – the case of Nicaragua." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-224447.
Full textAbstract:
Political ideologies translate into both rhetoric and actual economic policy, and both are important factors for explaining economic development such as foreign direct investment and the distribution of growth. In Nicaragua, the government calls itself “socialist”, but neither local big business nor rating firms or foreign investors seem to be anxious. In this thesis, an attempt is made to define and measure characteristics of economic ideologies, and to analyse them in a country context.Factors are identified that would be characteristic for a “leftist” or to a “rightist” ideology, and then translated into measurable indicators, used to analyse the rhetoric, planning and legislation in Nicaragua. Actual outcomes are compared with previous liberal and socialist regimes. The result indicates that the actual economic policy of the current “marxist” government can be described as liberal or mildly social democratic. A similar analysis, made of IMF and Moody’s show that their assessments are based on liberal theory.One cause for this discrepancy between rhetoric and economic policy may be that no option is available in the globalised context with its unequal distribution of resources and power.
34
Marangudakis, Manussos. "Emerging ideologies in the environmental movement : the N. American case of "deep" and "social ecology"." Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61148.
Full textAbstract:
The Green Movement is assumed to introduce a new way to organize society, politics, economics, and technology in such a way that environmental damage will be minimized. This new approach has been called the "New Environmental Paradigm", denoting its holistic character, as much as its antithesis to the dominant "Western Paradigm". My investigation of North American environmental movement led me to conclude that the Green Movement is neither an ideologically nor a socially homogeneous movement. Instead, it consists of two distinct movements. The first one is "politics oriented", influenced by the New Left ideology. The second social movement, previously unnoticed by sociological literature, is "experience oriented", highly activist, influenced by Naturalist philosophies, and the one which really introduces a new societal paradigm.
35
Rhen, Catarina, and Claesson Victoria Råsten. "PARTIIDEOLOGISKA LINJENMELLAN POLITISKA NIVÅER : En komparativ studie om ideologiska skillnader inom Socialdemokraterna och Sverigedemokraterna på nationell och lokal nivå." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-61020.
Full textAbstract:
This essays purpose is to study whether the political ideologies shift depending on the political level. For this purpose two political parties in Swedish parliament have been qualitative studied in a comparative analysis through the terms of social vision, outlook on mankind and economic organization.This study took its form when the authors found a study of Karlsson och Gilljam (2014), whom did a comparative quantitative study of the parties in parliament, asking the individual politicians in parliament, regions and in municipalities to take a stand on the left- and right scale by answering questions about economic organization, social vision and etc. This study gave a result that showed that the politicians of the municipalities had a more radical ideological view than their colleges in parliament. The hypothesis of this study started in the discussion whether politics in smaller scales, local governments and municipalities results in a shifting in ideology from the national manifest, due to the demands of cooperation with political parties with the opposite ideology in coalitions which is most common in Swedish municipalities in modern politics. This study hopes to add to the results from previous studies by comparing the written politics of the parties.This following study is analyzing the political party manifest from both local government and the national party programme/manifest from two political ideologies perspective, liberalism and socialism in a qualitive method. The two parties chosen for this study are both parties of parliament in Sweden since the election year of 2014 and can be found on different sides of the left- and right scale of political ideologies.The results of this essay show that there was no obvious ideological shift between the national and the local government level, though influences of the ideologies were found in both national and local level. This cannot give the conclusion that the ideological shift does not exist, but it may not show in this study. The ideological shift may occur in the daily politics but not in the political ideas written in the manifest.
36
Lakin, Matthew. "Cameron's conservatisms and the problem of ideology." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9c05f047-d134-4009-babb-ce6b986a36c4.
Full textAbstract:
The central aim of the thesis is to investigate the myriad ideological 'thought-practices' of Cameronism by placing the composition and content of Cameronism in the context of the problem of Thatcherism's legacy. This problem is namely a problem of the gap between intentions and outcomes. The thesis identifies three discreet, but also overlapping, ideological developments that take root in the late 1980s/early 1990s: (1) the steadfast commitment to reducing the size and scope of the central state; (2) the recognition that neo-liberal economics is a necessary but insufficient precondition for the delivery of wider Conservative outcomes; and (3) the rediscovery and commitment to the renewal of civil society as an alternative to state intervention in response to the perceived failures of neo-liberalism. The thesis examines the application of these ideological developments in Cameronism, both in theory and practice. Furthermore, it examines the political-thought practices of Cameronism in the context of the Coalition Government. Finally, the thesis analyses a serious Conservative ideological threat to Cameronite Conservatism, concluding that Cameronism is a distinct, decodable and distinctive Conservatism, which has been quickly eclipsed by other Conservatisms, namely the Conservatism of the New New Right, which is much closer to the Thatcherism that Cameronism was resolutely trying to adjust. British Conservatism has thus come full circle: the market society vision of Thatcherism, which Cameronism was trying to ideologically supplement, has been restored as the best and surest way to achieve the Conservative aim of a limited conception of politics.
37
Karlsson, Julia. "Hårdare tag mot brottsligheten? : Tre etablerade politiska partiers syn på kriminalitet och kriminalpolitik." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hik:diva-2441.
Full textAbstract:
This study analyzes the political view of criminality and crime politics in three political parties in the Swedish parliament, Socialdemokraterna, Folkpartiet and Moderaterna. The study seeks to describe which kind of view these parties present on the criminality in our society. The material for this study is the ideologies that the parties descend from which are, socialism, liberalism and conservatism, the political programs of these three parties have also been studied as well as the parties proposals, political documents in the Swedish parliament. The current public debate shows that the crime politics is an attractive question and the parties may seem to have similar proposals on how to lower the criminality in our society. The theory that has been used to describe the results of the study is “actors and structures” and the results are related to this theory as well as the theory has been used as an instrument to explain and sort the material and the results. The results of the study show that the parties are different in their views on criminality as a problem in our society. Socialdemokraterna has a structural view while Folkpartiet and Moderaterna have a actor-centered- view on criminality and crime politics. The results show that the parties have a different view of the source of criminality and this leads to different suggestions on which interventions that are desirable to reduce the criminality.
38
Siedberg, Marie. "Do ideologies matter? : Idea analysis of foreign policy in the United States of America." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-2516.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this essay is to clarify if there is an ideological difference within the political area of foreign policy of the United States. The question that will be answered is: Is the American foreign policy coloured by different ideologies, or has that area of politics become an arena without ideology differences?
In order to answer the question, the method used in this essay is idea analysis using ideal types as analytical instrument. The texts that are being analysed are the State of the Union Addresses of four American presidents. The presidents are Carter, Reagan, Bush and Clinton and each president give this speech once a year. The presidents are chosen due to the fact that their presidencies follow each other and are as recently in time as possible.
After analysing all of the speeches and considering the surrounding circumstances, like the Cold War, I came to the conclusion that there is no ideological difference within foreign policy of the United States of America. Some areas of foreign policy, however, show more or less connotations to either idealism or realism. Even tough ideology plays a part; there is no difference between the liberal party and the conservative party.
39
Thörner, Stefan [Verfasser], and Ulrich [Akademischer Betreuer] Wagner. "Anti-Muslim Backlash and Changing Political Ideologies. The Consequences of Perceived Threat from Islamist Terrorism / Stefan Thörner. Betreuer: Ulrich Wagner." Marburg : Philipps-Universität Marburg, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1054419140/34.
Full text
40
Svarlien, Corinna M. "The Influence of Economic Ideologies on U.S. K-12 Education Policy: Testing, Markets, and Competition." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/853.
Full textAbstract:
The Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) was first passed in 1965 and has since been reauthorized several times, including as No Child Left Behind in 2001 and the Every Student Succeeds Act of 2015. The ESEA seeks to address the needs of low-income students; however, decades of reform efforts and government reports documenting inequality have done little to close gaps in educational resources or outcomes for marginalized groups. Accountability systems based on standardized testing are seen by policymakers on the Left and Right as the best way to improve education for marginalized groups, improve students’ economic preparedness, hold schools accountable for the funds they spend, and maintain an objective meritocracy. This paper argues that testing is a flawed tool to achieve the goal of education equality as accountability systems rely on flawed assumptions influenced by conservative and neoliberal economic ideologies.
41
Batista, Nuno Ricardo Esteves. "Social media e as mensagens políticas. A exposição seletiva a conteúdos extremistas no YouTube: caso das eleições europeias 2019." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/20910.
Full textAbstract:
Dissertação de Mestrado em Comunicação Social, vertente de Comunicação EstratégicaEste trabalho tem como objetivo de compreender como é que os conteúdos políticos sugeridos pelo YouTube, organizados por algoritmos, podem expor o utilizador a conteúdos de ideologia extremista durante a campanha eleitoral para as Eleições Europeias de 2019, em Portugal, Reino Unido e França. Para tal, foram recolhidos e analisados com recurso ao método qualitativo com abordagem indutiva através da análise crítica do discurso, os 50 vídeos mais vistos e os dez sugeridos no YouTube nestes países para a pesquisa “eleições europeias 2019”. Os resultados revelam que o YouTube sugere ativamente conteúdos de ideologia extremista, tanto na página de resultados como na página do vídeo. No que diz respeito à sua tipologia, os vídeos mais publicados são jornalísticos, seguidos pelos partidos políticos, pessoais, institucionais e associações cívicas. Conclui-se também que esta plataforma dá mais importância a características do vídeo como as interações em detrimento das visualizações para construir as suas sugestões. Este fator aliado à temática tendencialmente populista e sensacionalista dos vídeos extremistas que atraem mais interações, contribuem para que o algoritmo coloque estes vídeos em destaque, o que resulta numa situação de exposição seletiva para o utilizador Para além dos vídeos institucionais de apelo ao voto e, portanto, sem ideologia dominante, observou-se uma tendência para a visualização e sugestão de conteúdos de direita e extrema-direita perante a total ausência de conteúdos moderados e de poucos de esquerda. Destaca-se também a ausência dos partidos políticos que fazem parte do arco governativo em cada um dos seus países em detrimento do aparecimento de outros, mais pequenos, que tiram partido destas novas ferramentas de comunicação política.
This dissertation aims at understanding how political content, suggested by YouTube and organized by algorithms, can expose the user to extreme political ideologies during the 2019 European Elections in Portugal, United Kingdom and France. For this, we have collected and analysed, using the qualitative method and an inductive approach using critical discourse analysis, the 50 most seen and the ten suggested in these countries for the search “European elections 2019”. The results show that YouTube actively suggests videos containing extreme political ideologies, both in the results page and the video page. In what concerns the types of videos, the most published are journalistic, followed by the political parties, personal, institutions and civic associations. We also concluded that YouTube gives more importance to certain characteristics of the video such as interactions and ignores others such as views to build the suggestions. This factor, together with the tendency for populist and sensationalist messages of the extreme political videos that attract typically more interactions, contribute for the algorithm to put the user in a situation of selective exposure.In excess of the institutional videos with call to vote messages that, by nature, do not exhibit a dominant political ideology, we have observed a tendency for the viewing and suggestion of right and extreme-right content. This happens on a scenario of total absence of moderate and left content. We also highlight the general absence of videos published by the main political parties in the list of the most viewed and suggestions in every studied country. On the other hand, we have identified the appearance of other smaller political parties that took advantage of this new way of making political communication.
N/A
42
Islam, Maidul. "Limits of Islamism : ideological articulations of Jamaat-e-Islami in contemporary India and Bangladesh." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f1942d17-cbce-4f8f-a717-7121548a80eb.
Full textAbstract:
My doctoral thesis analyses the political ideology of Islamism by taking the case study of a major Islamist organization, namely the Jamaat-e-Islami in contemporary India and Bangladesh. In doing so, I try to understand the similarities and differences of the ideological articulations of Islamism in a Muslim minority context of India and in a Muslim majority context of Bangladesh. The thesis is written from a political theory perspective in general and within the realm of ideology studies in particular. The study analyses how and why the Jamaat is responding to the economic and cultural issues of neoliberal India and Bangladesh. One cannot possibly ignore the neoliberal context within which Islamists are generating markedly new kinds of political articulations with an unprecedented set of political demands, never seen before in the history of Islamist movements. The ideological articulations of Jamaat have been studied by analyzing various primary sources—organisational literature, the party constitution, policy resolutions, press releases, election manifestos and political pamphlets of Jamaat-e-Islami. In addition, this dissertation has also relied on field interviews with the Jamaat leadership in India and Bangladesh. Magazines and internet sources have been also helpful for this study. My thesis analyses Islamist responses to neoliberalism by discussing the contrasting conditions of contemporary India and Bangladesh. In doing so, I conclude that in India, Jamaat is opposed to neoliberalism whereas in Bangladesh, it has a ambiguous character vis-à-vis neoliberalism. However, Islamists in both these countries are opposed to cultural issues like atheism, ‘blasphemous’ views, live-in relationships and homosexuality, which they construe as the products of ‘western cultural globalization’. In this respect, I try to analyse why the Islamists are opposed to ‘western cultural globalization’. Finally, I also explain how Islamism, as a politico-ideological project of populist mobilization is facing a crisis in contemporary India and Bangladesh.
43
Herzog, Lisa Maria. "Inventing the market. Smith, Hegel and political theory." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:39eb8122-b2a3-4070-8fc2-12ed6e5568cc.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyses the constructions of the market in the thought of Adam Smith and Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel and their relevance for contemporary political philosophy. Combining the history of ideas with systematic analysis, it contrasts Smith’s view of the market as a benevolently designed ‘contrivance of nature’ with Hegel’s view of the market as a ‘relic of the state of nature.’ In two interpretative chapters these two constructions of the market are discussed within the contexts of Smith’s and Hegel’s thought. In three systematic chapters, the relevance of these different constructions for the problems of identity and community, social justice, and different notions and dimensions of freedom is discussed. The first of these chapters argues that the conceptualization of the labour market as a market place for human capital or as a locus for the development of a professional ethos has a deep impact on how one thinks about the relation between individual and community, cutting across the debate between liberals and communitarians. The second systematic chapter shows that the market can be seen either as an instrument for addressing issues of social justice or as an institution against which social justice needs to be realized: for Smith, who thinks that free markets reward virtue and equalize income, it is the former, whereas for Hegel, who holds that free markets lead to unpredictable results and exacerbate social differences, it is the latter. The third systematic chapter addresses the relation between different aspects of liberty and the market. It shows that the market offers both chances and risks for liberty in the sense of individual autonomy, and analyses the relations of the market to positive liberty in a political sense. The concluding chapter draws some broader methodological lessons, arguing for a closer integration of economic and political theory at a ‘less-ideal’ level.
44
Al, Kharusi Raiya. "Ideologies of Arab media and politics : a critical discourse analysis of Al Jazeera debates on the Yemeni Revolution." Thesis, University of Hertfordshire, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2299/17659.
Full textAbstract:
Critical discourse analysis investigates the ways in which discourse is to abuse power relationships. Political debates constitute discourses that mirror certain aspects of ideologies. This study aimed to uncover the ideological intentions in the formulation and circulation of hegemonic political ideology in TV political debates that occurred in the 2011-2012 Yemen revolution, examining the question of how ideology was used as a tool of hegemony. The corpus of the study consisted of fifteen debates (73915 words) from four live debate programmes (The Opposite Direction, In Depth, Behind the News and the Revolution Talk) staged at Al Jazeera Arabic TV channel between 2011 and 2012. Al Jazeera was selected as the focus of this study because of its position as the most popular TV in the Arab world and due to its strong presence during the Arab revolutions. Two debate sides were identified: government, representing the president Ali Abdullah Saleh and his regime, and protesters, who represented the discontent populace gathering squares who demanded the abdication of the president. Data were also obtained from interviews conducted with the Al Jazeera staff who managed the debates. Analysis was conducted on the verbal discourse aspects of four debates, one debate from each programme, using critical discourse analysis: aspects from the van Leeuwen's (2008, 2009) Social Actor Network model, supplemented by additional linguistic features. The results were triangulated using computer-assisted corpus analysis for the entire corpus, the fifteen debates. AntConc (version 3.2.4w) was used to process the keyword lists, word concordances and collocations. The results of the analysis were then compared with the interviews with AJ staff. The main research finding was that although results of the critical discourse analysis correlated with those of the computer-assisted corpus analysis, they differed to a marked degree from the perceptions of Al Jazeera staff. Also, evident is that Al Jazeera and the protesters had similar ideological intentions, including glorifying the revolution and inciting protests, which was not the case with the government speakers. Overall, the findings show that Al Jazeera displayed evident bias, excluding the government from its debates in a way that runs counter to its mission statement and the tenets of objective journalism. The findings of this study illustrate the powerful role that language plays in shaping ideological media intentions and influencing the media audience.
45
Nordhag, Anders. "War, Peace and Ideologies : Approaching peace in war through Democratic Confederalism and the war in Rojava." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-162558.
Full textAbstract:
Traditionally, war and peace have been approached as incompatible entities; where war and violence are present, peace has been assumed to be absent. Recent studies of peace in conflict have started to undermine this assumption, since expressions of peace and attempts at building peace have been found among individuals and communities entangled in violent conflicts. This thesis explores peace in war via democratic confederalism, an ideology that is being implemented in northern Syria. An ideational analysis is used to approach the ideology, which is later compared with an analytical framework developed from liberal and critical peacebuilding to explore democratic confederalism’s similarities and deviations in regard to the two theories. Afterwards, the findings are analysed in the context of northern Syria. The study shows that there are several intersections between aspects of critical peacebuilding and democratic confederalism. Discussed through the war in northern Syria and it is argued that the self-defence part of democratic confederalism has taken a prominent and necessary role, but one that might obscure the aspects of democratic confederalism that are peace-conducive. The research paper concludes that while this might make democratic confederalism as a whole appear less peaceful, it should be understood through the context of war and aspects that contribute to peace should be interpreted as expressions of peace in violent conflict.
46
Annison, Harry. "Dangerous politics : an interpretive political analysis of the imprisonment for public protection sentence, 2003-2008." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:73c4f0dc-b86f-4d02-a380-0ae97d3974b4.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis constitutes a detailed historical reconstruction of the creation, contestation and subsequent amendment of the Imprisonment for Public Protection sentence, the principal ‘dangerous offender’ measure of the Criminal Justice Act 2003. Underpinned by an interpretive political analysis of penal politics, the thesis draws on a detailed analysis of relevant documents and 53 interviews with national level, policy-oriented actors. The thesis explores how actors’ conceptions of ‘risk’ and ‘the public’ interwove with the political beliefs and political traditions relied upon by the relevant actors. It is argued that while there was general recognition of a ‘real problem’ existing in relation to dangerous offenders, the central actors in the creation of the IPP sentence crucially lacked a detailed understanding of the state of the art of risk assessment and management (Kemshall, 2003) and failed to appreciate the systemic risks posed by the IPP sentence. The creation of the IPP sentence, as with its subsequent amendment, is argued to highlight the extreme vulnerability felt by many government actors. The efforts of interest groups and other pressure participants to have their concerns addressed regarding the systemic and human damage subsequently caused by the under-resourcing of the IPP sentence is explored, and the challenge of stridently arguing for substantial change while maintaining ‘insider’ status is discussed. As regards senior courts’ efforts to rein in the IPP sentence, it is argued that the increasingly conservative nature of the judgments demonstrate that the judiciary are not immune from the creep of a ‘precautionary logic’ into British penal politics. Regarding the amendment of the IPP sentence, the Ministry of Justice’s navigation between the twin dangers of a systemic crisis and a political crisis are explored. In conclusion, the IPP story is argued to demonstrate a troubling ‘thoughtlessness’ by many of the key policymakers, revealing what is termed the ‘banality of punitiveness.’ The potential for a reliance on political beliefs and traditions to slip into this thoughtless state, and possible ways of ensuring that such policy issues are engaged with in a more inclusive and expansive manner, are discussed.
47
Diaz, Sierra Sergio Pablo. "The Role of Coherence in the Development of Ideologies: A Case Study of Conservative Thought on Immigration from 1995 to 2000." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1498134096975532.
Full text
48
Tassiopoulos, Georges. "Le centre droit français et grec : l'UMP et la ND." Thesis, Paris Est, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PEST0058.
Full textAbstract:
L'objectif de cette thèse est la comparaison de deux partis politiques en France et en Grèce,de l'UMP et de la ND, tous les deux membres du PPE au parlement européen. Ils représentent dans les deux cas le centre droit et couvre la période de 2002 à 2009.Elle comprend quatre volets : celui de la création de l'UMP et de la ND ; celui de leur organisation ; leur volet idéologique, et ces deux partis face à des échéances électorales, en insistant à chaque fois sur leurs similitudes et leurs différences.En même temps, par le biais de ces deux partis politiques, elle permet la comparaison de deux régimes politiques : de la Ve République Française et de la IIIe République Hellénique, ainsi que les systèmes des élites en France et en GrèceThe subject of this thesis is the comparison of two political parties in France and in Greece, the UMP and the ND, from 2002 until 2009, both members of the EEP in the European parliament and representing, in both cases, the centre-right.This comparison of similarities and differences between the UMP and the ND is based on four main issues: their creation, their organization, their ideology as well as some electoral campaigns.In the same time, the study of two political parties allows the comparison of two political regimes: the Fifth French Republic and the Third Hellenic one, as well as the elite systems in France and in Greece
49
Amat, Francesc. "Redistribution in parliamentary democracies : the role of second-dimensional identity politics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7dad5a35-916a-444a-baa3-68d1e23f9bcc.
Full textAbstract:
In this dissertation I explore the redistributive effects of second-dimensional identity politics in parliamentary democracies. Specifically, I focus on parties’ electoral incentives to manipulate the salience of the territorial-identity cleavage. My main argument is that a greater electoral salience of the second dimension distorts the nature of redistributive outcomes. Although the redistributive effects of second dimensions of political competition have been explored in majoritarian democracies, much less is known about their effects in democracies with proportional representation (PR). The dissertation brings “bad news” in that regard: when the territorial second dimension is salient, it is no longer true that parliamentary democracies with proportional electoral systems redistribute more –which is the prevalent view in the existing literature. In fact, the so called “left-bias” of PR systems vanishes when the territorial-identity cleavage is politically activated. This key insight therefore offers a fundamental qualification to the institutionalism literature, by making an effort to understand the way in which regional diversity interacts with institutions through multidimensional political competition. The dissertation is divided in two parts: one theoretical and one empirical. First, I develop a formal model that illustrates the way in which parties’ second-dimension electoral incentives affect both the electoral stage and the subsequent post-electoral coalition bargaining among parties in national parliaments. The reason is that both right-wing and regionalist parties have incentives to increase the salience of the second dimension at the electoral stage to attract voters, and subsequently the coalition bargaining among parties in parliaments offers new opportunities for legislative coalitions. In the second part of the dissertation, I test the empirical implications at the macro-level, the meso-level and the individual-level. The main empirical results can be summarised as follows. First, I present empirical evidence according to which the legislative salience of the second dimension induces a negative effect on redistribution and a positive effect on the regionalisation of public policy. Second, I provide evidence which shows that both right-wing and regionalist parties strategically increase the electoral salience of the second dimension when they are “losers” on the first dimension. Finally, I illustrate the way in which the salience of the second dimension affects the formation of individual preferences for redistribution. In sum, this dissertation provides new arguments and empirical evidence that demonstrates how second dimensional politics can have profound redistributive consequences in parliamentary democracies.
50
Elefelt, Alexander. "Den lokala ideologin : - En analys av Falupartiets ideologi." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Sociologi, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-27962.
Full textAbstract:
Falupartiet anser sig själva att inte styras av någon av de klassiska ideologierna, de anser då att de styrs av något annat som har att göra med vad som är det bästa för Falu kommun, men vad betyder det och vad innebär det ideologiskt? Det bör innebära att Falupartiet är styrda av en lokal ideologi? Syftet med denna uppsats är att analysera fram Falupartiets lokala ideologi för att skapa en större förståelse för den. Uppsatsens frågeställningar vill besvara vilka av de klassiska ideologierna som styr de nationella partierna som även styr Falupartiet, även om Falupartiet förnekar sig styrda av dem. Frågeställningarna vill även undersöka om det kan finnas spår av lokalpopulistiska drag i att endast påstå sig styras av lokala intressen. Detta kommer att göras med en kvalitativ diskursanalytisk metod och med hjälp av teorier om ideologisk analys där ideologin delas upp i huvudpunkter för att analyseras separat. Analysen kommer att göras endast på Falupartiets textmaterial från deras hemsida. Analysresultaten visar att Falupartiets ideologi innehåller en stor blandning av flera olika ideologier vilket samtidigt kan ses som populistiskt. Falupartiet har ingen extrem ideologi men deras ideologiska kärna bör ses som högerkonservativ, med vissa populistiska drag.The local Falun party is claiming not to be steered by any of the classical ideologies that the national parties have, they claim that they are steered by something else that has to do with what is the best for Falun community, but what does that mean and what kind of ideology is that about? It must be some kind of local ideology? The purpose of this paper is to analyse the Falunparty’s ideology to create a bigger understanding about it. It will do that thru the method of discourse analysis and with help of theories about ideological analysis where you separate the ideology into different headlines. And this analyse will only be done on the Faluparty’s text material from their website. The questionnaire’s in this paper wants to answer to what kind of ideology the local ideology is made of by comparing it to the national classical ideologies that the party is claiming not to be steered by. This paper is also questioning if this local ideology has populistic undertones. The results show that the Faluparty has a mix of all kinds of ideologies, which in itself can be seen as populistic. They do not have any extreme ideology, but their primary ideological nature is slightly right-wing conservative, thus with a populistic behaviour.