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Chappell, Catherine. "Hannah Arendt and Her Turn From Political Journalist To Political Philosopher." Thesis, Boston College, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1323.
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Thesis advisor: Rodrigo Chacon<br>Thesis advisor: Susan Shell<br>In this thesis, I will explore the natural tension that exists between philosophy and politics; theory and practice, and thought and action, especially as manifest in contemporary society. In order to investigate this tension, I will use a lens presented by Hannah Arendt and her writings, in particular the Human Condition and the Jewish Writings . I will use these works to illustrate Arendt's own conflict between the role of politics and philosophy in human affairs as experienced in her transition from a political journalist to a political theorist. I will argue that a comparison of these works shows Arendt's struggle with the tension between philosophy and politics; thought and action, and theory and practice. A comparison of these works also illustrates Arendt's paradoxical conclusion of the Human Condition: that in times of unprecedented crisis, although theory and philosophy are precisely what are necessary to prevent further destruction and tragedy, they unfortunately become superfluous, and then immediate (even if groundless) action becomes necessarily the only human capacity that can "save" the world<br>Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2010<br>Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: Political Science
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Conway, Bethany Anne. "Networks of News Production: An Interdependent Approach to Understanding Journalist-Source Relations." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/577357.
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This investigation of the 2014 midterm election brings together research in communication, journalism, political science, and sociology. Incorporating concepts of interdependence through the application of social network analysis, I analyzed how journalists construct and utilize networks of news sources in election coverage. Survey results indicate that journalists use sources in a complementary fashion in order to fulfill their resource needs. Such perceptions are also dependent on aspects of the journalist, news norms, organizational pressures, and extra-media influences. Overall, source networks are strategically used to fulfill traditional journalistic norms of objectivity and credibility as well as economic and entertainment needs. Content analysis results suggest that, along with more traditional variables such as ownership and source type, networks characteristics also influence new outcomes, with higher network density resulting in increases in issue coverage. In other words, greater connections among sources may result in more substantive information being passed on to voters. For the field of communication, this study enhances our understanding of agenda building and framing by revealing (1) how journalists perceive their networks (networks to journalists), (2) how they translate real life networks into symbolic networks within news coverage (networks from journalists), (3) how source networks vary across time and election contexts (networks across time), and (4) how such networks influence coverage outcomes. It furthers our understanding of the role interdependence plays in news construction and suggests the incorporation of network concepts and measures will increase our understanding of the news production process.
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Hopper, Hannah. "Political Journalists Tweet About the Final 2016 Presidential Debate." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2018. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3402.
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Past research shows that journalists are gatekeepers to information the public seeks. Using the gatekeeping and agenda-setting theory, this study used a content analysis of tweets from political journalists during the final 2016 presidential debate to examine social media usage in efforts to convey information to followers and whether social media has allowed for journalists to present a more transparent view of candidates to the public. This study used feminist political theory to further analyze whether the tweets from political journalists portrayed Hillary Clinton, the female candidate, with stereotypical “female” traits, such as more emotional and more trustworthy. Applying these theories, this study found that political journalists use social media for personal uses and when discussing politics are still gatekeepers of information. When the debates were discussed, the study demonstrates there was little discussion via tweets of gendered traits and issues in regards to Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump.
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Hughes-Watkins, Lae'l I. "Fay M. Jackson: The Sociopolitical Narrative of a Pioneering African American Female Journalist." Youngstown State University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1213112337.
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Sesanti, Simphiwe Olicius. "The political role of black journalists in Post-apartheid South Africa : the case of the City Press – 1994 to 2004." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/17833.
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Thesis (PhD )--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigated the political role of the City Press. black journalists in post-apartheid
South Africa. Taking into consideration its ownership by a white media company, the study
investigated the role played by African cultural values in the execution of their tasks with a
particular focus on the period 1994 to 2004.
The interest in the role played by African cultural values in the execution of the City Press.
black journalists. tasks, and in the issue of the newspaper.s white ownership, was driven by
an observation that historically, the trajectory of black newspapers was to a great extent
influenced by the interests and values of the owners. The issue of ownership was of interest
also because the black political elite frequently accused black journalists in South Africa of
undermining the ANC government so as to please the white owners of the newspapers they
worked for.
Also, taking into consideration that the City Press played a conscious role in the struggle
against apartheid, the study sought to investigate the role the City Press defined for its
journalists in post-apartheid South Africa, specifically in the first decade after 1994.
Three theoretical frameworks were deemed applicable in this study, namely Liberal-
Pluralism, Political Economy, and Afrocentric theories on the media.s political role in
society. The first was chosen on the basis of its theorisation on the political role of the media.
The second was chosen on the basis of its analysis of the link between the performance of the
media and ownership, although that is not the only issue Political Economy deals with. The
third was chosen on the basis of its focus on African historical and cultural issues. The study
has employed qualitative research methods, namely content analysis and interviews. It has a
quantitative aspect in that it involved the counting of the City Press. editorials, columns and
opinion pieces, as an indication of how many journalistic pieces were analysed.
The period of this study ends in 2004 in the year that the City Press was re-launched as a
¡°Distinctly African¡± newspaper. The ¡°Distinctly African¡± concept had both cultural and
political implications for the City Press. journalists. This study covers some of these aspects
in a limited way since the research period ends in the year 2004.
The research found that in post-apartheid South Africa, the City Press. black journalists.
political role was to make sure that the objectives of the anti-apartheid struggle were
achieved. It also established that the City Press. black journalists executed their tasks
independently without interference from their newspaper.s white owners. The study also
established that some of the newspaper.s black journalists experienced tensions between what
they perceived as expectations of journalism and what they perceived as the prescriptions of
African culture.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie het die volgende ondersoek: die politieke rol van die City Press se swart
joernaliste in post-apartheid Suid-Afrika, die rol van Afrika-kulturele waardes in die
uitvoering van hul taak met 'n spesifieke fokus op die periode 1994 tot 2004, en die konteks
van die koerant as eiendom van 'n tradisionele wit media maatskappy.
Die belangstelling in die rol van Afrika-kulturele waardes in die uitvoering van die taak van
die City Press se swart joernaliste en die kwessie van die koerant se wit eienaarskap is gedryf
deur die waarneming dat, histories, swart koerante grotendeels beïnvloed is deur die belange
en waardes van die eienaars. Die kwessie van eienaarskap was ook van belang omdat die
politieke elite gereeld swart joernaliste beskuldig het dat hulle die ANC-regering ondermyn
om sodoende die wit eienaars van die publikasies vir wie hulle werk, tevrede te stel.
In ag geneem die feit dat die City Press 'n bewustelike rol in die struggle teen apartheid
gespeel het, het die studie ook die rol ondersoek wat die City Press vir sy joernaliste in post-apartheid
Suid-Afrika gedefinieer het, spesifiek in die eerste dekade ná 1994.
Drie teoretiese raamwerke is beskou as van belang vir hierdie studie, naamlik die Liberale-
Pluralisme, die Politieke Ekonomie en Afrosentriese teorieë oor die media se politieke rol in
die samelewing. Die studie het twee kwalitatiewe navorsingsmetodologieë gebruik, by name
inhoudsanalise en onderhoude. Daar was 'n kwantitatiewe aspek deurdat die City Press se
hoofartikels, rubrieke en meningstukke getel is as 'n aanduiding van hoeveel stukke
geanaliseer is.
Die navorsing het bevind dat die City Press se swart joernaliste hul politieke rol in post-apartheid
Suid-Afrika gesien het as om onder meer seker te maak dat die doelwitte van die
vryheidstryd bereik word. Die studie het ook vasgestel dat die City Press se swart joernaliste
hul taak onafhanklik en sonder inmenging van die koerant se wit eienaars kon doen. Ook is
bevind dat sommige van die koerant se swart joernaliste spanning ervaar tussen eise van die
joernalistiek en wat hulle beskou as voorskriftelikheid van Afrika-kulturele waardes.
Die tydperk van die studie eindig in 2004, die jaar waarin die City Press geloods is as 'n
"Distinctly African"-koerant. Die "Distinctly African"-konsep het beide kulturele en politieke
implikasies vir die City Press se joernaliste. Hierdie studie dek sommige van hierdie aspekte
in 'n beperkte mate aangesien die navorsingstydperk in 2004 eindig. Dit word voorgestel dat
meer navorsing gedoen word met spesifieke verwysing na die tydperk tussen 2004 en 2009,
die volgende vyf jaar van demokrasie in Suid-Afrika. In die politieke diskoers verwys die
swart politieke elite gereeld na Afrika-kultuur. Dit is nog 'n aspek wat toekomstige studies
kan ondersoek, naamlik die verhouding tussen joernalistieke waardes en praktyke aan die een
kant, en Afrika-kultuur aan die ander.<br>Stellenbosch University<br>Awqaf Foundation
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Voronova, Liudmila. "Gendering in political journalism : a comparative study of Russia and Sweden." Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-35797.
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The news media are expected to provide equal space to female and male political actors, promoting the idea of equal access to political power, since they are recognized as a holder of power with a social responsibility to respect gender equality. However, as previous research shows, political news coverage is characterized by so-called “gendered mediation” (Gidengil and Everitt 1999), i.e., gender imbalance, stereotypes, and a lack of discussions about gender inequality. Scholars point to media logic, organization, and individual characteristics of journalists as the main reasons for this pattern, but still very little is known about how and why gendered mediation is practiced and processed in political news. This dissertation focuses on gendering understood as the perceived imprint of gender on the media portrayal of politics and politicians, as well as the processes by which gendered representations materialize. By applying a perspective of comparative journalism culture studies (Hanitzsch 2007; Hanitzsch and Donsbach 2012), it examines the processes and modes of origin of gendering as they are perceived and experienced by journalists. The study is based on semi-structured interviews with 40 journalists working for the quality press in Russia and Sweden. The results show that the national culture of political journalism, and the context it is located within, are of crucial importance for understanding gendering and its modes of origin. Gendering may cause problems to the democratic development of society and the position of the quality press in it; however, it also offers a potential for promoting gender equality. The choice of the form of gendering does not fully depend on journalists. It depends on the contextual possibilities for journalists to fulfill the gender-ethical ideal of the quality outlet as long as they need to meet the demands of society and market, and to face the challenges of political communication.
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Bayar, Ekren Duygu. "The Practice Of Journalism In Turkey As To The Views Of Turkish Parliament Journalists." Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608082/index.pdf.
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Journalists&rsquo<br>commitment to an objective, impartial, balanced way of reporting and their respect for ethical norms are considered a vital prerequisite for democracy to be carried out. The general purpose of this thesis is to reveal whether established journalistic practices in Turkey are shaped through commonly acknowledged professional principles in a way that is compatible with democratic expectancies. In order to achieve this goal, a group of journalists were interviewed in the summer of 2003 who worked as parliament journalists at some time in their careers. They were asked several questions mainly concerning the factors that might have influence on the processes of news making with a special emphasis on the negative consequences of the complex structure of media-politics relationships. The analysis of the interviews reveals Turkish journalists&rsquo<br>views that journalism in Turkey is faced with serious problems and even may be characterized by a high degree of &ldquo<br>degeneration&rdquo<br>.
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Jansson, Hampus. "Journalistikens professionalisering och mediernas demokratiska roll? : En studie av journalistyrket som profession." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-65321.
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The modern environment regarding the media and its scenery has changed. Throughout time, in terms of political standpoint, the press seems to have become homogenous regarding both ownership and divergence; and while the link between politics and the press are seemingly decreasing, larger companies and corporate groups focusing primarily on economy and profit has conceivably taken over. Centrally located, enclosed by this phenomenon remain the journalists. An occupational group which in the name of democracy seems to have taken the initiative to survey and inspect society as a whole. This study aim to conceptualize how parts of this group are reflecting on their occupation, how they reflect on the media regarding its democratic value and foremost how journalists reflect on professionalized journalism in which they sustain to be working by. By examining articles of The Swedish Union of Journalist’s Journal Journalisten, which is examined using a content analysis, specifically Framing Theory and The Swedish Union of Journalist’s outset of 1972, findings suggest that the environment by which journalists are working in and their commitment to professionalized journalism appear to clash, which in terms of media as a whole make its democratic role rather uncertain.
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Jalli, Nuurrianti B. "Media and Politics: Students' Attitudes and Experts' Opinions Towards Citizen Journalism and Political Outcomes in Malaysia." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1503501829706421.
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Banning, Brenda. "Faculty attitudes toward the ideas and practices of public journalism." Virtual Press, 2001. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1221306.
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Gandari, Jonathan. "An examination of how organisational policy and news professionalism are negotiated in a newsroom: a case study of Zimbabwe's Financial gazette." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002884.
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The construction of journalistic professionalism in Zimbabwe has stirred debate among scholars. Critics have argued that professionalism has been compromised by the stifling media laws in Zimbabwe as well as the extra legal measures the state has enforced to control the press. Some have also argued that a new kind of journalism must be emerging in the Zimbabwean newsroom as journalism try to cope with the political and economic pressures bedeviling the country. Much of this criticism however, has not been based on close interrogation of professionalism from the perspective of the journalists in any particular newsroom. It is against this background that this study examines the constructions of professionalism at the Financial Gazette. In particular it explores the meaning of professionalism through interrogating the journalistic practices the journalists consider during the process of news production in the context of overwhelming state power. In undertaking this examination, the study draws primarily on qualitative research methods, particularly observation and multi-layered individual in-depth interviews. As the study demonstrates, the interrogation of professionalism from the perspective of newsroom practices uncovers the complex manner in which professionalism is negotiated in the Gazette’s newsroom located in a country undergoing transition in Democracy. The study establishes that when measured against normative canons of journalistic professionalism the Gazette is deviating from such tenets as public service and watchdog journalism. As the study indicates, perhaps unbeknown to the respondents, the ruling ZANU PF party hegemony is reproduced at the Gazette through choice of news values such as sovereignty and patriotism all euphemisms for ruling party‘s slogans.
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Geall, Samuel Paul. "Changing political climates : Chinese environmental journalism and sustainable development." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2014. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/changing-political-climates-chinese-environmental-journalism-and-sustainable-development(97f2393f-e26c-47e4-8062-c5a1dfcaf2b9).html.
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The phenomenon of human-caused climate change releases a “cosmopolitan imperative” (Beck 2010, 258) that demands cooperation across boundaries: national, scalar, temporal, epistemological and ontological (cf. Hulme 2010, Urry 2011). However, many of the approaches taken today only reinforce such distinctions: for example, by insisting on a universal scientific understanding of climate change as a basis for policy (Jasanoff 2010a). In the People’s Republic of China, the world’s largest emitter of carbon dioxide (PBL Netherlands Environmental Assessment Agency 2007), the new leadership has made “Beautiful China” and “Ecological Civilization” two of their most prominent official slogans and enshrined sustainable development as core state policy (Geall 2012, Geall and Hilton 2014). This drive for “low-carbon development,” like climate change more broadly, reveals a set of social, ecological and political concerns with interlocking, complex and uncertain dynamics. How we frame incomplete knowledge about such dynamic systems affects the political approaches that are taken to sustainability (Rittel and Webber 1973, Leach, Scoones and Stirling 2010). This dissertation uses ethnographic methods to investigate how Chinese environmental journalists make framing decisions around the science and politics of climate change. This reveals how reporters can find spaces for political engagement in a restrictive and changeable media and governance environment, one that not only reflects a changing history of attitudes towards the environment in China, but also an international arena dominated by technocratic and managerial approaches to sustainability. It finds that Chinese journalists have found sophisticated ways to map the complex interactions of human and natural systems presented by climate change – and have addressed uncertainties in a fashion that points towards more open and plural pathways to sustainability.
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Mayiga, John Bosco. "A study of professionalism and the professionalisation of journalists in Uganda from 1995 to 2008." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002916.
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This study seeks to examine how Ugandan journalists’ and politicians’ views on journalism professionalisation in Uganda relate to the broad theoretical arguments about professionalism within sociology and media studies. It also seeks to examine how such views impact on the democratic role of the media. The study finds out that there are two sets of distinct ideas on journalism professionalisation. The idea espoused by politicians is statutory professionalisation in which the state plays a major role through regulation and control, hence professionalisation is seen primarily as a control system. On the other hand, journalists perceive professionalisation as nurtured by voluntarily and socially inculcated professional values, hence as a value system. The study however, finds that both sets of understandings have their own complexities. While the statutory approach has complexities like how core elements of professionalism such as professional values can be imposed through legislation, the voluntary approach to professionalism also exhibits tensions within, especially stemming from the relationship between the professional and the news organisation regarding what constitutes professionalism. The study concludes that both sets of ideas have implications for the democratic role of the media, with both perceptions of professionalism curtailing this role. Statutory professionalisation in the Ugandan political context where the state is the dominant institution brings media institutions within its control, which leads to suppression of content of democratic value through a number of means. On the other hand, the self-regulatory perception does not protect media professionalism from the assault of commercial imperatives, especially when fused with state patronage in regard to broadcasting licences and placement of advertising.
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Maheshwari, Swati. "Indian journalism and the ruling elite : a case of contingent heteronomy." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2019. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/675.
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The central question in this thesis is what are the interrelationships between the news media and those at the center of power and how do these shape the role the media play in democratic processes, particularly since neoliberal reforms in 1991. More specifically, this research attempts to illuminate journalistic practice and the factors that influence it, at the intersection of political and economic interests in what is often described as a crony capitalist polity (Kohli, 2007; Varshney, 2000). This has been done by examining three case studies that represented the interests of those at the center of power and the growing collusion between the state and private capital that has been a mark of the polity's neoliberal turn (Chandrashekhar, 2014). Each of these - the Nira Radia conversations that exposed the nexus between private capital and the state, the news media's coverage of the political elite, mainly the Gandhi family and the leader of the Hindu majoritarian political party Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Narendra Modi, and lastly, the media's coverage of India's richest business house Reliance Industries Limited (RIL) and its owner Mukesh Ambani - was marked by extensive self-censorship by the national mainstream news media. The theoretical architecture underpinning this project draws on three major approaches - political economy, field theory and new institutional theory provides a framework sufficiently sensitive to the range of pressures and influences journalism is subject to. This research draws on forty semi-structured, in-depth interviews with forty journalists and editors who were directly involved in the editorial processes of each of these news stories. The salient finding of this project is that the field of journalism has been subject to regular incursions from the field of power, particularly when political and economic interests are aligned, such that the field of journalism collapses in the field of power resulting in the need to reassess Bourdieu's claim that fields, however heteronomous, possess a degree of autonomy. This research finds that journalism is not merely embedded in the field of power, it plays a more pernicious role after economic liberalization. It becomes an active participant in negotiating and consolidating the dominant coalition of economic and political interests on which the polity rests. In other words, it is recruited by the field of power in institutionalizing crony capitalism. However, the self-censorship could not be sustained and unraveled, albeit briefly, in each of these cases. Contradictions between the macro forces induced by the consolidation of democracy, dissensus within the elite and constitutional limits circumscribing power are some of the variables that allow for interstices of journalistic autonomy. Thus, new institutionalism's insistence on retaining the political elided by both political economy and field theory, is valuable. Lastly, this research foregrounds the role played by journalistic agency in upholding the democratic mission of journalism.
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Appelgren, Gougoulakis Alexis, and Vendela Söderberg. "Blodet renner i gatene? : En komparativ studie om medierepresentationen i lokal press och oljekrisens konsekvenser för städerna Stavanger och Aberdeen." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Journalistik, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-35508.
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Detta är en jämförande studie om medierepresentationen av oljekrisen i Stavanger i Norge och Aberdeen i Skottland. I uppsatsens första del undersöker och jämför vi tre nyhetsartiklar från norska lokala tidningar i Stavanger med tre skotska lokala tidningar i Aberdeen genom en kvalitativ textanalys. I uppsatsens andra del lägger vi tyngd på journalisternas uppfattning om krissituationen och använder oss av semistrukturerade intervjuer. Genom kvalitativa intervjuer med norska och skotska journalister jämför vi hur de resonerar kring val av vinklar, nyheter, källor och hur de upplever sitt yrke och sin arbetsroll i relation till rapporteringen av oljekrisen. I arbetet lyfter vi fram skillnader i framställningen av situationen i Stavanger respektive Aberdeen. Vi använder oss av en etnografisk intervju i vårt tillvägagångssätt när vi träffar journalisterna, för att kunna använda detta som en ingång till historisk bakgrund för effekterna av oljekrisen och påverkan på städerna. En utgångspunkt för uppsatsen är att undvika att bedöma huruvida det rör sig om en kris eller inte och istället fokusera på gestaltningen i de valda medierna och journalisternas upplevelser av sitt arbete. Resultatet av vår studie visar att det finns nationella samband med hur journalisterna uppfattar oljekrisen. De norska journalisterna mörkar i högre utsträckning att det pågått en omfattande oljekris i Stavanger, medan de skotska journalisterna talar mer öppet om en kris. Vi kan genom denna studie konstatera att det återfinns skillnader i hur den lokala rapporteringen för oljekris sker, samt hur gestaltningen av oljekrisens konsekvenser ser ut i artiklarna som vi har valt att analysera.
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Tapsell, Ross. "A history of Australian journalism in Indonesia." School of History and Politics, Faculty of Arts, 2009. http://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/3028.
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This thesis examines the changing professional practice of Australian journalists since they began reporting in Indonesia from 1945. Existing literature on the Australian media in Indonesia has emphasised the problem of biased and troublesome Australian journalists who have deliberately caused bilateral relations disturbances between Australia and Indonesia. It is argued that the existing literature overstates the agency of Australian journalists, and downplays the attitudes and roles of governments and news forces in the shaping of journalists’ professional practice. This thesis will show how Australian journalists and their Indonesian staff have attempted to report what they saw as the ‘truth’ from the archipelago, yet have been subjected to numerous pressures and vii constraints that hinders their professional practice and limits their autonomy. In particular, Indonesian staff working for Australian news agencies have been subjected to numerous pressures from a hierarchical system of newsgathering and from their own government. The Indonesian Government and military have attempted to control the flow of news through often crude and violent tactics to hinder journalists’ professional practice. The Australian Government, which supports the notion of a free press, has also limited Australian journalists’ professional practice in Indonesia. The news system requirement for journalists to seek elite sources and the improvements in communications technology have also hindered the freedoms for Australian journalists as they operate from Indonesia. Thus, it is argued that Australian journalists in Indonesia and their local staff have worked under a range of constraints and have been pressured to serve a variety of competing masters in reporting from the archipelago. Their work has to be understood as a complex artefact crafted in response to this range of insistent and intrusive pressures.
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Liu, Zhaoxi. "Journalism culture in Kunming: market competition, political constraint, and new technology in a Chinese metropolis." Diss., University of Iowa, 2012. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/3492.
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This study explores the occupational culture of journalism in a Southwestern China metropolis, Kunming, answering the questions of what and how journalists there give meaning to their work through analyzing the substance and form of the journalism culture. Over three months of fieldwork in four different local newspapers revealed a gap between the meanings these journalists aspire and the meanings they can materialize through practice, due to political and economic constraints. As a result, the journalists felt conflicted and deeply frustrated but at the same time tried to push the boundaries in different ways, including active use of digital technology and social media. The study also found that the journalism culture was intrinsically intertwined with the social, cultural and global environment within which it resided, as social conflict, widespread mistrust and global influences played important roles in shaping the meanings the journalists gave to their work. The journalism culture was also one of contradictions and uncertainties, still in the making and changing at a rapid pace. It is a journalism culture of a particular transitional era and place, with Chinese characteristics.
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Wivhammar, Helen, and Jimmie Nilsson. "Objektivitet i politisk journalistik : En studie i mediekommunikation." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-26185.
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Abstract Mona Sahlin's dishwasher decides the election! Maybe. How journalism portraits politics is at least not fully objective with focus on societal matters. There is also a change over time indicating an up-going trend of less objective journalism. Other results of this case study indicates that politicians are more inclined to participate in journalism than before and that politics presented as scandal is increasing. The aim of this study is to investigate objectivity in political journalism over time. Using the quantitative content-analyses the study encoded 600 journalistic articles subjecting politics in the Swedish society. These articles were chosen from Swedish newspapers, Dagens Nyheter and Aftonbladet, both paper editions only excluding web editions. Theories supporting the study are the framing-theory, the knowledge-theory and other theories describing how objectivity changes over time. Objectivity has been debated in journalism and has founded different perspectives on how professional journalism can be obtained. This has historically changed the practice of journalism and the study assumes from this phenomenon. Citizens are dependent on journalism for information on things that does not belong in their everyday life. Politics is such a subject that needs to be reported on and that's why this study investigates objectivity in political journalism. The result concludes extreme choices of subject in political journalism, where about 50 % of the articles encoded portrayed the everyday chores or statements of politicians. This is indicating an up-going trend of less objective journalism and is supported by other less extreme results of the study.<br>Sammanfattning Mona Sahlins diskmaskin avgör valet! Kanske. Hur journalistik gestaltar politik är i alla fall inte helt sakligt med samhällsfrågor i fokus. Över tid finns dessutom en förändring i den politiska gestaltningen som tyder på en alltmer osaklig journalistik. Vidare indikerar denna fallstudie att politiker blir alltmer benägna att utnyttja plats i journalistiken. Objektivitet är debatterat i journalistiken och har grundlagt olika synsätt på hur bra journalistik ska uppnås. Detta har historiskt förändrat hur journalistik har utförts och studien utgår från och fokuserar på just detta fenomen. För samhällsinformation som inte tillhör invånarnas vardag behövs rapportering i form av journalistik. Politiken är vad som styr samhället och därför blir det viktigt att undersöka rapporteringen av det. Syftet med studien är att undersöka om och i så fall hur objektivitet har förändrats över tid, genom en fallstudie på papperstidningarna Dagens Nyheter och Aftonbladet. Studien utgår från teorier om objektivitet och dess förändring i journalistiken såsom kunskapsteorin och dagordningsteorin. Genom metoden kvantitativ innehållsanalys undersöks sammanlagt 600 artiklar om politik. Resultatet visar på ökande användning av ett visst antal källor, där politiker blir vanligare som källa. Det visar också att det är artiklar om politikers mer praktiska åtaganden och uttalanden som ökar, vilket motsvarade ämnet i runt hälften av alla artiklar i undersökningen.
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Tsagarousianou, Roza. "Mass communications and political culture : authoritarianism and press representations of political deviance in Greece." Thesis, University of Kent, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.357679.
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Westerberg, Isabella. "A case study of the relationship between journalism and politics in Sri Lanka." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för journalistik, medier och kommunikation (JMK), 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-72407.
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This bachelor thesis is conducted as a Minor Field Study (MFS) in Colombo, Sri Lanka. The aim of the study is to investigate the relationship between journalism and politics from three questions at issue: 1) What is the role of media according to the journalists? 2) How do journalists work with political reporting in the Sri Lankan print media? 3) How does print media and politics correspond to each other in Sri Lanka?. The theoretical framework consists of theories onmedia systems, democracy models, the notion of the public sphere, media during elections and types of regulations. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 17 informants, both editors and journalists, at eight different editorial offices. The newspapers at which the informants were employed were either state-owned or privately owned. The qualitative material was transcribed and analysed using thematisation and meaning concentration to reveal patterns, attitudes and opinions. The analysis is divided into two major sections; 'Media's Role in the Society' and 'Media and Politics'. The first section investigates the first question at issue. Informing and educating people are valued as important responsibilities amongst the informants. Media is considered to be powerful in terms of affecting both people and politicians, although, some reservations are made. The second section examines the second and third questions at issue. The ideal execution of political reportage includes notions of neutrality, fairness, balance and unbiased reporting. In reality this is not necessarily accomplished. The state newspapers seem to report on behalf of the government in a positive and uncritical way. Private newspapers consider themselves to be more independent, but political ties and restrictions can disable their independence. Tendencies towards clientelism, political parallelism and instrumentalization are noted in the media environment. Sensitive, political news is often self-censored by journalists due to fear of consequences. In 'Conclusions and Discussion' the questions at issue are connected to each other in an attempt to discuss the complex relationship between journalism and politics in Sri Lanka.
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Radsch, Courtney C. "Digitial dissidence and political change| Cyberactivism and citizen journalism in Egypt." Thesis, American University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3604576.
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<p> This dissertation analyses how a youth-led, technologically driven social movement led a collective political struggle for change in Egypt that revolved around the legitimacy of the existing system and demanded rights to expression and participation. It seeks to understand the political impact of new ICTs, namely blogs and networked social media, in authoritarian contexts through the use of Egypt as a case study and by employing new methods of ethnographic inquiry that link the online and the off-line in recognition that they are mutually constituted. </p><p> I propose that focusing on the micropolitics of practices and discourse, with due consideration of structural and institutional dynamics, reveals how epistemological and ontological changes take place when a distributional shift in the primary modes of communication occurs, and thus helps us better understand how ICTs are implicated in processes of political change. </p><p> I argue that Egypt's young cyberactivists, and particularly citizen journalists, radically shifted the informational status quo by witnessing, putting on record and imbuing political meaning to symbolic struggles to define quotidian struggles against social injustice, harassment and censorship as part of a broader movement for political reform. A central contention in this dissertation, therefore, is that blogging and social media reconfigure the potentiality for expression and participation, but that it is the particular concatenations of technologically-inflected repertoires of contention that transform potentiality into actuality. This analysis reveals the mechanisms by which the potentiality of the Internet and social media is transformed into concrete instantiations of political struggle through activism, news making practices, and collective action. Throughout the dissertation I analyze specific episodes of contention to explain how ICTs facilitated collective identity formation, organization, mobilization and advocacy, with far fewer organizational and logistical barriers, rendering the dynamics of contentious politics in this case distinctive from other revolutionary periods. This new youth movement created innovative repertoires of contention, which they developed and adapted very quickly, constrained less by structural factors such as economics and distance, which the properties of ICTs help overcome, than they would have been in the past. </p><p> I argue that it is not sufficient to explore only moments of collective action, because this does not explain how the "maker of claims" came to identify themselves as such, nor how they build consensus around their claims. This is of particular interest in the new communications environment of the post-millennial period, and therefore I also focus on the phenomenological lifeworlds of these cyberactivists to show how networked social media gave opposition and subaltern groups, such as liberal secularists or the Muslim Brotherhood, new tools for individual and collective identity creation and enabled freedom of expression and opinion. </p><p> The empirical focus of the article is Egypt but I argue that the mechanisms and dynamics identified have a much wider domain of application. I propose several new mechanisms including <i>asabiyah</i>, <i>ijma' </i>, and <i>isnad</i> to explain movement dynamics and to account for the technological aspect of cyberactivists' repertoires of contention, and propose revising the concept of amplification and certification to account for the fact that the algorithmic properties of ICTs now play a role in contentious repertoires.</p>
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Mutch, Deborah. "Serial socialists : the discourse of political journalism and fiction, 1885-1895." Thesis, University of Derby, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10545/306821.
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Bell, K. E. B. "Any news? : an anthropological investigation of political journalists in Northern Ireland." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.269033.
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Ebeling, Mary F. E. "Democratic spaces, delayed utopias : political exile, advocacy journalism and online discourse." Thesis, University of Surrey, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.434120.
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Ringler, Emily C. "The Infected Republic: Damaged Masculinity in French Political Journalism, 1934-1938." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1274975863.
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Pule, Kediretswe. "Obstacles faced by news journalists in investigative reporting: analysis of four Botswana newspapers, June 2008 - October 2008." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/869.
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In this research study, the researcher investigates obstacles faced by news journalists in investigative journalism in a democracy as experienced in Botswana. Investigative journalism and democracy have a symbiotic relationship. This relationship serves to make the public sensitive about, and aware of, injustices and undemocratic practices and it could, ultimately, contribute significantly to the process of democratization (Faure 2005: 155). Unfortunately, in their endeavor to keep up with the ethos of investigative journalism, journalists meet obstacles that range from legal to financial issues. The author investigates those factors that reporters in Botswana rate as having the greatest impact on their investigative efforts. The study also assesses the attitudes of journalists in the country towards the roles and responsibilities of the fourth estate, which supports investigative reporting. Investigative journalism is centered on disclosure, described by six elements: public interest, theme, accuracy, follow-up reports, consequences and questioning the status quo (Faure 2005:160; Marron 1995:1). The researcher interrogated the current practice of investigative journalism in newsrooms in the Botswana context, by means of a self-administered questionnaire. A cumulative sum of scores of each rank order for each obstacle was used to observe the one rated the most impeding by Botswana journalists. Elementary descriptive statistics in the form of percentages were used to assess attitudes of Botswana journalists towards investigative journalism. The same method was used to assess the proportion of investigative stories in four sampled Botswana newspapers. The contents of the respective newspapers were assessed against the five elements of investigative reporting that include: theme, public interest, questioning the status quo, accuracy, follow-up reports and consequences.
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Maweu, Jacinta Mwende. "An investigation into how journalists experience economic and political pressures on their ethical decisions at the Nation Media Group in Kenya." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007583.
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This study investigates how journalists experience economic and political pressures on their ethical decisions at the Nation Media Group (NMG) conglomerate in Kenya. The study uses qualitative semi- structured interviews to examine how journalists experience these pressures on their professional ethics as they make their daily decisions. Grounded in the critical political economy of the media tradition, the findings of the study indicate that economic and political pressures from advertisers, shareholders’ interests, the profit motive and the highly ethnicised political environment in Kenya largely compromise the ethical decisions of journalists. The study draws on the work done by Herman and Chomsky in their ‘Propaganda Model’ in which they propose ‘filters’ as the analytical indicators of the forms that political and economic pressures that journalists experience may take. The study explores the ways in which journalists experience these pressures, how they respond to the pressures and the ways in which their responses may compromise their journalism ethics. The findings indicate that aside from the pressures from the primary five filters outlined in the Propaganda Model, ethnicity in Kenyan newsrooms is a key ‘filter’ that may compromise the ethical decisions of journalists at the NMG. The study therefore argues that there is a need to modify the explanatory power of the Propaganda Model when applying it to the Kenyan context to include ethnicity as a ‘sixth filter’ that should be understood in relation to the five primary filters. From the findings, it would seem that the government is no longer a major threat to journalists’ freedom and responsibility in Kenya. Market forces and ethnicity in newsrooms pose the greatest threat to journalists’ freedom and responsibility. The study therefore calls for a revision of the normative framework within which journalists’ and media performance in Kenya is assessed. As the study findings show, the prevailing liberal- democratic model ignores the commercial and economic threats the ‘free market’ poses to journalism ethics as well as ethnicity in newsrooms and only focuses on the media- government relations, treating the government as the major threat to media freedom.
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Burrows, Simon. "French exile journalism and European politics, 1792-1814 /." Woodbridge (GB) : the Royal historical society : the Boydell press, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb377203254.
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Gordon, Jon Clair. "International political cartoons as rhetoric : a content analysis /." The Ohio State University, 1990. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487676847116104.
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Brewster, Jack. "Quality Journalism in the Digital Age: Strategies to Adapt and Remain Profitable." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1528243622170827.
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D'Agresti, Attilio. "Silvio Berlusconi and the Americanization of Italian Politics: a Political Analysis Through The Commentaries of Il Corriere Della Sera." Connect to resource online, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1210604921.
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Song, Hyun-Joo. "The effects of media framing of political conflicts on party identification and political participation." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5827.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2005.<br>The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file viewed on (November 27, 2006) Vita. Includes bibliographical references.
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Afful, Ebo. "Journalism, election campaigns and democracy in Ghana." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2016. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/99853/.
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Political communication literature has documented various forms of framing election campaigns although that on Ghana are few. These included issues, horse race, coverage tone and presidential candidates’ media visibility leading to an incumbency advantage. These are normally attributed to news values that reflect political power such as relevance and politicians’ elite status. Hence, this study is intended to explore explanation for the trend of campaign coverage in Ghana, a developing democracy, using four Ghanaian newspapers in 2008 and 2012. Through content analysis and in-depth interviews, the thesis grounded in gatekeeping and framing theories, has demonstrated that: (1) the state-owned newspapers did not give an incumbency advantage (2), the coverage was issues-based (3), election stories were more positive in tone (4), there was media bias and (5) politicians paid money (‘soli’) to journalists for coverage. These empirical findings show that during the campaigns, gatekeeping and framing practices were driven more likely by the ‘soli’ norm rather than the norm of objective and impartial journalism. Thus the study offers a new explanation why there was no incumbency advantage, why the press bias, why coverage was largely positive in tone and why issues-based framing. However, horse race appears to have the potential to dominate Ghana’s elections coverage. The conclusions of this study, one argues, were as a result of interplay between candidates’ desire not only to dominate the newspapers but also to be projected positively and journalists’ desire to make money from politicians. Simply put: stories of elections published by the newspapers were defined by ‘soli’ journalism which promoted ‘protocol’ journalism. This means most election stories that reached electorates were from speeches of candidates. Therefore, the stories lacked critical interpretation of campaign events raising issues of capacity of the press in Ghana to function effectively as public sphere contributing to participatory democracy.
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Crabb, Evelina, and Karin Bäcklund. "Hålla rågången : En kvalitativ studie av relationen mellan lokalpolitiker i Kalmar och journalister." Thesis, University of Kalmar, School of Communication and Design, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hik:diva-385.
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<p>This study focused on how local politicians in Kalmar perceive journalists and their intertwined relationship. We based our study on the theoretical understanding of today’s media-centric democratic society. The ‘adversary model’ offered an understanding of the intricate relations between politicians and journalists. The relationship builds on constant trade where both parties are dependent on each other. Politicians exchange information to gain attention in the media. Journalists needs politicians as important sources of information and have the power to control the exposure that politicians get in the public eye. This study was researched and conducted through qualitative interviews with local politicians.</p><p>We found that experienced politicians have developed an understanding for journalistic work and that it is important to have a good relationship to reach out to their constituency. This professional relationship has to be kept at arm’s length as it otherwise risks to become too muddled. We learned that politicians are well aware of the need to adapt to media conditions – there were, however, examples of breakdowns in this precarious relationship.</p><p>The politicians in our study delivered several examples of how media adaptation is managed, e g how press conferences are scheduled according to media deadlines and are held at suitable locations so that photographers can get good pictures. Trust appeared to be the crucial condition for a rewarding relationship. Every politician in our study agreed that it is all a question of trust.</p>
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Valdivia, Alarcón Angela. "Cobertura negativa sobre los candidatos en campañas presidenciales 2011 y 2016: los casos de los diarios La República y Correo." Bachelor's thesis, Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas (UPC), 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10757/653110.
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Durante las elecciones presidenciales del 2011 y 2016, muchos medios de comunicación tuvieron un tono más negativo que positivo o neutral en sus coberturas sobre determinados candidatos. Estos fueron los casos de los diarios La República y Correo sobre los candidatos presidenciales Keiko Fujimori de Fuerza Popular, Ollanta Humala del Partido Nacionalista Peruano y Verónika Mendoza del Frente Amplio.
Partiendo del hecho de que sí existió una cobertura negativa por parte de los medios ya mencionados, la presente investigación pretende describir las características principales de este tipo de tratamiento periodístico, identificar los criterios de cada diario para la publicación de notas en contra de los candidatos y examinar las diferencias y similitudes entre ambas coberturas.<br>During the 2011 and 2016 presidential elections, most media outlets were more negative than positive or neutral in their coverage of certain candidates. These were the cases of the newspapers La República and Correo when it came to the presidential candidates Keiko Fujimori of Fuerza Popular, Ollanta Humala of the Partido Nacionalista Peruano and Verónika Mendoza of Frente Amplio.
Based on the fact that there was negative coverage by the mentioned newspapers, this research aims to describe the main characteristics of this type of journalistic treatment, identify the criteria of each newspaper when they published articles against the candidates and examine the differences and similarities between both coverages.<br>Tesis
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Hang, Dinh Thi Thuy. "Between economic reform and political control : educational and training strategies to enhance quality journalism in Vietnam /." Electronic version, 2003. http://adt.lib.uts.edu.au/public/adt-NTSM20040721.160858/index.html.
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Thompson, Shelby Maria. "Women's Work: Human Rights Journalism in Chechnya, A Case Study of Anna Politkovskaya." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/77580.
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This thesis aims to evaluate and consider the topic of human rights journalism conducted by women in Chechnya. The primary research question that will be supported by this research, is whether or not Anna Politkovskaya's gender impacted her work, the reception of her work, and her overall experience as a human rights advocate in Chechnya. Anna Politkovskaya is being used as a primary case study due to the volume and breadth of the reports that she produced, and because she was the most well-known reporter in Chechnya during the Second Chechen War, giving her a wider audience. The work of other female journalists will be covered, but those works will serve a secondary purpose of aiding in looking at how Politkovskaya's journalistic legacy impacted other female journalists within Chechnya.
The current state of affairs within the Chechen Republic is one of limited civil liberties and increasing violence on behalf of the authoritarian state government towards advocacy groups and opposition parties. The environment for human rights has not notably improved since the official conclusion of the Second Chechen War, but the level of media attention dedicated to issues there has dramatically decreased. Chechnya is currently lacking a voice of passionate reason, and as a result lacks an effective advocate for civilian interests, which was the role previously filled by Politkovskaya.<br>Master of Arts
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Nodoba, Todani. "The political role of black women journalists in post-apartheid South Africa : Sowetan (1994-1999)." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/18112.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2011.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Black journalists in South Africa have played a crucial role in exposing the political
oppression of black South Africans during the Apartheid era. In this regard the Sowetan
newspaper made a great contribution. However, the political role that black women
journalists played at the Sowetan has been ignored, before and after 1994. After 1994,
political black women journalists at the Sowetan continued to make strides despite the
hostile environment that these women journalists worked in. The limitation of beats and
assignments, lack of promotions and many other challenges that black women journalists
faced during this period made their work environment unfriendly and hostile towards
their performance.
This study examines the political role made by black women journalists at the Sowetan
newspaper from 1994 to 1999. The study shows how the black women journalists
brought different perspectives in news at the Sowetan through their manner of reporting
and also how they viewed matters within the context of a new democracy in South
Africa.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Swart joernaliste in Suid-Afrika het ’n onontbeerlike rol gespeel in die onthulling van die politieke onderdrukking van swart Suid-Afrikaners tydens die apartheidsjare. In hierdie verband het die Sowetan-koerant ’n groot bydrae gelewer. Die politieke rol van swart
vrouejoernaliste by die Sowetan is egter geïgnoreer, voor en ná 1994. Ná 1994 het
politieke swart vrouejoernaliste by die Sowetan steeds opgang gemaak, ten spyte van die
vyandige omgewing waarin hierdie vroue gewerk het. Beperkte opdragte en spesialisonderwerpe om te dek, ’n gebrek aan bevordering en die talle ander uitdagings
wat swart vrouejoernaliste in hierdie tydperk moes trotseer, het hul werksomgewing
onvriendelik en vyandig gemaak met betrekking tot hul werksverrigting.
Hierdie studie ondersoek die politieke rol wat vanaf 1994 tot 1999 deur swart
vrouejoernaliste by die Sowetan gespeel is. Die studie toon aan hoe die swart
vrouejoernaliste ander nuusperspektiewe na die Sowetan gebring het, met die wyse
waarop hulle verslag gedoen het en ook waarop hulle aangeleenthede in die breë verband
van ’n nuwe demokratiese bestel in Suid-Afrika beskou het.
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Huckins, Kyle David. "Religion, politics and journalism : testing theoretical constructs of framing /." Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.
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Turkan, Isil. "Le métier de chroniqueur politique en Turquie : sociologie d'une activité professionnelle entre dynamiques générationnelles et retournements politiques, 1980-2014." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015AIXM1002.
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Cette thèse a pour l'intention de définir et d'expliciter l'espace professionnel occupé par les journalistes specialisés en politique en Turquie. L'activité professionnelle journalistique des chroniqueurs existe depuis longtemps tandis que leur devenir des grandes figures de journalisme, s'est réalisé de plus en plus avec les années 1990. L'étude micro-sociologique de l'activité professionnelle des chroniqueurs politiques, a l'objectif de mettre en oeuvre l'énigme macro-sociologique qui réside au sein des relations d'interdépendance entre les médias et la politique en Turquie. Cette recherche est divisée en trois grandes parties : la première partie se concentre sur l'état de lieu du journalisme turc avec un regard socio-historique sur l'économie des médias et la structure de la propriété journalistique avec le but d'expliciter l'évolution du métier de chroniqueur dans le champ journalistique ; la deuxième partie prend en main la notion de génération et étudie les caractéristiques générationnels et sociologiques des chroniqueurs de tendance « gauche-séculaire » et « droit-conservateur » avec les données sur les origines sociales, styles de vie et le capital culturel ; la troisième partie étudie l'approche des chroniqueurs à l'égard des scandales politiques choisies selon la diachronie de la recherche, ainsi que de la démocratisation en transition et de la liberté d'opinion. Nous aurons recours, pour cette thèse, à l'étude des trente dernières années de l'histoire politique de la Turquie (1980-2014) et à un apport à la sociologie politique du journalisme en utilisant les concepts de base : génération, champ et engagement politique<br>This research aims to define and explain the professional activity of Turkish columnists, whose main specialities are politics. Even though they have existed in the journalistic field fora long time, they have become big reference figures since 1990's. This study with its micro-sociological approach, which is based on columnists, professional members of journalistic field, will reveal, in macro level, the puzzled relations of interdependence between media and politics in Turkey. This research is divided into three main parts. First part concentrates on the state of journalism in Turkey with asocio historical overview on media economy, structures of propriety in order to present our main aim: the evoluation of columnists' carrier within the field. The second part studies the concept of generation and focuses on the generational and sociological characteristics of columnists divided in to two ideological groups: "left-secularist" and "right-conservative" and aims to analyse their social origins, life styles and cultural capital. The third part examines the columnists' approaches regarding the political scandals, chosen according to the research's diachrony, the democratization process in transition and the liberty of opinion. In this thesis we aim to present our theoretical and empirical knowledge upon the last thirty years of socio-political history of Turkey and make a contribution to political sociology of journalism by using the basic concepts: generation, field theory and political engagement
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Repnikova, Maria. "Limited political liberalisation in authoritarian regimes : critical journalists and the state in China." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d4673810-ca89-4642-a463-851ca50627f0.
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This dissertation examines the process of limited political liberalisation in China by analysing the coexistence between critical journalists and the party-state under the Hu-Wen leadership. In contrast to the scholarship on authoritarianism and Chinese politics, which tends to analyse the perspectives of societal actors and the state separately from one another, this study brings the two together, unveiling the intricacies of their interactions. In the past decade, critical journalists and the party-state maintained a partnership which can be best described by a jazz ensemble metaphor. The players—critical journalists and the party-state—share a common purpose: improving their performance or governance within the existing political system. They overcome the limitations on their collaboration with ad hoc creative adjustments made in response to one another. The party-state acts as a band leader, setting the key by establishing a framework within which creative manoeuvring can take place. The study is based on unique access to politically sensitive material, including 120 in-depth interviews with critical journalists, media and crisis management experts, and government officials. It also includes multilayered textual analysis of the Chinese Communist Party journal, Qiushi, and investigative reports in two outspoken media outlets, Caijing and Nanfang Zhoumo. The data is employed to analyse the boundaries for limited political liberalisation of the media as well as how it manifests itself during major crisis events. More broadly, the dissertation draws the attention of both China and authoritarianism scholars to the significant yet neglected feature of interactive improvisation as a force that can sustain coexistence between critical actors and authoritarian states. It shows that by engaging in actor-driven analysis and illuminating the process of their interactions, we can better grasp the dynamics of authoritarianism in China and beyond. A step is made towards applying the analytical framework distilled in the China case on other authoritarian regimes by including a limited comparison to media–state relations under Gorbachev and under Putin. It shows that the variables of collaboration and improvisation are useful in explaining the different outcomes of political liberalisation reform.
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Ottovordemgentschenfelde, Svenja. "The story behind the tweet : factors that shape political journalists' engagement with Twitter." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3741/.
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Political journalists are some of Twitter’s most enthusiastic users and the platform has become one of the key social media tools in the news industry. While a growing body of research has addressed journalists’ observable tweeting practices, we know little about the considerations and strategies that underpin their activities on the platform, how these manifest themselves in their engagement, and which benefits they yield. This thesis examines US political journalists and the process of their Twitter engagement via an integrated conceptual framework that is organised by macro, meso and micro levels of investigation. On the macro level, it conceptualises the influence of organisational factors via a management of media innovation perspective. On the meso level, it uses the concepts of technology affordances and appropriation to analyse the role of journalistic routines and practices. On the micro level, it employs the uses and gratifications framework to examine individual-based motivations that drive Twitter engagement. The thesis further investigates how different socio-political environments and the type of news medium, that is, broadsheet and broadcast, moderate the factors located on each level as they impinge on journalists’ Twitter engagement. The empirical part of the study uses a mixed methods approach that combines expert interviews as the primary method with quantitative content analysis as the secondary method of (1) the Twitter profile pages of 120 political journalists and (2) 2,400 of their tweets, published during a mundane news period and the US Midterm elections in 2014. Findings indicate that journalists experience organisational influences on their Twitter engagement most prominently when their employer is in an advanced stage of innovation implementation and Twitter use has been formalised on an institutional level. The empirical analysis further demonstrates that practices and routines are especially sensitive to changing news climates, and it is here where the perceived benefits of Twitter use are most clearly articulated. Findings on the individual level indicate high degrees of individualisation and personalisation that shape journalists’ Twitter presence. Overall, the relationships and interactions between macro-, meso- and micro-level factors can create mutually beneficial outcomes for the employer, news product and journalist, but equally so, generate fields of tensions and significant conflicts of interest. The empirical analysis and its novel integration of independent macro-, meso- and microlevel concepts into a combined framework provide a basis for advancing a theoretical understanding of the interplay of factors that motivate, shape and moderate political journalists’ engagement with Twitter. This allows us to position and understand tweeting journalists, on the one hand, as employees bound by contractual agreements and occupational demands, and on the other, as autonomous agents who are not fully controlled by managerial strategies, organisational logics and professional workflows.
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Kim, Eunseong. "Political and non-political bloggers in the 2004 United States presidential election motivations and activities /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3240031.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, School of Journalism, 2006.<br>"Title from dissertation home page (viewed July 16, 2007)." Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-10, Section: A, page: 3639. Adviser: David H. Weaver.
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Obeidat, Mohammed Mahmoud. "Translating conjunctions in political journalistic argumentative texts from English into Arabic." Thesis, University of Salford, 2011. http://usir.salford.ac.uk/26841/.
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Political Journalistic Argumentative Texts (PJATs) have always been challenging for translators of this type of texts when rendering them into Arabic. One major problem facing translators of this genre is the translation of conjunctions which is often overshadowed by researchers. This study recovers the meanings and functions of conjunctions and their role in maintaining cohesion and coherence in discourse. Due to the political nature of this type of discourse and mistranslating the relations residing between adjacent sentences which mainly rely on conjunctions to signal to them, ideology, when mistranslating conjunction, may come to surface causing more problems relating to meaning interpretation, namely on the part of the receivers of translated texts. With this in mind, this study has been conducted with the aim of finding out the most frequently used conjunctions and whether they are adequately translated from English into Arabic, the most frequently problem-causing conjunctions, and identifying the relationship between conjunctions, on the one hand, and cohesion and coherence, on the other. To make this happen, a corpus of 40 PJATs translated into Arabic in two major Jordanian newspapers, Al-Rai and Ad-Dustour, has been studied with specific attention to the process of translating conjunctions in light of Halliday and Hasan's (1976) model of conjunctions. Conjunctions were initially looked at as being translated or non-translated, and each of the headings was examined according to a three step scale: adequate, semiadequate, and inadequate. The findings of the study show that the overall number of conjunction relations (both syndetic and asyndetic) in the corpus was 1469 including additive, adversative, causal, temporal, zero conjunction, and paragraph beginnings conjunction relations. The findings have shown that a significant number (52.82%) of these conjunction relations was either inadequately or semi-adequately translated into Arabic. The study has also revealed that asyndetic conjunction in English represents one of the major problems in texts translated into Arabic featuring 44.38% of the total number of the conjunction relations; for this particular problematic area, this study argues that the Arabic conjunction (j) can be the best equivalent to the English asyndetic conjunction. This relatively high percentage of mistranslations at the level of the relations residing between sentences forming a larger text will inevitably cast its influence on the quality of the translated text on three major levels: cohesion, coherence and ideology, with the aim of reflecting on these three influential levels in discourse, Critical Discourse Analysis was adopted as a framework of analysis to show how the ideological background of the receivers, namely the Target Language receivers, may interfere and lead them through irrelevant and sometimes dark tunnels as a result of misunderstanding the semantic relation existing between adjacent sentences in translated texts. To sum up, this study of PJATs represents a corner stone for translators, researchers and students of translation as it has shed light on the problem of translating conjunctions from English into Arabic, highlighted the problematic areas and proposed some guidelines to dealing with the conjunctions and their close connection with cohesion and coherence in discourse. KEY WORDS: Conjunction in English, Conjunction in Arabic, Cohesion, Coherence, Ideology, Political Discourse, Discourse Analysis, Critical Discourse Analysis, Argumentation, Journalese, and Translation.
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Liu, Peilun. "A Global Ranking of Political Science and Public Administration Journals." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1150.
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This paper conducts rankings on political science and public administration journals based on a database of citations for all articles within a set of 200 journals, during 2010-2013. This paper contributes to prior literature within the realm of Political Science, by tabulating journal rankings through non-traditional means. While rankings of political science and public administration journals have traditionally been dominated by a survey-based approach, recent advancements in technology have allowed researchers to conduct more subjective rankings based upon a bibliometric approach. However, the majority of these citational rankings utilize obscure metrics, which do not correspond directly to the number of citations a potential author can expect.
This paper attempts to provide readers with more concrete metrics, which translate directly to how many citations an author can expect. This study tabulates journals based on three main metrics: Median Number of Citations, Citation Percentage, and 90th Percentile of Citations. This study identifies Transportation Research Part B, American Political Science Review, International Organization, American Journal of Political Science and Transportation Research Part A, as the top five journals within the set of 200 political science and public administration journals.
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Burke, Brian, Phil Leckman, Andrea Sturzen, Vlack Kathleen Van, and Hecky Villanueva. "Lessons from New New Journalism." University of Arizona, Department of Anthropology, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/110025.
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Writing is critical to two main anthropological goals: to communicate useful knowledge about humanity and society; and to stimulate interest, discussion, and action on issues that are of societal import. To achieve these goals anthropologists must write in accessible styles for diverse audiences. In this paper, we review the work of five popular nonfiction writers to determine the extent to which their approachable writing styles are compatible with anthropological rigor and nuance. While none of these authors meets all of our hopes for anthropological analysis, each does manage to blend some elements of scholarship with a readable style. We therefore highlight some of their stylistic approaches in the hope that these might help anthropologists engage more effectively in public debate.
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Laveist, Wilbert Francisco. "The Press and Political Campaigns: News paper Endorsements and "Horse Race" Coverage." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/292230.
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Cain, Christine Lee. "Literacy, politics and power in California classrooms: Media, journalist, and educator ideologies." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/279934.
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This study is a form of professional explanation about language and the political dimensions of education reform, examined through sociocognitive orientations to individual and collective identity. Common signifiers among modes and content of literacy explanations were distilled from media and statist texts, especially the Los Angeles Times' Reading by 9 and Reading series, and 12 educator and six journalist semi-structured interviews. Classrooms and newsrooms were seen as political spaces in terms of identities and beliefs "underpin[ning] fundamental social institutions" through "cultural conceptions about language attitudes, standards, [and] hegemony." Participant literacy explanations developed three linchpins, or "feature clusters," recursively signifying orientations to particular sets of social relations. All six journalists concurred with the Los Angeles Times' proposition that reading by age nine in English leads to "success." Seven educators expressed "counter hegemony" comprising the status possibilities arising from student access to critical (powerful) literacy. Increasingly complex relationships among cognition and speech were entailed in the second and third linchpins. Six journalists and nine of twelve educators constructed a naturalized social/educational order where the privileged retain and pass on their status through "the freedom" to speak only English, the freedom to associate with those having similar test scores, and the freedom of the press to promote a semi-religious literacy crusade. Language and culture minority participants' (three educators and one journalist) discourse implicated subaltern language-sensitive social/educational identity constructions as the third linchpin. From powerful cognitive mechanisms as feature clustering, language itself was turned into a battlefield. Tolerance for a demonized Other was paradoxically advocated while advancing educational policies and processes that marginalized educator and parent attempts to question. Los Angeles Times' reading reform texts conflating social pathologies with literacy in crisis masked reproduction of stratified literacy in which only the "winners" in the economy have the right to critique. To transform increasingly narrow constructions of educators' and others' intellectual and material freedom, recommendations focus on continuing and expanding a principled, critical approach for (1) disengaging literacy from stratified status and paternalistic nationhood; (2) re-engaging literacy with autonomous personhood and agency.
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Blue, Adrianne. "Stretching the limits : journalism and gender politics in women's sport." Thesis, City University London, 2010. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/12245/.
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My work on the sports pages of the Sunday Times led to invitations to write two books on the emergence of elite female champions and two unauthorized biographies of female champions, all of which included original data and analysis of gender issues in sport. One of the first academic, self-reflective analyses by a sports journalist, this dissertation written for the PhD by prior publication, places my work in the context of the profession and considers my contribution to understanding how elite champions have used their agency in sport. Contributions in the works submitted include re-theorizing the ―feminine apologetic‖ with regard to elite champions, documentation and interpretation of agency and constraint in the career of Martina Navratilova, identifying and modelling the backlash role of gymnastics, and interrogating the gender frontier; all are critically analysed here. In this dissertation, issues of journalistic practice including the advantage of bias are considered, and the ―doping apologetic‖ is identified, named and preliminarily modelled. My work both benefits from and contributes to the cross-disciplinary, inter-linked analysis of women‘s sport in the social sciences and in sport and women's studies, and has been cited in the literature. Contravening conventionalist journalistic stereotyping of female champions, it documents and evaluates how champions have attempted to gain opportunity for themselves, and how their strategies may have affected the paradigm of femininity.
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Macadam, Angela Elizabeth Joyce. "'Mercurius Britanicus' : journalism and politics in the English civil war." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.429731.
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