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1

G., G., and Andrew Vincent. "Modern Political Ideologies." Philosophical Quarterly 43, no. 172 (July 1993): 400. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2219917.

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2

Tolpygo, A. K. "Ukrainian Political Ideologies." Russian Social Science Review 36, no. 5 (September 1995): 34–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rss1061-1428360534.

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3

Tolpygo, A. K. "Ukrainian Political Ideologies." Russian Politics & Law 33, no. 2 (March 1995): 55–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rup1061-1940330255.

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4

Chen, Chiung Hwang, and Ethan Yorgason. "Framing Political Ideologies." Media Asia 34, no. 1 (January 2007): 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2007.11726843.

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5

Armstrong, Gordon S. "Political and Practical Ideologies." Performing Arts Journal 15, no. 1 (January 1993): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3245795.

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6

Chin, M. K., Donald C. Hambrick, and Linda K. Treviño. "Political Ideologies of CEOs." Administrative Science Quarterly 58, no. 2 (April 15, 2013): 197–232. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0001839213486984.

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7

Charney, Evan. "Genes and Ideologies." Perspectives on Politics 6, no. 2 (June 2008): 299–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592708080626.

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AbstractThere is a trend among behavioral scientists to view ever more complex attitudes or systems of belief as in some sense genetically determined (or “heritable”). Consistent with this trend is the recent article of Alford, Funk, and Hibbing titled “Are Political Orientations Genetically Transmitted?” in which the authors claim to have demonstrated that when it comes to the transmission of political ideologies, genes count for more than environment. Their article has received an enormous amount of attention among political scientists and in the popular press. I critically evaluate the research technique on the basis of which the authors' support their claims and argue that it suffers from significant methodological flaws. Such flaws notwithstanding, I demonstrate that the authors' data do not clearly support their conclusions. I then question the cogency, from an historical and theoretical perspective, of proposing the existence of “liberal” and “conservative” “phenotypes” and “genotypes.” My argument has implications beyond the findings of Alford, Funk, and Hibbing, and applies to all studies that claim to have demonstrated the heritability of complex and politically relevant attitudes.
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8

Singleton, Shermichael V., and Andrew Honeycutt. "Utilizing Political Ideologies To Market A Political Candidate." Journal of Business & Economics Research (JBER) 10, no. 1 (February 6, 2012): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jber.v10i1.6796.

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This article explores the reductionist approach of political ideologies as used by political candidates, which is part of the common feature of political marketing. Understanding the value or belief system which is accepted as fact or truth by the targeted group, places the candidate in a position to promote them self as a well-intentioned, committed leader who seeks to motivate the audience to action. Modern marketing of political candidates begins by understanding central concepts of ideologies. The utilization of ideologies is complex, in that there is no single concept or claim revealing surprising affinities with various images of the candidate. It also has distinctive function, by misrepresenting the totality of the ideology by forming a total belief in the candidate versus the ideology in a particular way. People must commit or surrender to the demands of the candidate, thus making it possible for the candidate to get elected. The branding of the candidate while utilizing political ideologies in part disables people from easily disregarding information perceived to be antithetical to the concepts of the ideology (Quelch, 2007).
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9

Bystydzienski, Jill M., Nickie Charles, and Helen Hintjens. "Gender, Ethnicity and Political Ideologies." Contemporary Sociology 29, no. 2 (March 2000): 408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2654443.

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10

Scheerer, Sebastian. "Political ideologies and drug policy." European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research 1, no. 1 (March 1993): 94–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02249526.

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11

Webber, David, Arie Kruglanski, Erica Molinario, and Katarzyna Jasko. "Ideologies that justify political violence." Current Opinion in Behavioral Sciences 34 (August 2020): 107–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cobeha.2020.01.004.

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12

Petkova, Tatyana V. "Philosophy of Political Ideologies and Trends or What is Political Philosophy?" Open journal for Studies in Philosophy 6, no. 2 (December 30, 2022): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.ojsp.0602.04073p.

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This study aims to recall the ideas and activities in the field of political philosophy. It is one of the so-called “practical perspectives of philosophical knowledge”, along with those such as the philosophy of law, social philosophy, ethics, aesthetics, etc. At the basis of the way of construction and reflection in our societies, the social-political-cultural structure are different ideas and religions, and in practice, in modern reality, they are expressed in political ideologies, stereotypes, reminiscences, etc. The structure of the article is: Introduction. “What is political philosophy?”; Philosophy of political ideologies and trends; Political ideologies in the conditions of globalization; Instead of a conclusion. The political ideologies in the conditions of globalization.
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13

Tarasov, Ilya N., and Egor S. Kel'. "RIGHT-WING RADICAL IDEOLOGEMS IN THE POLITICS OF SOUTH AMERICAN STATES." Vestnik of Immanuel Kant Baltic Federal University Series Humanities and social science, no. 2 (2023): 80–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/sikbfu-2023-2-8.

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The purpose of the study is to determine the influence of right-wing radical ideologies on political processes in South America. Right-wing radicalism has a long history of presence in the political reality of South American states. Having gone a long way from the usual ideas and concepts of the continental elites to the organization of right-wing radical political forces, right-wing ideologemes have become entrenched in the public consciousness of the societies of South American countries. We relied on a synthesized approach to the "ideologeme" through the concept of the morphology of ideologies by M. Frieden and the theories of "de-ideologi­zation" by D. Bell and S. Lipset. Methods of regional and binary synchronous comparison ma­de it possible to establish indicators of the influence of right-wing radical ideologemes, as well as to record similarities and the most significant differences in individual country cases. An analysis of the structure and state of the party systems of the states of the region made it pos­sible to determine the degree of influence of right-wing radical ideologies on the political pro­cesses. Among the most significant causes of ideological radicalization in South America, we have identified cultural, historical, and socio-economic factors.
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14

Orazani, Seyed Nima, Michael J. A. Wohl, and Bernhard Leidner. "Perceived normalization of radical ideologies and its effect on political tolerance and support for freedom of speech." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 23, no. 8 (December 2020): 1150–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430220943265.

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Two studies tested the idea that perceived normalization of radical political ideologies (right and left) reduces support for freedom of speech of the opponents and political tolerance. In Study 1 ( N = 633), Americans were primed with the normalization of the radical right or left. Primed with the normalization of radical outgroup ideologies, both liberals and conservatives were more willing to restrict their opponents’ freedom of speech and were more politically intolerant – effects that were mediated by collective angst. Study 2 ( N = 632) replicated the results of Study 1 and extended them by showing that both conservatives and liberals worried about the image of their party not when they were exposed to the normalization of radical ingroup ideologies, but when they were exposed to the normalization of radical outgroup ideologies. These results suggest that perceived normalization of radical ideologies affects people’s attitudes towards freedom of speech and political (in)tolerance.
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15

Beecher, Lloyd N., and M. A. Riff. "The Dictionary of Modern Political Ideologies." International Journal of African Historical Studies 22, no. 1 (1989): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219233.

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16

Bonica, Adam, Adam S. Chilton, and Maya Sen. "The Political Ideologies of American Lawyers." Journal of Legal Analysis 8, no. 2 (October 13, 2015): 277–335. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jla/lav011.

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17

Simon, Joshua. "Institutions, Ideologies, and Comparative Political Theory." Perspectives on Politics 18, no. 2 (June 27, 2019): 423–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592719001178.

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The growing prominence of comparative political theory has inspired extensive and fruitful methodological reflection, raising important questions about the procedures that political theorists should apply when they select texts for study, interpret their passages, and assess their arguments. But, notably, comparative political theorists have mainly rejected the comparative methods used in the subfield of comparative politics, because they argue that applying the comparative method would compromise both the interpretive and the critical projects that comparative political theory should pursue. In this article, I describe a comparative approach for the study of political ideas that offers unique insight into how the intellectual and institutional contexts that political thinkers occupy influence their ideas. By systematically describing how political thinking varies across time and over space in relation to the contexts within which political thinkers live and work, the comparative method can serve as the foundation for both deconstructive critiques, which reveal the partial interests that political ideas presented as universally advantageous actually serve, and reconstructive critiques, which identify particular thinkers or traditions of political thought that, because of the contexts in which they developed, offer compelling critical perspectives on existing political institutions.
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18

van Prooijen, Jan-Willem, and André P. M. Krouwel. "Psychological Features of Extreme Political Ideologies." Current Directions in Psychological Science 28, no. 2 (January 29, 2019): 159–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963721418817755.

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In this article, we examine psychological features of extreme political ideologies. In what ways are political left- and right-wing extremists similar to one another and different from moderates? We propose and review four interrelated propositions that explain adherence to extreme political ideologies from a psychological perspective. We argue that (a) psychological distress stimulates adopting an extreme ideological outlook; (b) extreme ideologies are characterized by a relatively simplistic, black-and-white perception of the social world; (c) because of such mental simplicity, political extremists are overconfident in their judgments; and (d) political extremists are less tolerant of different groups and opinions than political moderates. In closing, we discuss how these psychological features of political extremists increase the likelihood of conflict among groups in society.
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19

Карчагин, Evgeniy Karchagin, Гапоненко, and Stanislav Gaponenko. "Political justice as an axiological principle of political ideologies." Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 11, no. 2 (April 29, 2016): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/19376.

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The article analyzes the correlation between the political justice as a fundamental social and political value and political ideologies. The main historical stages of the development of «ideology» notion are defined. Political justice is broadly understood as the proper measure of distribution of political goods and it forms the ideal of social order, which regulates the relations of social subjects concerning the public authority. At the same time the forming of social ideal is one of the main aims of political ideologies. The mentioned conclusions allow to interpret «political justice» as a fundamental axiological principle which proves the definite ideal of socio-political order. It is urged to regulate the social subject’s relationship concerning public authority.
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20

Issoui, Lamitta. "Examining How Art Reflects and Challenges Political Ideologies and Power Structures in Lebanon." International Journal of Arts, Recreation and Sports 1, no. 1 (July 3, 2023): 9–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.47941/ijars.1332.

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Purpose: The aim of this study was to examine how art reflects and challenges political ideologies and power structures in Lebanon. Methodology: The study adopted a desktop research methodology. Desk research refers to secondary data or that which can be collected without fieldwork. Desk research is basically involved in collecting data from existing resources hence it is often considered a low-cost technique as compared to field research, as the main cost is involved in executive’s time, telephone charges and directories. Thus, the study relied on already published studies, reports and statistics. This secondary data was easily accessed through the online journals and library. Findings: The findings revealed that there exists a contextual and methodological gap relating to how art reflects and challenges political ideologies and power structures in Lebanon. Preliminary empirical review revealed the impact of politically charged artworks on public attitudes and political participation is enormous. The researchers conducted a survey with a diverse sample of participants who viewed politically themed artworks and measured their attitudes and behavioral intentions. The study found that exposure to politically charged artworks led to more critical attitudes towards existing political ideologies and increased participants' willingness to engage in political activities. Recommendations: The Cultural Hegemony, Critical Theory and Visual Culture Theory may be used to anchor future studies on how art reflects and challenges political ideologies and power structures in Lebanon. Governments, institutions, and societies should actively encourage artistic freedom and support a diverse range of artistic expressions. This will ensure that different political ideologies and perspectives are represented in the artistic landscape, fostering a more inclusive and nuanced discourse. Additionally, public institutions, galleries, and museums should strive to create accessible and engaging experiences for the public to interact with political art. This can include exhibitions, workshops, and public discussions that stimulate dialogue and promote critical thinking about the relationships between art, politics, and power.
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21

Clegg, Stewart R., Nicholas Abercrombie, Stephen Hill, and Bryan S. Turner. "Dominant Ideologies." British Journal of Sociology 43, no. 4 (December 1992): 683. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/591347.

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22

Komarov, Andrei N. "THE ROLE OF POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES IN THE MODERN CANADA. IS THEIR SIGNIFICANCE GROWING OR FALLING?" RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 4 (2020): 176–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2020-4-176-185.

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The article reveals an evolution of political ideologies in Canada in 1993–2019. Following the Russian and foreign historiography, as well as the election programs of Conservatives and Liberals, the author analyzes the influence of political ideologies on the voting of Canadian voters in parliamentary elections in the late 20th – early 21st centuries. The author of the article comes to the conclusion that Canada is still a country committed to political ideologies. He also considers as unacceptable the thesis about an absence of ideologies in Canada within the existing post-industrial society. The author believes that the model for political development of Canada, laid down in the second half of the 19th century by the founders of the state, is still effective at the present time. In a post-industrial society, Canada clearly follows national traditions based on previously developed political ideologies. That is what constitutes the foundation for the rule-of-law state and civil society in Canada. The author emphasizes that, despite the activities of other political movements, conservative and liberal ideologies represent the leading directions of the state development in Canada. Other political ideologies, like social democracy, are largely secondary and do not determine the present and future of the Canadian state.
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23

Loughlin, Martin. "Law, Ideologies, and the Political-Administrative System." Journal of Law and Society 16, no. 1 (1988): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1409975.

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24

McDonough, Peter. "Compliance Ideologies: Rethinking Political Culture.Richard W. Wilson." Journal of Politics 55, no. 3 (August 1993): 847–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2132019.

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25

Hwang, Hye-Won. "Contact Improvisation Touch and Hidden Political Ideologies." Korean Journal of Dance Studies 61, no. 4 (September 2016): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.16877/kjds.61.4.201609.1.

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26

Tawiah, Vincent Konadu, Evans John Barnes, and Abdulrasheed Zakari. "Does Aid Effectiveness Differ per Political Ideologies?" International Economic Journal 33, no. 2 (April 3, 2019): 270–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10168737.2019.1609063.

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27

Bogason, Peter. "Book Review: Compliance Ideologies. Rethinking Political Culture." International Review of Administrative Sciences 59, no. 3 (September 1993): 494–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002085239305900308.

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28

Masuoka, Natalie. "Political Attitudes and Ideologies of Multiracial Americans." Political Research Quarterly 61, no. 2 (February 9, 2008): 253–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912907313209.

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29

Finlayson, Alan. "Rhetoric and the Political Theory of Ideologies." Political Studies 60, no. 4 (May 10, 2012): 751–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2012.00948.x.

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30

KENNY, MICHAEL. "Introduction: Exploring ‘the utopian’ in political ideologies." Journal of Political Ideologies 12, no. 3 (October 2007): 211–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569310701622077.

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31

Kendall, Jeremy, and Nicholas Deakin. "Editorial: Political ideologies and the third sector." Journal of Political Ideologies 15, no. 3 (October 2010): 221–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2010.513645.

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32

Hazareesingh, Sudhir. "Ideologies and political theory: A conceptual approach." History of European Ideas 23, no. 1 (January 1997): 45–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0191-6599(97)82719-2.

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33

Bhandari, Avishek, Joanna Golden, and Maya Thevenot. "CEO political ideologies and auditor-client contracting." Journal of Accounting and Public Policy 39, no. 5 (September 2020): 106755. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jaccpubpol.2020.106755.

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34

SQAPI, Gerti. "Who Needs Ideologies in Albanian Politics?" Polis 19, no. 1 (2020): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.58944/hmrk5161.

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One of the main features that has characterized the Albanian political scene during these three decades of democratization, has been the problematic relationship that political parties have had with political ideologies as a linkage mechanism to mobilize their electorate and secure votes in elections. The relationship of Albanian political parties with certain political ideologies can be described as a strained and problematic. This has happened because such ideologies have either remained too “tight” to the suit of action or policies that our parties undertook when they were in power, or because political ideologies have not served these parties as an effective instrument, or as a linkage mechanism, to attract votes from the Albanian electorate. In this sense, this paper argues that Albanian political parties have increasingly relied on nonideological instruments and strategies to guarantee what is the main goal of political parties in every country: securing votes in elections. The aim of this paper is to address the causes of the problem of de-ideologization of Albanian political parties, seeing this as a problem that relates and reflects the social structure of Albanian society during the period of its democratization after the ‘90s.
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35

Laitin, David D., and Aaron Wildavsky. "Political Culture and Political Preferences." American Political Science Review 82, no. 2 (June 1988): 589–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1957403.

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Aaron Wildavsky has argued that it is theoretically more useful to think of political preferences as rooted in political culture than to entertain alternative bases such as schemas or ideologies. In the APSA presidential address in which he made his case, Wildavsky also advocated a program of research on political cultures, and welcomed “challenges and improvements.” David Laitin accepts the invitation; he variously takes issue with Wildavsky's concept of political culture.
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36

Al Amery, Amer Sagheer Allwan. "A Critical Discourse Analysis of Ideology and Power Relations in a Political Interview." Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 5, no. 9 (August 28, 2023): 01–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2023.5.9.1.

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Political interviews are important political actions that are conducted to explain the political trends, actions, views and stances. They are usually embedded with covert and overt political ideologies that aim to affect others' political positions, stances and shape public opinions. The researcher tries to detect the ideologies and power relations manifested during a prewar on Iraq interview conducted on BBC with British Prime Minister Tony Blair. The researcher uses Wodak's (2015) critical discourse approach as a framework for the analysis with the aim of raising the awareness of the readers of the ideologies and power relations in such interviews. The results show the existence of a dynamic, powerful interaction as both sides use whatever power resources they have to dominate the interaction, exercising power and perpetuating their political ideologies.
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37

Robison, Shea K. "The political implications of epigenetics." Politics and the Life Sciences 35, no. 2 (2016): 30–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pls.2016.14.

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Background. Epigenetics, which is just beginning to attract public attention and policy discussion, challenges conventional understanding of gene-environment interaction and intergenerational inheritance and perhaps much more besides.Question. Does epigenetics challenge modern political ideologies?Methods.I analyzed the narratives of obesity and epigenetics recently published in the more liberalNew York Timesand the more conservativeWall Street Journal. For the years 2010 through 2014, 50 articles on obesity and 29 articles on epigenetics were identified, and elements in their causal narratives were quantitatively analyzed using a well described narrative policy framework.Findings.The narratives on obesity aligned with the two newspapers’ reputed ideologies. However, the narratives on epigenetics aligned with neither ideology but freely mixed liberal and conservative elements.Discussion.This small study may serve as a starting point for broader studies of epigenetics as it comes to affect political ideologies and, in turn, public policies. The narrative mix reported here could yet prove vulnerable to ideological capture, or, more optimistically, could portend the emergence of a “third-way” narrative using epigenetics to question atomistic individualism and allowing for less divisiveness in public-health domains such as obesity.
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White, Jonathan. "Europeanizing ideologies." Journal of European Public Policy 27, no. 9 (April 24, 2020): 1287–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2020.1753799.

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39

Dvorak, Kevin. "Reelpolitik: Political Ideologies in '30s and '40s Films, and: Reelpolitik II: Political Ideologies in '50s and '60s Films (review)." Film & History: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Film and Television Studies 35, no. 2 (2005): 92–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/flm.2005.0035.

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40

Trunov, Anatoly Anatolyevich, and Evgeny Vladimirovich Ryndin. "Ideologies and political religions in the modern society." KANT 40, no. 3 (March 2021): 173–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.24923/2222-243x.2021-40.32.

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The purpose of the study is to reveal the specifics of the functioning of ideologies and political religions in modern society. The article examines primary sources and modern publications on ideologies and political religions. The scientific novelty lies in the fact that the classical tradition of studying ideology as a kind of false consciousness and, at the same time, as a strategy of social hegemony in modern society is reconstructed; a rational explanation of the circumstances under which Conservatism, Liberalism, Marxism arose as three fundamental answers to questions about changes, values and power; the essence of civil and totalitarian religions as forms of secondary sacralization of institutions, values and collective political subjects is determined. As a result, the similarities and differences of ideologies and political religions in modern society were revealed.
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41

Skrynnikova, T. D. "Ethnicity in Contemporary Buryat Political Ideology." Inner Asia 5, no. 2 (2003): 119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/146481703793647307.

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AbstractThis paper looks at the role of ethnicity in post-socialist political ideologies in Russia. It offers an examination of the language of nationalist and other political discourse in Buryatia and the ways in which post-socialist ideologies are largely a result of Soviet-era policies. In doing so, it examines the resurgence of Buryat ethnicity and argues that the ethnos has highly developed adaptive capabilities: it does not adapt only to its environment, but it adapts reality to its needs. The Buryat case can also been seen as providing a more general example of the formation of a political culture.
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Саворская, Екатерина. "Shades of Green: Environmentalism in Classical Political Ideologies." Полис. Политические исследования, no. 6 (November 16, 2015): 103–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17976/jpps/2015.06.11.

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43

Busoi, Cristian Silviu. "Health Systems and the Influence of Political Ideologies." Management in Health 14, no. 2 (June 30, 2010): 4–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.5233/mih.2010.0009.

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44

Nasution, Nasution. "Proposing Indonesia History Teaching that Transcends Political Ideologies." Indonesian Historical Studies 6, no. 1 (June 4, 2022): 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v6i1.13571.

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The teaching of Indonesian history, in many cases in school, remains dominated by history of politics and political indoctrination, underscoring the need for critical and holistic learning. This paper aims to analyze the Indonesian National History textbooks used in schools, and to examine the possibility of teaching Indonesian history that goes beyond political indoctrination and is holistic. The method used in this paper is the analysis of an Indonesian National History textbooks that have been used as the main textbook for the history subject in schools. The teaching of Indonesian history in schools is still dominated by a single version of historical events. The narratives of Indonesian history lessons often ignore different perspectives, or other aspects of historical events that are of interest. Indonesian history does not only belong to the winners. A holistic approach to the teaching of history is expected to help enrich students' knowledge of past events and provide a clearer picture of the history of a multicultural society. For example, a discussion of the Benteng economic policy should not only revolve around the points of view of one ethnic group and ignore the suffering of others. In other cases, discussions on the PKI revolt often neglect human rights aspects, et cetera. Not only should students gain knowledge about past events based on the dominant interpretations, but are also exposed to the narratives of marginalized people. Not only that, history lessons should also cover aspects that include arts, literature, painting, music and other cultural products. In the end, a holistic approach enriches students’ understanding of a historical event, foster a positive attitude and inspire them to learn about stories that have been under-heard or deliberately marginalized.
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45

Bazhanov, Valentin A. "Political Ideologies through the Lens of Modern Neuroscience." Epistemology & Philosophy of Science 59, no. 1 (2022): 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/eps202259110.

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The article presents the standpoint that naturalistic tendencies in modern science, which are especially expressed in neuroscience, push up social knowledge toward the need to revise its attitudes and norms, which consist in consistent sociocentrism and biophobia, and, hence, a simplified understanding of the phenomenon of “genetic reductionism”. We show that the application of the methods of natural science to social disciplines often marked visible progress and even conceptual breakthroughs in their development. Achievements of modern neuroscience affect a traditional area of social and humanitarian knowledge as political science, which leads to the formation of an independent area of research – political neuroscience. Through the optics of this research, cognitive styles characteristic of individuals and social groups with different value orientations imply the dominance of certain ideological sympathies and antipathies, which attributed to the opposite poles of the ideological scale – liberalism and conservatism. Considerable empirical material allows us to conclude that these ideological positions are exist due to differences in their ontogenetic “foundations”, which allows us to develop I. Kant's ideas about a priorism and transcendentalism in the context of the Kantian research program in contemporary neuroscience. The result of the implementation of this program to the political sphere was the discovery of the genesis of political views, and the demonstration of the peculiarities of their dynamics. They are based on the difference in the activity of certain neural sets, which in their turn are influenced by culture and society, forming an integral system “brain – culture – society”, where each component of which affects other components. Features and changes in the socio-cultural context of the development of an individual or a group of people may have an effect upon the architectonics of the brain and shift, due to its plasticity, of the political views along the scale of ideologies “liberalism – conservatism”. At the same time, carriers of different cognitive styles and, therefore, with a sufficient degree of probability of ideological views, percept the world in which they live in differently, and evaluate its past and possible future in diverse ways.
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46

Garner, Robert. "Political ideologies and the moral status of animals." Journal of Political Ideologies 8, no. 2 (June 2003): 233–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569310306087.

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47

Zürn, Michael, and Pieter de Wilde. "Debating globalization: cosmopolitanism and communitarianism as political ideologies." Journal of Political Ideologies 21, no. 3 (July 13, 2016): 280–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2016.1207741.

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48

Hornsey, Richard. "Postmodern critiques: Foucault, Lyotard and modern political ideologies." Journal of Political Ideologies 1, no. 3 (October 1996): 239–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569319608420740.

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49

Sutherland, Robert D. "Hidden persuaders: Political ideologies in literature for children." Children's Literature in Education 16, no. 3 (September 1985): 143–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01141757.

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50

Webster, Craig, and Stanislav Ivanov. "Political ideologies as shapers of future tourism development." Journal of Tourism Futures 2, no. 2 (September 12, 2016): 109–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jtf-05-2015-0029.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to identify the link between political ideology and the management of tourism in countries. The authors stipulate that the predominant political ideology in the country influences the nature and logic of state interventions in the tourism industry. Design/methodology/approach The paper elaborates several case studies from various countries – Bulgaria, Cyprus, Scandinavia, Russia, USA, China, Japan, Indonesia, and North Korea. Findings Countries with predominant (neo)liberal ideology do not typically interfere in tourism regulation, while nationalism leads governments to stimulate inbound and domestic tourism. Communist ideological approaches tend to be burdensome, inhibiting growth while stressing the promotion of the socialist achievements of a country. Countries that are traditionally thought of as social democratic have been evolving in recent years to regulate tourism in ways that are more liberal in nature than social democratic. Practical implications Political ideologies shape the acceptability of government support for private tourist companies, legislation in field of tourism, limitation/stimulation of inbound/outbound tourist flows. For the future the authors expect greater politicisation of tourism, active tourism “wars” between countries, greater control of governments on populations, thriving nationalism, “aggressive” environmentalism. Originality/value This is one of the first papers to discuss the impact of the political ideology on the management of tourism at the national level.
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