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1
Annan, David. "Effects of political instability in development in South Sudan." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020190.
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The signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the Republic of Sudan represented by the National Congress Party (NCP) and the SPLM (Sudan People’s Liberation Movement) which represented the people of the Southern part of Sudan in January 2005 ushered in a rare era of peace and hope for the rebuilding and construction of the war ravaged South Sudan. Coupled with the attainment of Independence for South Sudan through an internationally supervised referendum in January 2011, the objectives of years of struggle by the people of the formerly semi-autonomous region were completed. From 2005 until after the independence of South Sudan however, a period that initially was marked by huge euphoria and broad based anticipation of development boom, the support from both local and international actors for the struggle and the plight of the people of South Sudan is waning and at worst has now turned into despair and hopelessness. After attaining independence in 2011, the highest party organ, the Political Bureau decided to remove candidates who were popularly voted by their constituents and replaced them with their cronies, leading to mass exodus of cadres from the party. On top of that, the wide believe that the elections were rigged for SPLM candidates at the expense of the Independent candidates led to another wave of exodus and open rebellion by many veteran cadres of the movement. Today, these rebellions coupled with some complex problematic societal issues are major concern and a source of political instability and violence in some parts of the country. Secondly, the hasty process of the Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) campaign, which in some cases were forcefully done left some communities exposed and venerable to attacks by rival communities. This continue to exacerbate and ignite tribal hatred, tension and stereotypes between communities especially in the traditionally volatile parts of the country that are known for cattle rustling and tribal rivalry as a form of cultural practice. Unresolved post secession issues within the SPLM had resulted to political instability and violence thus having negative economic consequences for South Sudan and all the gains the country had made in the past few years vanished after December 15 2013 political upheaval. This thesis will examine the effects of these mentioned complex political instability and economic dilemma South Sudan is being confronted with in the face of the fact that it is still in the process of nation building having attained its Independence only in July 2011.
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Wani, Mary Apayi Ayiga. "Leadership and accountability in managing the Constituency Development Fund (CDF): a case study of Yei River County, Central Equatoria State, Juba." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1007150.
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This study is based on Leadership & Accountability in managing the Constituency Development Fund (CDF), the case of Yei River County (YRC) of Central Equatoria State, Republic of South Sudan (RSS). CDF is one of the initiatives of the government of South Sudan created by a legislation of Parliament to compliment development of the community needs as they expect more from the government of the day. The CDF Act 2007 which was passed by the parliament stipulated structures that govern the operation of the fund in terms of management, leadership and accountability to enhance effective and efficient provision of services to the people. The CDF Act provided that fund allocated to the MPs is to address the challenges that face the communities such as construction of schools, health facilities, water, roads and government facilities but not for personal interest or individual use. The problem that motivated the researcher to explore the performance of the CDF was inadequate service to the community although the government has allocated funds to each constituency channeled through the members of parliament to improve the socio-economic status of the community. The research looked at how the CDF roles, functions, and procedure were applied in the utilization of the funds to ensure efficiency. It analysed and evaluated the effectiveness and efficiency of management of CDF to promote service delivery in the constituencies of Yei, Ottogo, Tore and Mugwo Payams. The study investigated the following questions: How is the Constituency Development Fund (CDF) been managed and utilized by the Members of Parliament (MPs) to promote development in their constituencies? To what extent is the Constituency Development Fund (CDF) used in accordance with the provisions of the CDF Act (2007)? To what extent does the CDF achieve its objective in promoting development to meet the aspirations of the people within the constituencies? And, what is the nature of the relationship between the MPs, the community and the County Local Authority in relation to the CDF? The study also examined the linkage between the various committees formed by the CDF Act 2007 to guide the implementation of the fund as well as the projects at grass-root levels in regards to monitoring and evaluation process. The study used both descriptive and explanatory techniques to guide the researcher in gathering information required on the best of CDF practice in Yei River County which were carried out using interviews, focus group discussion and observation. Twenty (20) respondents comprising of head of departments, women, youth, MPs of both parliaments - the National and the State, chiefs, councilors, CDF committees from the four constituencies mentioned above were interviewed about the use of the CDF. The study reveals that there are no clear linkages between the various committees formed by the CDF Act 2007 to guide the implementation of the fund as well as the projects at the grass-root level in regards to monitoring and evaluation process. In addition to this, less participation of the community in identification, planning, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of the CDF community projects was one of the contributing factors that affected the effectiveness and efficiency of the result. Although creation of CDF has effect in some of the areas of the county, it requires more improvement in the implementation process to increase development in other areas. Based on these findings, the study argues that for the best of the CDF utilization, leadership and accountability which are components of the Public Administration Discipline that enhances efficiency in the public institutions need to be put into practice. Hence, rigorous application of the CDF rules, regulations and procedures is paramount in managing the utilization of the fund allocated for the purpose of development.
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Lenarth, Anja. "The Humanitarian Intervention in South Sudan : A Just War?" Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-86031.
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Henderson-Howat, Fenella. "Displaced persons in South Sudan - whose responsibility to protect?" Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/23755.
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There have been severe shortcomings in the protection of internally displaced persons (IDPs), and gaps in research with academic and legal focus remaining on refugees instead. These gaps are revealed and correspondingly explored in this thesis through a case study analysis of South Sudan. The main objective of this thesis is to expose the overall protection discrepancies facing IDPs, and the need to re-address international responsibility to protect in cases where national authorities are unable or unwilling to do so. The lack of a clear definition, legal status and institutional framework at an international level is shown to have an adverse impact on protection. The case study of South Sudan is introduced through an overall analysis of key events and displacement trends. Evidence in support of the main argument is presented through an analysis of the injustices and human rights violations facing IDPs in South Sudan. The roles of the two major providers of protection in South Sudan - the national authorities and the international community - are evaluated to ultimately show how a more flexible approach must be adopted by the international community in such cases. Overall, this thesis seeks to bring the displaced in South Sudan to the forefront of the debate about who is responsible for their protection.
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Nathanson, Joanna. "Women's Rights in the two Sudans : A study on the adoption of legislation on women’s rights in Sudan and South Sudan." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-423397.
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In 2011 the state of South Sudan gained its independence from Sudan and thus became the world’s youngest country to date. During its nine years of existence the country has ratified several major conventions and protocols on women’s rights, whereas Sudan has yet to ratify any. Despite being the same country until barely a decade ago the two authoritarian countries have approached the legislative rights of women in very different manners. Based on a Method of Difference-design, and with the help of process-tracing, this study seeks to answer why this is. By consulting previous research on why authoritarian states advance women’s rights, this study distinguishes three main, indicative theoretical patterns from earlier research which argues under what circumstances authoritarian states advance women’s rights, and when they do not. These patterns include the stability of the government, the work of women’s rights movements and the states relations with the international community. It is concluded that the explanation for the different behaviours of the two Sudans lay mainly in their tactics of governing. South Sudan adopts reforms on gender equality to keep its population content but makes sure to closely control and monitor these reforms. Their women’s rights organisations can be outspoken, and they share the goals of ratifying certain women’s rights conventions. Furthermore, their main donors often include conditions of state-building on their foreign aid, forcing South Sudan to advance on issues such as women’s rights. In contrast, Sudan applies a more violent and oppressing stance against its population, suppress women’s movements and rely mainly on unconditional investments rather than conditional aid from the international community. Furthermore, the women’s movements of Sudan have not expressed a shared goal of ratifying conventions on women’s rights.
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Matata, Khamis Charles. "Evaluating integrated participatory planning in a decentralised governance system: the case of Yei River County, Southern Sudan." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1006985.
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Local government is an important level of participatory democracy, where communities play an active role not only as the electorate, but also as end-users and consumers, and thereby holding their municipal councils accountable for their actions. Given the above statement, the interim Constitution of the Republic of South Sudan 2011, entrusts local government with the provision of services to communities in a sustainable manner. It also provides for the promotion of social and economic development and the promotion of a safe and healthy environment. This also entails the need for a commitment to service delivery hence, public representatives and public officials must take seriously their obligation to render services to the people that could be in the form of ensuring that refuse gets collected, electricity being supplied and other services rendered which better the general welfare of citizens. There are several definitions of public participation, but it can be defined as a process of empowering citizens by involving them in making decisions on all issues that concern them, which can be political, social or economic. The main aim of this study was to, investigate and identify the nature and extent of integrated participatory planning in Yei River County and the extent to which opportunities for public participation are accessible to the communities. The study sought to investigate: How different stakeholders in the community in Yei River County make use of public participation opportunities during the integrated participatory planning process? As such, the main objectives of the study were to; to assess the existing integrated participatory planning practices in Yei River County, to examine and evaluate how the existing integrated participatory planning practices influence service delivery in Yei River County and lastly to identify the barriers to effective integrated participatory planning in YRC and advance recommendations for improvement. Purposive and snowball sampling methods were used and data was collected from a sample of two hundred and twenty-six (226) public officials, comprising of Local Government officials, County councillors and members of the public. Results from the data collected using open and close-ended questionnaires, showed that public participation is very important in local government planning as it leads to incorporation of public suggestions and interests in the development strategies. The results further showed that public meetings and workshops were the only public participation mechanisms being used by Yei River County. The study therefore recommended among other things that, Yei River County should strengthen public participation in integrated participatory planning by providing adequate skilled human resources and establishing structures, as well as public participation mechanisms at the Payam and Boma levels. It was also recommended that the communities needed to utilise all available mechanisms of participation to ensure maximum participation during the integrated participatory planning processes.
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Li, Wan-hay, and 李允熹. "A comparative study of political leadership in Japan and South Korea." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31952215.
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Li, Wan-hay. "A comparative study of political leadership in Japan and South Korea." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1999. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B20353789.
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Keen, David. "Benefits of famine : a political economy of famine and relief in south-west Sudan, 1983-89." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.308862.
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Du, Toit Gerda Maria. "Political risk and Chinese investments in the African oil and gas industry : the case of China National Petroleum Corporation in South Sudan." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/79944.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Chinese national oil corporations have increased their foreign direct investments over the last decade in Africa, where the political environment of oil producing countries often expose the firms to high political risk. The analysis of political risk is increasingly relevant for the investment decision-making process of Chinese corporations, as changes in political dynamics of host countries can affect the opportunities and profitability of investments. The study emphasises the need for firm-specific political risk analysis as a decision-making tool for international businesses operating in foreign countries. The main research question of the study is concerned with the main indicators of political risk that Chinese corporations may face in the African oil and gas industry. Chinese oil corporations may be affected by political instability, international and internal conflict, corruption, and poor economic and social development in African countries. The political risk they face may be influenced by indicators such as the location of the oil operations, the relative importance of the Chinese oil firm to the host country’s oil industry, the competitive advantage and technical abilities of Chinese oil firms, the support of the Chinese government to state-owned firms, and economic relations that the host government have with China and the oil firm. The study follows a qualitative research approach by way of an empirical case study of the political risk faced by one of China’s national oil corporations, China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), in South Sudan. A major part of CNPC’s business operations in Sudan was transferred to South Sudan after the country seceded from Sudan in July 2011. The political risk for CNPC in South Sudan is analysed and measured in accordance with an industry-specific political risk model for the oil and gas industry. The study finds that CNPC faces a high level of political risk in South Sudan since independence. An examination of the political risk analysis is done to serve as a basis for answering the main research question. The hostile relationship between South Sudan and Sudan in particular may expose CNPC to high political risk as it led to the shutdown of the oil industry and violent interstate conflict. However, CNPC’s political risk exposure may be mitigated by certain indicators, such as CNPC’s significance in the operation of the South Sudanese oil industry, CNPC’s attributes of being a Chinese state-owned enterprise, the availability of support from the Chinese government in the form of economic cooperation packages and CNPC’s technical abilities in exploration operations. Furthermore, while negative sentiments on the part of the South Sudanese government towards China and CNPC due to the latter’s close relations with Sudan might expose CNPC to high risk, the risk is mitigated by the high level of economic dependency of South Sudan on both China and CNPC.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die laaste dekade het Chinese nasionale oliekorporasies hulle buitelandse direkte beleggings in Afrika uitgebrei. Die politieke omgewing van hierdie lande veroorsaak egter dikwels dat hierdie firmas aan hoë politieke risiko blootgestel word. Omdat politieke dinamiek in gasheerlande die geleenthede en winsgewendheid van beleggings kan affekteer, is die analise van politieke risiko toenemend relevant in die beleggingsbesluitnemingsproses van Chinese oliekorporasies. Die hoof-navorsingsvraag in hierdie studie handel oor die hoofindikatore van politieke risiko waaraan hierdie korporasies in Afrika se olie- en gasindustrie blootgestel kan word. Politieke onstabiliteit, internasionale en nasionale konflik, korrupsie, asook swak ekonomiese en sosiale ontwikkeling in Afrikalande kan Chinese oliekorporasies affekteer. Die politieke risiko waaraan hulle blootgestel word, kan beïnvloed word deur faktore soos die ligging van oliebedrywighede, die relatiewe belangrikheid van die Chinese oliekorporasie vir die gasheerland se olie-industrie, die kompeterende voordeel en tegniese vermoëns van die Chinese oliekorporasies, die Chinese regering se ondersteuning van staatskorporasies en die ekonomiese verhoudings wat die gasheerland met China en die oliefirmas het. Die studie volg ‘n kwalitatiewe navorsingsbenadering by wyse van ‘n empiriese gevallestudie van die politieke risiko waaraan een van China se nasionale oliekorporasies, China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), in Suid-Soedan blootgestel word. Sedert Suid-Soedan se onafhanklikheidswording in Julie 2011 is die grootste gedeelte van CNPC se bedrywighede in Soedan na Suid-Soedan oorgedra. Die politieke risiko vir CNPC is volgens ‘n industrie-spesifieke politieke risiko-model geanaliseer en bereken. Die studie toon dat CNPC inderdaad aan ‘n hoë vlak van politieke risiko blootgestel is sedert onafhanklikheid. Die politieke risiko-analise word ondersoek ten einde as basis te dien vir die beantwoording van die hoof-navorsingsvraag. In die besonder kan die vyandiggesinde verhouding tussen Suid-Soedan en Soedan CNPC blootstel aan hoë politieke risiko, onder andere vanweë die sluiting van die olie-industrie en die gewelddadige interstaat-konflik wat dit meegebring het. CNPC se blootstelling aan politieke risiko kan egter verminder word deur sekere faktore soos CNPC se beduidende belangrikheid in die bedryf van die Suid-Soedanese olieindustrie, CNPC se kenmerke as ‘n Chinese staatsonderneming, die beskikbaarheid van die ondersteuning van die Chinese regering in die vorm van ekonomiese samewerkingspakette asook CNPC se tegniese vermoëns in die veld van eksplorasiebedrywighede. Alhoewel die negatiewe sentiment in die Suid-Soedanese regering teenoor China en CNPC as gevolg van hulle noue verbintenis met Soedan vir CNPC aan hoë risiko kan blootstel, word hierdie risiko verminder deur Suid-Soedan se hoë vlak van ekonomiese afhanklikheid van CNPC en China.
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Pendle, Naomi Ruth. "Laws, landscapes and prophecy : the art of remaking regimes of lethal violence amongst the western Nuer and Dinka (South Sudan)." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3616/.
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This thesis is a collection of ethnographic studies of ways in which governments and other public authorities amongst the western Dinka and Nuer (South Sudan) have directly or indirectly remade the moral boundaries of lethal violence during times of war and peace. The thesis goes beyond discussing the causes of specific national episodes of armed conflict in South Sudan but instead pays attention to the normative regimes of lethal violence that span across times of war and peace. I echo those who have challenged the assumption of a rupture between times of war and peace, and additionally assert that normative and legal regimes made during times of ‘peace’ can shape modes and patterns of war. The thesis argues that governments, chiefs and Nuer prophets have all tried to build their own authority through their governance of the moral, legal and spiritual consequences of lethal violence. Different public authorities have contested and coopted each other’s regimes. Governments, chiefs and Nuer prophets have played powerful but contrasting roles in interpreting and remaking the moral and legal limits of lethal violence. The thesis specifically looks at the examples of the remaking of landscapes and laws as ways in which moral boundaries have been reshaped and materially embedded. The doctorate focuses on the tumultuous 2005 – 2015 period, but also draws on histories dating back to the 19th Century.
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Ulrich, Neil. "The effects of life experiences under apartheid on shaping leadership styles of South African political leaders." Thesis, Unisa, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/152.
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The purpose of the research is to examine the effects that Apartheid had/has on the shaping of leadership styles of South African political leaders from all political affiliations and different backgrounds. The research phenemenon and tentative hypothesis is that these leaders were influenced in vastly different ways according to their positions as either advantaged, disadvantaged or unaffected by the system of Apartheid. The study will examine how these different experiences under the system of Apartheid shaped current leadership styles.The system of apartheid, caused different life experiences for South Africans, and can be seen as a defining moment in the development of South Africa, its leaders and citizens. This study investigated how these different life experiences under apartheid influenced leadership styles of South African political leaders. After completion of a literature review, semi structured life history interviews were conducted with a representative sample of members of the South African Parliament, to generate qualitative data for analysis. Content analysis was applied to this data to generate a basis from which valid and reliable conclusions and recommendations were made. The research found support in both the literature review and qualitative life stories data collected for the following propositions: • Leadership is a complex construct, which is composed of many different characteristics and influences. • The life histories of individuals comprise of a combination of unique life experiences and subjective interpretations of those experiences. • Individual life histories influence leadership development. • Apartheid was a time line event that encompassed many different life experiences of individuals within the broad phenomenon, which phenomenon does not necessarily in itself have a significantly 7 homogeneous effect on the shaping of leadership styles. What is a more significant shaper of leadership style is the leader’s experiences in and attitude towards the event or phenomenon. • Life experiences under the phenomenon of apartheid influenced the leadership styles of South African political leaders differently in accordance with their unique life experiences itself, and their subjective interpretations thereof. The recordal of the life stories of South African political leaders presents an opportunity to learn at a broader interface from the experiences of the past, to shape a collective future for a free and democratic South Africa.
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Stahl, Thomas. "MSF and the Hippocratic Approach : a single case study on communication in the conflict of South Sudan." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-341766.
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This thesis investigates Médécins Sans Frontières (MSF) communication in the setting of South Sudan. More precisely, the thesis investigates MSF’s engagement in a discussion regarding the potential harm NGOs, both other and themselves, might cause in terms of conflict dynamics. The thesis takes off in the perceived conflict between the adaptation of the Hippocratic Approach, as outlined by Mary B Anderson, and the increased necessity of branding in today’s humanitarian industry and seeks to understand how this might unfold in practice. Demonstrating MSF’s commitment to ideals in line with the Hippocratic Approach, which encourage self-criticism and accountability, the thesis moves on to illustrate how branding has become an inevitable measure for NGOs to remain operational. Based on previous research identifying a successful branding as information, trust and image, where self-criticism might be counter-productive, the thesis tries to identify the conflict between the two fields. The thesis sets out to uncover some of the tensions more concretely by investigating MSF’s communication in the conflict-settings of South Sudan. It does so utilizing the method Qualitative Content Analysis. The material stems from MSF’s self-published reports, reviews and articles. In conclusion, the thesis finds that MSF does engage in a discussion about harms caused by other organizations as well as harm caused by themselves. However, the harms discussed are not put in terms of conflict dynamics in South Sudan. Furthermore, the thesis identifies some disproportion in criticism towards other organizations versus self-criticism. The thesis refrains from drawing any permanent conclusions and suggest a comparative case study to better understand the tensions in NGO’s building of a Hippocratic brand.
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Jeong, Young-Yun. "Leadership and democratisation : the case of Nelson Mandela in South Africa and Kim Dae-Jung in South Korea." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/16058.
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Dissertation (PhD)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since the late 1940s, South Africa and South Korea were ruled by authoritarian governments, which oppressed the people’s freedom and rights. The governments created the deeply divided societies that resulted in racism in South Africa and regionalism in South Korea. These similarities may have played a major role in allowing Nelson Mandela and Kim Dae-jung to develop strong emotional bonds with their followers and to articulate their visions for the future. The two leaders, Nelson Mandela and Kim Dae-jung, fought for freedom and human rights against the apartheid government in South Africa and military dictatorial government in South Korea. During these processes of democratisation, the two leaders displayed common transformational and social learning leadership styles and presented their visions of the end of the authoritarian regimes and the establishment of democracy; shared these visions with the people and encouraged and mobilised them in struggling together against authoritarian government. Subsequently, the two leaders’ transformational and social learning leadership styles provide a successful role model to countries in which there are conflicts between the constituents of the society, as in East Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa and Middle East; a desire for transformation towards democracy by the people, and where countries are confronted with new challenges.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Beide Suid-Afrika en Suid-Korea was sedert die laat 1940’s onder die bewind van outoritêre regerings met gepaardgaande onderdrukking van die mense se vryhede en regte. Dié regerings het diep-verdeelde gemeenskappe daar gestel wat in Suid-Afrika op rassisme en in Suid-Korea op regionalisme uitgeloop het. Hierdie ooreenkomste mag grootliks daartoe bygedra het dat beide Nelosn Mandela en Kim Dae-jung sterk emosionele verbintenisse met hul volgelinge kon ontwikkel en hul toekomsvisies kon artikuleer. Die twee leiers, Nelson Mandela en Kim Dae-jung, het onderskeidelik teen die apartheidsregering in Suid-Afrika en die militêre diktatuur in Suid-Korea geveg vir vryheid en menseregte. Gedurende hierdie demokratiseringsprosesse het die twee leiers gemeenskaplike transformasie en sosiale leer leierskapstyle openbaar, hulle visies oor die beëindiging van outoritêre regimes en die vestiging van demokrasie bekend gemaak en die mense aangemoedig tot en gemobiliseer vir strydvoering teen die outoritêre regerings. Gevolglik verskaf hierdie twee leiers se transformasie en sosiale leer leierskapstyle ‘n geslaagde rolmodel vir alle lande waar daar konflik binne gemeenskappe bestaan, soos in Oos-Asië, Suid-Sahara Afrika asook die Midde-Ooste; lande waar die mense smag na transformasie tot demokrasie en lande wat hulleself met nuwe uitdagings gekonfronteer vind.
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Moellwald, Gabriel Cabeda Egger. "O longo processo de configuração do estado sul-sudanês : uma investigação histórica." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/140308.
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Esse trabalho propõe-se a uma investigação histórica do longo processo que originou o Estado do Sudão do Sul, tornado independente em 2011 após plebiscito. Para tanto, buscamos traçar uma longa história do Sudão, do bilad al-sudan oriental aos dias atuais. Nos apoiamos, principalmente, em algumas obras da extensa historiografia do Sudão para desenhar esse quadro contextual de nosso objeto de estudo. Apresentado o palco, buscamos interpretar os eventos, as relações políticas e sociais e mudanças econômicas e culturais a afetar o Sudão, depois Sudão do Sul em sua intricada relação com seus vizinhos regionais e as potências globais. Terminamos nosso trabalho apresentando algumas notas e reflexões acerca de temas mais precisos, como “construção nacional”, “uso político da identidade étnica”, e o “papel das elites” no Sudão do Sul, dentre outras.This work is the result of a historical investigation of the long process that originated the State of South Sudan, independent in 2011 after a national referendum. We sought to draw a long history of Sudan, from the eastern bilad al-sudan to modern days. We based our work mostly on some of the broad historiography on Sudan, from which to develop a contextual idea of our object of study. Having set the stage, we sought to interpret the events, political and social relations and economic and cultural changes that have affected Sudan and later South Sudan in their intrincate relation with regional neighbors and global powerhouses. Our work concludes presenting some observations ad reflections concerning specific issues, such “nation-building”, “political use of ethnic identity” and the “role of elites” in South Sudan, among others.
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Mashele, Hlukanisa Prince. "Locating the institution of traditional leadership within the institutional framework of South Africa's new democracy." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007512.
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This study looks into the role of the institution of traditional leadership in post-apartheid South Africa. It seeks to critically engage the debate on how to locate the institution within the new politico-constitutional framework. This is done with the main objective of proposing an altemative to the current state of affairs vis-à-vis traditional leadership and governance in South Africa. In order to clear the ground, the study first deals with the important question of democracy in relation to the institution of traditional leadership. In this regard, the study unearthed that the institution of traditional leadership is fundamentally undemocratic in character, as it is largely based on heredity and devoid of principles of democracy such as equality, accountability, etc. In order to put matters into perspective the study also delves into the history of the institution of traditional leadership with the aim of getting to the role that traditional leaders played in various epochs of South Africa's political development. This investigation reveals that the denting of the integrity of the institution of traditional leadership began with the advent of colonialism and worsened by successive apartheid regimes. It is at these stages of development that the institution was subordinated to a higher authority that sought to use the institution as an instrument of domination and oppression of the black majority. Considering this role, it would seem that the place that the space that the institution occupies in the post-apartheid South African governance framework is a compromise. The institution plays an advisory role at all levels of government - with their houses in both national and provincial legislatures, whilst traditional leaders sit as ex-officio members on local councils. However, traditional leaders fiercely contest this position as, in their view, this limits their powers. The main argument of this study is that for traditional leaders to be given an advisory role in the current and future governance framework of the country is a step in the right direction, as that serves to insulate the institution from active politics. For that reason, the study recommends that the institution of traditional leadership should occupy a cultural space in society - meaning that it should be responsible for the preservation of African customs and culture. This, therefore, means that the institution is better-placed to advise government on cultural and customary aspects of development. Whilst playing this role, the institution of traditional leadership should also -be brought into line with democratic ways of governance.
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Narasimhan, Ajay Tejasvi. "Toward Understanding the Nature of Leadership in Alleviating State Fragility." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cgu_etd/27.
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Approximately sixty countries have been designated `Fragile States' by international development agencies. Home to two billion of the world's poorest people, these fragile states are characterized by violence, weak institutions and shattered economies. Not only do they pose a challenge to regional security, they often become the breeding grounds for terrorism.
Donor agencies pour billions of dollars annually into these countries - through policy advice and conditional loans - to alleviate fragility and promote development. Development, however it is defined, involves economic, social and political transformation. Such a transformation is shaped by ideas, engages multiple interests, and proceeds within rules and norms set by political institutions. Since the structure of political institutions is influenced by human agency, leadership becomes important to study. Leadership is crucial particularly in fragile states, where institutions are weak or have been destroyed by conflict; however, a systematic effort to examine the role of leaders and coalitions in fragile states is lacking.
This dissertation seeks to create a methodology to improve understanding of the role of different leadership strategies in bringing about transitions in and out of fragility. To make the scope manageable, the study focuses on: (i) leadership at the national level; and (ii) fragile states in Africa. It does so by examining: (i) evidence from country level panel data on leadership (regime) change and fragility; and (ii) in-depth analytical case studies of transitions in and out of fragility in four countries: Zimbabwe, Uganda, Rwanda, and South Africa.
The analysis looks at the relationship between the change agent's leadership strategy (the independent variable: political participation and inclusion, economic growth and inclusion, and security and justice) and fragility outcomes (dependent variable: conflict and security indicators, economic indicators, and the approach to political inclusion). The results of the regression analysis exhibit a robust association between leadership change and fragility. Furthermore, the country cases show how different types of leadership strategies lead to varying trajectories of fragile states' post-transition. The case studies reveal different approaches to sequencing of political inclusion and the role of leadership exit in transitions from fragility.
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Koekemoer, Carmen. "Political grey : areas of ambiguity and contradiction." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013136.
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This Master of Fine Arts submission, consisting of a thesis titled ‘Political Grey: Areas of Ambiguity and Contradiction’ accompanied by an exhibition titled ‘Positions’, encompasses the concept of leadership while uncovering and expressing its ‘grey areas’ in a contemporary and undefined moment in South Africa. The concept of leadership has been complicated throughout the thesis in terms of how it is conceptualised in a traditional royal African art context as well as how Leader-Figures have been and are portrayed in both Western and African portrait genres. The notion that the new is built upon the old is continued throughout my thesis and is evident in the accompanying body of work. This notion is expressed on a number of levels: by the re-contextualisation of the print medium; the creative processes described as ‘postproduction’ which I use in my work; as well as that which is described as a ‘post-transitional’ moment. The recent political history of the country is considered, with reference made to the anti-apartheid movement and resistance art produced. Printmaking, viewed as an archetypal medium for resistance, is discussed, with reference made to its socio-political role during the 1980s as well as to the extent to which it continues to be used by contemporary artists in a different realm of conflict and change. This is demonstrated by the shift from the medium as a tool for protest to the medium as an instrument of political irony and pointed commentary.
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Bior, Ajang Duot. "Assessing the impact of shifting traditional leadership roles on local government in service delivery: a case study of the Bor County, Jonglei State, South Sudan." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1015046.
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The local level of government plays a pivotal role in the delivering of service in Bor county of Jonglei State in South Sudan. As the world‟s newest nation attained independence in July 2011, the republic of South Sudan face a huge mountain to climb in terms of service delivery for socio – economic transformation. A country which has ransacked by civil wars and economic exclusion of its people in the past, South Sudan needs to pool resources together for the sustainable betterment of its citizens. Service is solely dependent on leadership and effective and efficient service rendering, requires a people – centred, accountable and professional leadership. Traditional leaders have played a key role in the welfare of their subjects in South Sudan beginning long back, they have led, counselled, mediated disputes, allocated and managed land as well as preservation of customs and cultures. The study sought to assess shifting roles of traditional leaders in local government services delivery. It comprises of six chapters which are chronologically arranged. The main objectives of the study were to establish role which were played by Bor traditional leadership to promote service delivery at the local government level before independence, after independence, the extent to which the roles shifted, challenges they face currently and ways of solving them. The research question which guided the sought to find the answers to what roles traditional leaders played before and after independence, the shifting of roles, challenges and ways of addressing them. The paradigm used in the study is the qualitative research approach where empirical data was collected from a representative sample of 9 respondents. Data was collected using the non-random sampling techniques of purposely sampling. The researcher observed strict ethical guideline which includes informed consent, privacy and confidentiality. The study found out that traditional leaders played various roles under various governments. There were shifts in traditional leadership roles leaders can play and did not completely divert the roles leaders can play in service delivery. The study further established that Bor traditional leaders were willing service at the local government level but that they faced challenges particularly that of insecurity and war – related problems. The study therefore, recommended that government should pay attention to security in Bor County and the county at large. It was also recommended that government should train traditional leadership roles such as those applied in Ghana, Uganda, South Africa and Zimbabwe. Despite the said shift in roles, traditional leaders remain a key asset to the development of South Sudan.
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Muteyi, Thembisile. "An assessment of the effect of political and administrative leadership in ensuring sustainable service delivery in Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality Eastern Cape." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/2990.
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This study attempts to assess the level to which effective political and management leadership for contributes to sustainable services. Looking at the past performance of the municipality one can see that around the years of 2003 and 2004, the municipality achieved a financially unqualified report from the Auditor General with just two points raised. However, from that point on the municipality has been on a steady decline. The most decline was from the period 2006 - 2011. The decline in the performance of the municipality has been so rapid in the five year period mentioned above so much that the 2010/2011 Auditor General Report on the municipality ran up to eighty issues over fourteen pages. Noteworthy is the fact that the decline in service delivery and financial management confirmed by the performance decline marked by the Auditor General coincided with several changes at the senior political and management levels. For example under the period of decline, the Municipality operated without a permanent Chief Financial Officer (CFO) for a period of more than four years. Also, during the period of decline the municipality had six municipal managers all in acting capacities and about four executive mayors in the same period. Regarding the issue of leadership in the municipality, the Auditor General made the following observation.
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Lund, Svein Sørlie. "Political regionalisation and oil production in Africa: the case of the LAPSSET Corridor." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96662.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study analyses regionalism in Africa from a theoretical and an applied perspective. The purpose of the study is to contribute to the critical and reflectivist corpus of theories of regionalism. This field is dominated by rationalist theories that are largely preoccupied with formal inter-‐state and market-‐driven processes of regional integration. The rationalist theoretical hegemony in academia and politics serves to reinforce and reproduce neoliberal ideology informing global political economic practices. This study illustrates the limitations and normative assumptions of these orthodox frames and demonstrates the multidimensionality of regionalisation. The study applies a combination of three critical reflectivist theories: the World Order Approach, the New Regionalism Approach and the New Regionalisms Approach/Weave-‐ world in an analysis of an ongoing regional oil and infrastructure project in East Africa called the Lamu Port, South Sudan and Ethiopia (LAPSSET) Corridor. The study’s primary research question investigates the extent to which oil production is driving the manifestation of (new) regionalism in East Africa, especially in terms of the LAPSSET Corridor, with secondary questions identifying the actors involved in this regionalisation, and what the theoretical framework reveals about the regionalisation in East Africa. After a review of some of the most influential theoretical contributions to the study of regions a critical reflectivist approach is suggested as an alternative to conventional rationalist theories. A broad historical overview of the East African region is elaborated with a focus on Uganda and Kenya, highlighting the social, cultural, political and economic evolution of the region before reflection on how forces of production relate to regime type in East Africa. Subsequently, a case study establishes an assessment of the historical and social construction of the LAPSSET Corridor. The objectives of the LAPSSET Corridor and its implementation mechanisms are scrutinised and viewed in comparison with its potential for inclusiveness of local participation and sustainable socio-‐economic development. Two important conclusions can be drawn from this study. The first is that oil production is critical in the current regionalisation in East Africa. However, the nature of this regionalisation flows contrary to other regional motives. The second conclusion is that the anti-‐reductionist and critical reflectivist approach is indeed essential to fully understand the variety of multi-‐level factors of structures and agency that influence regionalism and regionalisation in East Africa.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie analiseer regionalisme in Afrika vanaf ‘n teoretiese en ‘n toegepaste perspektief. Die doel van die studie is om by te dra tot die kritiese en reflektiwistiese liggaam van teorie oor regionalisme. Hierdie studieveld word gedomineer deur rasionalistiese teorieë wat meerendeels besig is met formele inter-‐staat en markgedrewe prosesse van regionale integrasie. Die rasionele teoretiese hegemonie in akademia en politiek versterk en herproduseer sodanig neoliberale ideologie wat global politiek-‐ekonomiese praktyk bepaal. Hierdie studie wys die beperkinge en normatiewe aannames van hierdie ortodokse beskouings uit, en ontbloot die multidimensionaliteit van regionalisering. Die studie pas ‘n mengsel van krities-‐reflektivistiese teorieë toe: die Wêreldorde Benadering, die Nuwe Regionalisme Benadering, en die “Verweefde Wêreld” Benadering in ‘n analise van die regionale olie en infrastruktuurprojek in Oos-‐ Afrika wat die “Lamu Port, South Sudan and Ehtiopia” (LAPSSET) Korridor genoem word. Die studie se primêre navorsingsvraag fokus op die mate waartoe olieproduksie die manifestering van (nuwe) regionalisme in Oos-‐Afrika dryf, veral in terme van die LAPSSET Korridor, met sekondêre vrae om die akteurs te identifiseer wat betrokke is by hierdie regionalisering, en wat die teoretiese benadering blootlê aangaande die regionalisering in Oos-‐Afrika. Na ‘n oorsig van die belangrikste teoretiese bydraes tot die studie van streke word ‘n krities-‐reflekiwistiese benadering voorgestel as ‘n alternatief vir konvensionele rasionele teorieë. ‘n Breë historiese oorsig van die Oos-‐Afrika streek word verskaf, met ‘n fokus op Uganda en Kenia, en dit beklemtoon die sosiale, kulturele, politieke en ekonomiese ontwikkeling van die streek voordat ‘n oordenking van hoe die magte van produksie betrekking het op regimetipe in Oos-‐Afrika. Voorts verskaf die gevallestudie ‘n oorsig van die historiese en sosiale daarstel van die LAPSSET Korridor. Die doelwitte van die LAPSSET Korridor en sy implementeringsmeganismes word geëvalueer en beskou in vergelyking met sy potensiaal vir die insluiting van plaaslike deelname en volhoubare sosio-‐ekonomiese ontwikkeling. Die studie maak twee belangrike gevolgtrekkings moontlik. Die eerste is dat olieproduksie krities belangrik is in die huidige regionalisering in Oos-‐Afrika. Maar tog is die aard van die regionaliseringspatrone teenstrydig met ander streeksmotiverings. Die tweede gevolgtreking is dat die teen-‐reduksionistiese en krities-‐reflektiwistiese benaderings wel sentraal staan tot ‘n volle beskouing van die verskeidenheid van veelvlakkige faktore wat regionalisme en regionalisering in Oos-‐Afrika beïnvloed.
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Khangala, Peterrocks Benjamin. "A biographical study of P.R Mphephu (1925-1988), with special reference to political leadership in a twentieth century South African society." Thesis, University of Limpopo, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/2396.
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Frahm, Ole. "“How a state is made” – statebuilding and nationbuilding in South Sudan in the light of its African peers." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Kultur-, Sozial- und Bildungswissenschaftliche Fakultät, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/17648.
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Afrikanische Staaten werden oft mit einem ideal-typischen westeuropäischen Nationalstaat verglichen und unweigerlich für unzureichend befunden. Diese Arbeit begegnet diesem theoretischen Missstand, indem sie eine neue Typologie des territorialen afrikanischen Nationalstaats in Abgrenzung vom europäischen Model entwickelt. Die Typologie fungiert als theoretisches Prisma für eine ausführliche Analyse des Südsudan für die Jahre 2005-2014. Gleichzeitig liefert der Vergleich mit dem Sonderfall Südsudan neue Erkenntnisse zum Wandel von Staat und Nation in Afrika. Ausgehend von einer historisch-philosophischen Querschau auf Staat und Nation in Europa, werden die grundverschiedenen Umstände von Nationalstaatsbildung im postkolonialen Afrika dargestellt. Der Autor schöpft aus einer umfangreichen Literatur, die fast sämtliche Staaten in Sub-Sahara Afrika abdeckt, um typisierte Aspekte von Staat und Nation herauszuarbeiten. Für den afrikanischen Staat sind dies der hybride Quasi-Staat, der illegitime Staat, der privatisierte neopatrimoniale Staat und der aufgedunsene Zentralstaat. Die Typologie der afrikanischen Nation besteht aus inklusivem Staatsnationalismus, dem Wiedererstarken politischer Ethnizität sowie dem ausgrenzenden neuen Nationalismus. Auf der Basis von Primär- und Sekundärquellen sowie Feldforschung, haben sich südsudanesischer Staat und Nation als überwiegend kongruent mit der Typologie erwiesen. Abweichungen bestehen jedoch im Ausmaß der Übernahme von Dienstleistungen durch ausländische NGOs, in der Struktur der neopatrimonialen Netzwerke sowie in der Rolle, die Sprache für die nationale Identität spielt. Zudem weist der Südsudan sämtliche Entwicklungstrends des postkolonialen Nationalismus parallel zueinander und nicht aufeinander folgend auf. Dies deutet darauf hin, dass sich die Bedingungen für Nationenbildung im heutigen Afrika dank Urbanisierung, moderner Kommunikationswege und dem Vorherrschen von Bürgerkriegen sehr von der Vergangenheit unterscheiden.African states are often judged by comparison to an ideal-typical Western European nation-state, which inevitably finds the African state wanting. This thesis challenges this theoretical drawback by developing a novel typology of the African territorial nation-state in juxtaposition to the European model. The typology is then applied as a theoretical prism for an in-depth analysis of the case of South Sudan, the world’s newest state, for the period 2005-2014. At the same time, comparison to the anomalous case of South Sudan provides new insights into the changing nature of statehood and nationalism in Africa. Starting out from a historical-philosophical overview of state and nation in the European context, the very different circumstances of nation-state formation in postcolonial Africa are depicted. The author then draws on a large body of literature covering almost all of Sub-Saharan Africa to distil typified facets of state and nation. For the African state, these components are the hybrid quasi state, the illegitimate state, the privatized neopatrimonial state and the swollen centralized state. The typology of the African nation consists of inclusive state-nationalism, the resurgence of political ethnicity and exclusionary new nationalism and the politics of autochthony. Based on primary and secondary sources including fieldwork in South Sudan, the empirical reality of South Sudan’s nascent nation-state is shown to largely match the typology. Important divergences exist however in the degree of service delivery by foreign NGOs, in the dispersed nature of the neopatrimonial networks, and the role of language in nationbuilding. Crucially, South Sudan exhibits all three trends of postcolonial African nationalism at the same time rather than in successive periods. This indicates that in contemporary Africa rapid urbanization, modern communications and the prevalence of civil wars create very different conditions for nationbuilding than in decades past.
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Ntwasa, Bayanda. "Traditional leadership and the use of cultural laws in land administration: implications for rural women's land rights in a transforming South Africa." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/134.
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This dissertation critically examines how traditional leaders use cultural laws to allocate land to women and to allow women to participate in land administration in communal areas. Given the government's commitment to gender equity in all spheres of life as stipulated in Section 9 (3) of the South African Constitution (Act 108 of 1996), the dissertation examines whether related legislation and policy (such as CLARA and TLGFA) alone can guarantee equitable access to land for women and their participation in land administration structures in communal areas where patriarchy dominates. In essence, the study interrogates whether state intervention through formalizing laws that govern land matters do achieve gender equity while cultural laws still exist in communal areas. Based on the view that land in communal areas is held by the state and administered by traditional leaders who have historically discriminated against women, the dissertation employs a case study method to examine whether cultural laws are exercised when women apply for a piece of land at the three levels of traditional authority viz: village, sub-village and traditional council levels in the Matolweni village of the Nqadu Tribal Authority. Although women are often the de facto rights holders in rural areas as a result of male migration to urban areas, findings seem to indicate that it is difficult and/or sometimes impossible to translate paper laws into practice while cultural laws are still operating. For effective transformation to occur, the study recommends that unless a strong women's rural movement emerges, coupled with a socialist feminist position that advocates for a radical transformation of rural society to defeat the patriarchal norms and standards, traditional leaders will continue to discriminate against women in land issues.
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Luyenge, Zukile. "An evaluation of the co-operative interaction between political office-bearers and chief officials in the provision of houses in the Eastern Cape: King Sabata Dalindyebo Local Municipality (2009-2010)." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/567.
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The research seeks to evaluate the co-operative interaction between municipal political office-bearers and chief officials in the rendering of housing services in the King Sabata Dalindyebo local municipality. The introduction provides the general overview of the study and provides a background to the intention of the research to evaluate the co-operative interaction between municipal political office-bearers and chief officials. The problem statements briefly describe the problem identified in the study and the objectives of the study are set. The theoretical framework is provided and the theories used to evaluate the performance are discussed which are classical theory and the system theory. The importance of conducting the research is discussed and the limitations of the study are discussed in the research. Importantly, the study plan directs the researcher in the direction towards the goals of the research. Also the terms used in this study that are not clear were defined to avoid misinterpretation; misunderstanding and confusion of words and terms. The review of the current literature on the theoretical framework and the base for policy making and controlling role of municipal political office-bearers and chief officials in public administration was discussed. The nature of systems theory and the different phases of systems theory were explained. The nature and place of policy making in public administration was discussed as well as policy making alternatives in the public sector. The policy making levels i.e. political policy making level; executive policy making level; administrative/departmental policy making level; operational policy making level were explained and discussed. The co-operative interaction between municipal political office-bearer and chief officials was discussed to understand the administrative and political dichotomy in the public sector. The policy implementation for the rendering of housing services as well as the programming and delegation of authority were discussed in the context of housing service delivery. The legislative framework for housing services in South Africa was discussed as it influence and affects the housing service in King Sabata Dalindyebo Municipality. The role of municipal authorities in the rendering of housing services as well as the housing situation in South Africa together with the obligations of both the provincial and municipalities were discussed. The permission to conduct research was received from King Sabata Dalindyebo local municipality. The scope of the study explains the range or extent of matter to be dealt with in the research and the survey area is dearly provided. The research design which is qualitative and quantitative research are discussed and used in adopting the study. The case study as research strategy is discussed and clarified. The data collection instruments which are interviews, questionnaires and the literature study the subject were briefly explained. Population details and sampling were clearly explained before a sample is provided in the study. The research provides data collection procedures as well as how the data will be analysed. The ethical considerations are discussed. The data analysis and interpretation was conducted to enable the researcher to identify patterns which are consistent within the data. The criteria for data analysis as well the response rate were discussed. The demographics of chief officials and political office-bearers as respondents include their age; year of service, home language, gender, the academic qualification as well as the different stakeholders were analysed. The role of political office-bearers and chief officials in the initiation of policy which the input phase of the Systems theory analysis was conducted and the role of political office-bearers and chief officials in the process phase were analysed and discussed. The co-operative interaction in policy formulation and the steps in the policy formulation were analysed and discussed. Also the analysis was conducted on the delegation of authority to chief officials by the political office-bearers as well as the role of political office-bearers and chief officials in the approval of executive policy. An evaluation of the rendering of - 11 - housing services at Phola park informal settlement as well as the evaluation of housing services as an output phase in policy formulation were analysed and discussed. And lastly, the analysis of the impact of existing legislation or policy on housing services was conducted. The findings of the study were provided and discussed and the concluding remarks were provided to whether the problem is real and whether the hypothesis is true and valid. The recommendations of the study were provided to enable Kind Sabata Dalindyebo local municipality to improve the co-operative interaction between municipal political office-bearers and chief officials to improve housing services and to provide better service delivery. KEYWORDS Administration Citizens Co-operative interaction Effectiveness Efficiency Executive functions Governing functions Municipal authority Municipal chief officials Municipal political office-bearers.
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Mthembu, Bhekisisa Jacob. "The role of leadership in implementing service delivery initiatives: a case study of Buffalo City Municipality." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003902.
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In terms of the South African Government Structure, Local Government is entrusted with the service delivery mandate. Furthermore, Local Government, being the closest sphere of government to the people, is expected to enhance service delivery to the communities within its jurisdiction. Local Government has for the past four years, undergone numerous transformation processes, ranging from Local Authorities, to Transitional Local Councils and to Municipalities. Having mentioned that, Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality, in particular, has recently acquired metropolitan status, which requires another transformation protocol. At the same time this automatically raises the bar on the service delivery expectations by the communities. In general, Local Government has been extensively supported by the National and Provincial Governments to deliver superior services to communities. This has happened through numerous pieces of legislations such as the Municipal Structures Act 117 of 1998, the Municipal Systems Act 32 of 2000, the Municipal Finance Management Act 56 of 2003 and the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, act 108 of 1996. In 1997, the South African Government introduced a White Paper on the Transformation of the Public Service. This was to re-emphasis on the performance enhancing role of both the political and administrative leadership in the implementation of service delivery mandates. The need was identified that communities require an assurance that their needs are taken care of by the leadership of the municipalities. It is therefore the role of leadership to ensure effective implementation of service delivery initiatives and to promote a culture of performance among the administrative officials of the municipality. The aim of this study is to critically investigate the role of leadership: A case study of Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality (BCMM), with the view that BCMM is considered one of the high capacity municipalities within the Eastern Cape Province. During the literature review, it became evident that different people and scholars, dating back in the early 90’s, view leadership in different forms. In sourcing the information for this research, structured interviews were conducted with five Directors, five Executive Mayoral Councillors and five Ward Councillors. The interviews were an extensive consultation process which resulted in over 30 hours of engagement with research participants, with an average of 2 hours per structured interview. A four week period was allocated and effectively utilised for this exercise. The research provides recommendations for further research on other related components of the subject such as the intended role as compared to the current role fulfilled by both administrative and political leadership, and suggested solutions to the current problems in Municipalities, in order to ensure their sustainability within Local Government. The research findings identified the need for the leadership to take the leading role in service delivery initiatives in order to address the service delivery challenges in local government. Political leadership need to enhance the public participation process to ensure the community is on board regarding the progress of their respective projects and planning processes.
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De, Sas Kropiwnicki Zosa Olenka. "Traditional leaders in post-1996 South Africa, with particular reference to the Eastern Cape." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007479.
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The failure of democracy in Africa can be partially attributed to the Eurocentric assumptions that belie Western recommendations for Africa. This thesis focuses on the failure of the modernisation school to account for the resiliency of tradition in the modern African state, which is described by Sklar (1991) as amounting to a form of 'mixed government', combining the traditional with the modern to create a uniquely African form of governance. This notion of a 'mixed government' is addressed from the vantage point of traditional leaders in the Eastern Cape. It maps the vacillating relationship between the chiefs, the people and the government through colonialism, Apartheid and democratisation. It concludes that although the Eastern Cape provincial government has subordinated the chiefs, this does not signify a victory for modernity over tradition because the chiefs are not a spent force. History has shown that when the government fails to act in the interests of the people, they seek an alternative authority namely, the chiefs. The ANC government's centralising tendencies have negative implications for democracy and consequently for the people. This opens up space for the chiefs to assert themselves provided they play an active role in furthering democracy, development and modernisation in the interests of the people. Hence, although ' mixed' government in the post-1996 South Africa is currently on the ANC's terms, traditional leaders may someday play a vital role in the modern democratic state.
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Gilliard, Dominique DuBois. "Political Accommodation: The Effects of Booker T. Washington's Leadership and Legacy on Tuskegee University and The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2010. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1667.
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In this re-evaluation of the Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, I identify the original causes that made the Study emerge, examine why the intent of this research shifted over time, reveal the manner in which the Study was conducted, expose the role the government played in the manipulation of the Experiment, and, finally, investigate the ways, as well as the reasons, for the selection of the participants involved in the Study. After exploring the Experiment itself, I investigate the lasting effects of it on the community in which it occurred and the ways in which it further affected the relationship between African Americans and the United States Government. I explore the reasons for the involvement of Tuskegee Institute. Also, the philosophies of its founder, Booker T. Washington, are examined to discover the rationale behind the Institution's participation in an Experiment, which eventually became harmful. Finally, I hope to reveal why Tuskegee has been historically omitted from any blame in the Study.
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Sibuyi, Lucas Nkosana. "An assessment of the African Peer Review Mechanism with specific reference to South Africa." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/758.
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The Heads of State and Government Implementation Committee (HSGIC) of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad) acknowledged and recognised the centrality of good governance within the context of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), an innovative mechanism acceded to by member states of the African Union (AU) as a self- monitoring mechanism for good governance. South Africa is one of the countries which acceded to the APRM in 2003. Accordingly, South Africa appointed a National Governing Council (NGC) under the chairpersonship of the Minister of Public Services and Administration as the focal point to develop a strategy to manage the national APRM process. The NGC was constituted of business, the disabled, civil society, churches, trade unions, government and women’s coalitions thus ensuring all relevant stakeholders are represented. As part of South Africa’s country assessment, questionnaires dealing with the four core thematic areas of the APRM were sent through to the public by community development workers. In addition, four technical assessment agencies were appointed to assist in conducting research on the four thematic areas. The primary objective of this study is to examine the theoretical approach to the study and the African Peer Review Mechanism’s contemporary relevance to South Africa, its intended beneficiaries and an assessment of South Africa for the period 2006. The study revealed that Proportional Representation (PR) and floor-crossing have an impact on the sustainability, relevance, long term development, vibrancy and profundity of constitutional democracy in the country. Clearly, since the dawn of the democratic dispensation in South Africa the electoral system introduced is such that it had to take into account the challenges the country faced during the apartheid system of governance. In this context, enough space for free political competition in the country was created. On the basis of the findings of the study, it is patently clear that the time allocated for the CSAR was minimal and the country should have been given at least two years so that the self assessment could have been extensively done. On the issue of HIV and AIDS and its relationship to socio-economic conditions, it was revealed that the country has a lot to do in this regard. The debilitating effect that HIV and AIDS has on the lives of the citizens requires clarity of policy and strategy, consistency in public communication and the need for sustained partnerships amongst all relevant stakeholders. At another level, there was a call for a basic income grant although government does not necessarily support it. Based on the research findings above, a new research area outlined under recommendations can be conceptualized for further research and it requires some attention.
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Lombo, Mzimkhulu Solomon. "Stakeholders' perceptions of the shift to democratic leadership in a secondary school in the Eastern Cape : a case study." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015541.
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The advent of political democracy in South Africa in 1994 gave rise to new policy in education promoting democratic and participative ways of managing and leading schools. The intention was both to break from the apartheid past which was characterised by an authoritarian, nonparticipative mindset, as well as to point the way for future education development. Principals of schools were expected to develop structures and adopt management and leadership styles which were participative, inclusive and developmental. Many principals would not have been prepared for this shift in mindset, and notions of full participation in governance by parents, and representation of learners through constituted bodies would have been new to them. In this case study of one semi-urban secondary school in the Eastern Cape the researcher sought to establish whether and to what extent the school had moved towards the new management and leadership approaches. The study is interpretive in orientation, and made use of interviews and document analysis. This research has found that the school had democratised its management and leadership to a considerable degree, but that this was not necessarily due to profound changes on the part of the principal 's leadership. The principal emerged as a democratic leader by nature. More significant seem to be the structures which the school had put in place, both officially and internally, to promote widespread participation and the distribution of leadership. This decentralised system of management has contributed to a distinct organisation culture in the school characterised by warmth, openness and ubuntu.
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Bosoga, Tebogo. "The Changing Levels of Diffuse and Specific Support in South Africa amongst ANC supporters: A longitudinal Study." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4029.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During the so-called third wave of democratisation, South Africa experienced a transition from authoritarian rule to democratic rule in 1994. This transition was coupled with a transformation process, which saw the establishment and introduction of democratic principles and norms, as well as democratic institutions. All these make South Africa a democracy in theory but do not necessarily mean that it is a democracy in practice. Moreover, democracy, unlike authoritarian rule, depends on the support of the populace. Lack of support for democratic rule renders the regime illegitimate, since it does not have enough support to continue as the authority of the country. Against the theoretical point of departure (i.e. support for democracy is closely tied to legitimacy of the authority), it is imperative to evaluate these types of support for democracy as well as their changing levels in the country. This will shed some light on whether the populace in the country embrace democracy as a form of governance – that is, whether the populace perceive democracy as a political regime that is entrenched not only in theory, but also in practice. This will be highlighted by their level of support, which determines whether the regime is perceived as legitimate or illegitimate. It will further shed some light on the degree or level of support for the political system governing the country. Support for democracy may be evaluated by using two models or types of support, i.e. diffuse and specific support. Diffuse support consists of three levels of support, namely, political community, regime principles and regime performance, whilst specific support consists of two levels of support, namely regime institutions and political actors. For this study, these models and levels of support are evaluated amongst the supporters of the ruling party, namely the ANC. For comparative purposes, however, support patterns for democracy, as measured in the World Values Surveys from 1995 to 2006, amongst the ANC supporters will be evaluated in relation to non-ANC supporters. These patterns are crucial, since they will highlight whether support for democracy is support for democratic rules and norms, i.e. democracy per se, or whether support for democracy is closely tied to party support and position. The study reveals that there are relatively high levels of support for political community, regime principles and regime performance amongst both the ANC supporters and non-ANC supporters, when compared to levels of support for regime institutions and political actors, meaning that there are high levels of diffuse support when compared to specific support. Moreover, the ANC supporters have higher levels of both diffuse and specific support for democracy when compared to non-ANC supporters.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die 1990‟s gedurende die derde golf van demokratisering in die wêreld, het Suid Afrika ook „n transformasie van „n outoritêre stelsel na „n demokrasie ondergaan. Hierdie transformasie het op die vestiging van demokratiese beginsels en norme sowel as demokratiese instellings uitgeloop. Hoewel dit Suid-Afrika ‟n demokrasie in teorie gemaak het, het dit die stelsel nie noodwendig ‟n demokrasie in die praktyk gemaak nie. Dit is belangrik om in ag te neem dat „n demokrasie, anders as „n outokrasie, die ondersteuning van die bevolking moet geniet. ‟n Gebrek aan genoegsame steun kan daartoe lei dat ‟n regering gesag op ‟n onlegitieme wyse uitoefen. Teen hierdie teoretiese agtergrond is dit dus belangrik om die tipes sowel as die veranderende vlakke van ondersteuning vir demokrasie te evalueer. Sodoende word ‟n insig verkry of die bevolking demokrasie as ‟n vorm van regering nie net in teorie aanvaar nie, maar ook in die praktyk. Die vlak van ondersteuning sal bepaal of die regime as legitiem of onlegitiem beskou word. Dit kan ook verder lig werp op die vlak van ondersteuning vir die politieke selsel wat in plek is. Ondersteuning vir demokrasie kan bepaal word deur gebruik te maak van twee modelle of tipes van ondersteuning, naamlik, verspreide (“diffuse”) en spesifieke (“specific”) ondersteuning. Verspreide ondersteuning bestaan uit drie vlakke van ondersteuning, naamlik, steun vir die politieke gemeenskap, regime beginsels en regime optrede. Spesifieke ondersteuning in teenstelling, bestaan uit twee vlakke van ondersteuning, naamlik steun vir regime instellings en vir die politieke akteurs. Vir hierdie studie is die modelle en vlakke van ondersteuning ge-evalueer met spesifieke verwysing na die ondersteuners van die ANC - die regerende party. Vir ‟n vergelykingsbasis is hierdie ondersteuningspatrone met die nie-ANC ondersteuners soos dit voorkom in die World Values opnames van 1995 tot 2006 gebruik. Hierdie patrone is van kardinale belang omdat dit vir ons ‟n aanduiding gee of ondersteuning vir demokrasie ook die ondersteuning vir demokratiese reëls en norme behels. Die bevindinge dui op relatiewe hoër vlakke van ondersteuning vir die politieke gemeenskap, regime beginsels en regime werkverrigting onder ANC ondersteuners sowel as nie-ondersteuners as dit vergelyk word met vlakke van ondersteuning vir regime instellings en politieke akteurs. Dit beteken dat daar hoër vlakke van verspreide ondersteuning bestaan in vergelyking met spesifieke ondersteuning. Verder is bevind dat ANC ondersteuners hoër vlakke van verspreide sowel as spesifiek ondersteuning vir demokrasie vertoon in vergelyking met nie-ondersteuners van die ANC.
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Kewana, Nonzaliseko Gladys. "The effectiveness of traditional leaders in the development of the rural Eastern Cape." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/296.
Full textAbstract:
Traditional leadership is a contested field in social and political environments. The new, democratic government has created an environment that accommodates the existence of traditional leadership by introducing policies that guide their functioning. The White Paper on Traditional Leadership of 2003 spells out the roles and responsibilities of traditional leaders. This document when used with the Municipal Structures Act 117 of 2003 may minimise the existing tensions between the traditional leaders and the democratically elected councillors. The White Paper on Traditional Leadership of 2003 has been designed accordingly with the Bill of Rights. Equality and prevention of unfair discrimination, has been entrenched in the Bill of Rights of the Republic of South Africa. Traditional leaders, therefore, do have a space in the governance of South Africa. They are expected to participate in development programmes and in promoting service delivery. This study used the method of a case study. It is a qualitative study. Questionnaires and interviews are tools used to collect data. Various observations and findings were made with proposed recommendations. Most important to note is that, the traditional leaders are aware of the White Paper on Traditional Leadership but do not know what to do about it. This reveals that there is a gap between practice and policy. is the recommendation of the study that, the officials from Local Government and Traditional Affairs and those from the municipalities workshop and mentor the traditional leaders as well as the democratically elected councillors. Such a practice could minimise if not eliminate the tensions that result in poor service delivery.
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Royeppen, Andrea Leigh. "How does security limit the right to protest? : a study examining the securitised response to protest in South Africa." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013071.
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In South Africa, the right to protest is under constant threat as a result of the state response. Increasing cases of forceful policing and sometimes unlawful procedural prohibitions of protest attest to this. This study aims to firstly describe this situation through securitisation theory, essentially arguing that South Africa has become a securitised state. It also aims to understand how this is sustained by the state and why the state needs to use a securitised response to maintain power. Interviews were conducted with members of different communities and organisations. Their responses helped to illustrate the frustration of the right to protest or brutal policing during a protest. This provided primary evidence to support the claims of the study. The research shows that claims to protest are being delegitimised under the guise of security as protestors are being constructed as threats to the state. This is further substantiated by looking at how the reorganisation and remililtarisation of the South African Police perpetuates the criminalisation of protestors which necessitates a forceful response from the state. Furthermore, it shows that there is a distinct relationship between the prohibition of protest and the recent increase in ‘violent’ protests which legitimate forceful policing thereby creating a state sustained cycle of violence. The larger implication of this treatment is that these protestors are treated as non- citizens who are definitively excluded from participating in governance. In understanding why this is taking place, it is clear that a securtitised response is an attempt to maintain power by dispelling any threats to power, a response which is seen to have a long history in the African National Congress (ANC) when examining the politics of the ANC during exile. Maintaining power in this way distracts from the larger agenda of the state, which this thesis argues, is to mask the unraveling of the ANC’s hegemony and inability to maintain national unity. In other words, the increasing dissatisfaction of some of the citizenry which has manifested through protest greatly undermines the legitimacy of the government to provide for its people.
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Abjorensen, Norman, and norman abjorensen@anu edu au. "Leadership in the Liberal Party: Bolte, Askin and the Post-War Ascendancy." The Australian National University. Faculty of Arts, 2005. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20070320.122842.
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The formation of the Liberal Party of Australia in the mid-1940s heralded a new effort to stem the tide of government regulation that had grown with Labor Party rule in the latter years of World War II and immediately after. It was not until 1949 that the party gained office at Federal level, beginning what was to be a record unbroken term of 23 years, but its efforts faltered at State level in Victoria, where the party was divided, and in New South Wales, where Labor was seemingly entrenched. The fortunes were reversed with the rise to leadership of men who bore a different stamp to their predecessors, and were in many ways atypical Liberals: Henry Bolte in Victoria and Robin Askin in New South Wales. Bolte, a farmer, and Askin, a bank officer, had served as non-commissioned officers in World War II and rose to lead parties whose members who had served in the war were predominantly of the officer class. In each case, their man management skills put an end to division and destabilisation in their parties, and they went on to serve record terms as Liberal leaders in their respective States, Bolte 1955-72 and Askin 1965-75. Neither was ever challenged in their leadership and each chose the time and nature of his departure from politics, a rarity among Australian political leaders. Their careers are traced here in the context of the Liberal revival and the heightened expectations of the post-war years when the Liberal Party reached an ascendancy, governing for a brief time in 1969-70 in all Australian States as well as the Commonwealth. Their leadership is also examined in the broader context of leadership in the Liberal Party, and also in the ways in which the new party sought to engage with and appeal to a wider range of voters than had traditionally been attracted to the non-Labor parties.
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Naicker, Camalita. "Marikana : taking a subaltern sphere of politics seriously." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015651.
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This thesis aims to open up the realm of what counts as political in the context of the Marikana strikes and subsequent massacre. It does primarily by taking into account the social, political and cultural context of Mpondo workers on the mines. Many narrow Marxist and liberal frameworks have circumscribed the conception of the ‘modern’ and the ‘political’ so much so that political organisation which falls outside of this conceptualisation is often regarded as ‘backward’ or ‘archaic’. It will provide an examination of the history, culture and custom of men, who have, for almost a hundred years migrated back and forth between South African mines and Mpondoland. This not only reveals differing modes of organising and engaging in political action, but also that the praxis of democracy takes many forms, some of which are different and opposed to what counts as democratic in Western liberal democracy. By considering what I argue, following some of the insights from the Subaltern Studies collective in India, to be a subaltern sphere of politics and history, it is possible to better understand the way workers organised and acted. The thesis also argues that most labour and nationalist historiography has been silent on the political contributions of women because of how Marxist/liberal analysis frames struggles through disciplined notions of work and resistance. Rather than objectifying workers as representatives of a homogenous and universal class of people devoid of context, the thesis has linked ‘the worker’ to the community from which s/he comes and community specific struggles, which are supported and sustained, often, by the parallel struggles of women in the community.
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Mulusa, L. M. "The impact of South African firms on the liberalised Zambian economy." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20936.
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Assignment (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2005.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: While admitting that the ambitious privatization programme embarked on from 1991 to date in Zambia has contributed to unemployment largely due to the closure of privatized parastatal companies, post-privatization business conduct of investors need analyzing in order to understand why the expected economic growth and job creation in the country has never taken place. In this article the role the local political leadership, globalization and the tendency towards misplaced policy formulation play in driving the state of under development in Zambia will be analysed. The inherent weaknesses in the New Partnership for Africa’s Development which may further deny poor African countries such as Zambia, the benefits of a well timed and supported programme to provide home grown solutions for the continent’s numerous developmental problems will also be looked at. The paper will contribute towards resolving Zambia’s problems by suggesting the need to formulate policies which create a positive interface between local policies adopted to support and attract investment, and the motives driving the global players to invest in particular countries. In particular this paper focuses on the absence of good investment policy formulation, and consequently, the absence of the full economic benefit which should be derived by the economy for hosting multinational business enterprises such as the Shoprite Checkers Group.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die ambisieuse privatiserings program wat sedert 1991 in Zambië gevolg word, het hoofsaaklik as gevolg van die sluiting van geprivatiseerde semistaatsmaatskappye tot werkloosheid bygedra. Die sake-optrede van beleggers ná privatisering moet egter ontleed word ten einde te verstaan waarom die verwagte ekonomiese groei en werkskepping nooit in hierdie land plaasgevind het nie. In hierdie artikel sal die rol wat die plaaslike politieke leierskap, globalisering en die neiging na misplaaste beleidsformulering in onderontwikkeling in Zambië speel, ondersoek word. Die inherente tekortkominge in die Nuwe Vennootskap vir Afrika-ontwikkeling wat arm Afrikalande soos Zambië moontlik die voordele van ’n geleë en ondersteunde program om eie oplossings vir die kontinent se veelvuldige ontwikkelingsprobleme te bied, ontsê, sal ook onder die loep geneem word. Hierdie artikel sal ter oplossing van Zambië se probleme voorstel dat beleid geformuleer word wat ’n positiewe raakvlak bied tussen plaaslike beleid wat aangeneem is om belegging te lok en te ondersteun, en die beweegredes agter wêreldrolspelers se besluite om in spesifieke lande te belê. Hierdie artikel fokus veral op die afwesigheid van die formulering van goeie beleggingsbeleid en die gevolglike afwesigheid van die volle voordeel wat die ekonomie daaruit kan put om as gasheer vir multinasionale sake-ondernemigs soos die Shoprite Checkers Groep op te tree.
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Ntsebeza, Lungisile. "Structures and struggles of rural local government in South Africa: the case of traditional authorities in the Eastern Cape." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003092.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is about the political implications of the constitutional recognition of the hereditary institution of traditional leadership in post-1994 South Africa for the democratization process in the rural areas of the former Bantustans. The thesis is organized around three related conceptual, historical and political questions. The conceptual question deals with the meaning of democracy in rural areas under the jurisdiction of traditional authorities. The historical question traces how the institution and traditional authorities have survived to the present post-colonial period. Lastly, this study investigates the political issue of why an ANC-led government came to recognize the institution. The focus of the thesis is the sphere of rural local government in the Xhalanga district, where these issues are best illustrated. The thesis argues that the institution of traditional leadership and its officials survived precisely because they were incorporated into the colonial and apartheid administrative structures in the project of indirect rule. Traditional authorities were central to the apartheid policy of retribalisation, which was essentially a form of control of Africans in the Bantustans. Rural residents engaged in fierce struggles against the imposition of rural local government structures such as the District Council and Tribal Authorities. In so far as traditional authorities were part of government structures, they could not avoid being targets in these struggles. In explaining the recognition of the institution of traditional leadership, the thesis focuses on the policies of the ANC, the majority party in the Government of National Unity, towards traditional authorities. Organisationally weak on the rural grounds, the ANC operated through what they considered to be “good/progressive/comrade chiefs”. The ANC had hoped that these traditional authorities would accept a non-political ceremonial role. However, traditional authorities have rejected this ceremonial role. Their refusal, coupled with the ANC’s ambivalence in resolving the tension imply, the study concludes, that the (political) citizenship rights of rural people are partial: they are neither citizens nor subjects.
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Botha, Ilana. "China in Africa : friend or foe? : China’s contemporary political and economic relations with Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3405.
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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006.Since the end of the Cold War, China has displayed a reinvigorated interest in the African continent. There are differing viewpoints as to whether China’s increasing involvement in Africa is beneficial to the African continent, or whether there are negative consequences. This assignment attempts to answer this question by exploring the nature of China’s political, economic, and aid relationships with the African continent, by highlighting examples from four countries: South Africa, Zimbabwe, Uganda and Sudan. China’s interests in Africa are motivated primarily by economics and diplomacy. In other words, Africa is important to China as a vast source of resources to feed its growing manufacturing base, as well as a source of energy security. In addition, China sees Africa as an important destination for its affordable manufactured goods. China’s interests in Africa, however, are not only confined to economics, but extend to diplomacy as well. China is attempting to position itself as an important power in the international system and, in so doing, promote its own views and policies within international multilateral organisations. Africa plays an important role in this regard, particularly in institutions with ‘one-country, one vote’ arrangements. Thus, China attempts to court African governments in order to secure access to Africa’s vast resources, as well as to garner support for its policies in the international arena. After an in-depth examination of the evidence, it is concluded that China’s engagement with Africa is based on strategic political and economic considerations and fits within a Realist explanatory framework. It is therefore contended that China’s presence on the African continent presents both opportunities as well as threats, although African governments need to be pro-active in order to exploit the potential opportunities. Furthermore, it is concluded that the negative consequences of China’s involvement in Africa are not only attributable to China’s behaviour in Africa, but some of the blame should also be shifted to corrupt African governments and elites who operate within a framework of neo-patrimonial politics which exacerbates corruption and mal-governance on the continent. Such behaviour stalls efforts emanating from ‘responsible’ African leaders to promote good governance and democracy on the continent, for example through institutions such as the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad) and the African Union (AU).
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Naidoo, Pravine. "Isomorphism, institutional entrepreneurship and total quality management (TQM) : a case study in the implementation of quality management standards and excellence models in South African developmental local government." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007141.
Full textAbstract:
Within the new constitutional order, South African local government has been afforded specific status and is protected as a distinctive sphere of government in terms of the Constitution Act 108 of 1996. Municipalities are no longer a mere function of national or provincial governments. In addition to this entrenched status, the Constitution and other developmental local government legislation vests local government with specific functions and responsibilities as part of the process of building a new democracy and promoting socio-economic development and upliftment. Consequently, local government managers are under constant pressure to improve the performance and quality of service delivery. They are expected to satisfy a number of stakeholders, achieve increases in efficiency, as well as attain developmental service delivery goals as contained in their Integrated Development Plan (IDP). Quality management standards and excellence models in support of the total quality management (TQM) philosophy are relatively new public management approaches that changes traditional organisational decision-making practices to deliver services to its customers in more effective and efficient ways. In essence, quality management standards and excellence models are performance management methodological practices, techniques and tools designed to meet and exceed public requirements. It accomplishes this through determining what constitutes excellence in customer service, and then empowering employees to a never-ending search for quality improvement in the delivery of services, in terms of the continuous improvement and continuous process improvement philosophies, of which total quality management (TQM) is premised on. Consequently, quality management standards and excellence models (such as the ISO 9001: 2008 QMS, ISO 14001: 2004 EMS, EFQM and SAEF Excellence Models) as methodological practices, techniques or tools in support of the critical factors (CFs) of the total quality management (TQM) philosophy, namely: (1) customer-based approach, (2) senior management commitment and leadership, (3) quality planning, (4) management based on facts, (5) continuous improvement, (6) involvement of all members of the organisation, (7) education and training, (8) teamwork, (9) communication systems, (10) learning, (11) process management, (12) co-operation with suppliers, and (13) organisational awareness and concern for the social and environmental context, can provide a framework by which to achieve the goals of effective and efficient service delivery in developmental local government, as they foster a culture of performance and accountability. Local government managers could use these quality and excellence methodological practices, techniques and tools, as a starting point to improve efficiencies in their municipalities, as the programmes afford them an opportunity to systematically evaluate the municipality and determine what leads to organisational success and deliverables. Institutional theory suggests that organisations are both influenced by and can influence the society in which they operate. Institutional theorists believe that the motivation for a change in internal practices might not only be performance related, but may primarily be to enhance or maintain the legitimacy of the respective institution. Institutional theory also focuses on the social contract that exists between the institution and society. This social contract is believed to represent the expectations of society. From an institutional point of view, it has been suggested that institutions may change and adopt the norms of society to appear legitimate to that society. This infers that when societal norms and values change, institutions will be expected to change. These societal pressures combined with legislative changes, require institutional entrepreneurs to respond to these isomorphic pressures, and will work to preserve the institution's legitimacy by incorporating, or at least appearing to incorporate, new practices, norms and values. The aim of this research study was to analyse within an institutional theory framework, the implementation of quality management standards and excellence models in support of the total quality management (TQM) philosophy and developmental local government within two South African municipalities. The research investigation has been undertaken within the social constructionist paradigm and using the case study method. Interviews and documents were the data sources and thematic analysis was used as a tool to analyse the data by applying a theory-driven coding procedure. The findings from the two research sites, namely Makana Municipality in Grahamstown and Drakenstein Municipality in Paarl reveal that the implementation of quality management standards and excellence models in support of the total quality management (TQM) philosophy in both municipalities was not a smooth process and there were many challenges such as political instability, lack of commitment on the part of the senior leadership and management, staff and skills shortages, resistance by staff to implementation and resource constraints. Institutional theory has proved to be useful in understanding why the Makana and Drakenstein Municipalities implemented quality management standards and excellence models. Because of coercive, mimetic and normative isomorphic pressures affecting the Makana and Drakenstein municipalities, change was imperative if these institutions were to remain relevant and legitimate in order to address its service delivery mandate of effectiveness and efficiency. Institutional theory provided a theoretical lens to understand and appreciate the pressures that affected the municipalities because of its new developmental mandate as encapsulated in new municipal legislation. It also assisted in understanding how institutional entrepreneurs responded to these pressures to conform. The implementation of quality management standards and excellence models in the Makana and Drakenstein municipalities was adversely affected by volatility amongst the political leadership of both municipalities. The successful implementation of these standards and models would require collective action from the political, bureaucratic and procedural entrepreneurs in order to enhance effective, efficient and accountable service delivery. However, in both the Makana and Drakenstein municipalities, institutional entrepreneurs, namely councillors and officials were not working together as a collective to implement quality management standards and excellence models. Evidence has shown that the absence of stable political leadership and noncooperation and collaboration amongst institutional entrepreneurs contributed significantly to the non-institutionalisation of quality management standards and excellence models in these Municipalities. This implies that legitimacy has not been achieved, due to institutional entrepreneurs not collaborating and collectively working with each other to implement the quality management standards and excellence models. Thus, this research study suggests that the strategic and collective role of the political and administrative leadership as institutional entrepreneurs is critical if the municipality is to achieve its aims and objectives, namely effective, efficient, and accountable service delivery in developmental local government. Recommendations in respect of future research and to practitioners have also been offered.
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Williams, Richmond Paul Bowen. "Towards a strategic transcultural model of leadership that enhances Koinonia in urban Southern Africa." Thesis, Full-text available online as a .pdf file, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/23874.
Full textAbstract:
The research conducted was done on the basis of providing an initial platform or starting point for insight and discussion into what a strategic transcultural model of leadership might look like which was relevant to the early 21st Century Christian context in the cities of Southern Africa. A strategic transcultural leader is essentially a transformational leader who exhibits an ability beyond the norm in being able to cross socio-political barriers and thus inspiring the multicultural dynamic, while also honouring the individual cultures represented. In order to study strategic transcultural leadership models a strong leadership angle was taken, which employed investigating six leaders, three political and three Christian as to the structures, styles, values, transcultural abilities and Christian/political beliefs and/or philosophies they employed. The thesis poses the problem of urban unrest in the cities of Southern Africa. The problem of an influx into the cities, of the many different ethnicities and tribes from throughout Southern Africa and the pressures this has caused is briefly alluded to. This problem has been further exacerbated in South Africa by the arrival of many peoples from throughout Africa, south of the Sahara seeking their fortune without having to leave the African Subcontinent, and in Zimbabwe by the political policies of the Zimbabwean government, over land and in clearing away her unapproved urban high-density housing, and her informal business and white farming sectors of the economy. With these issues in mind, there is a need for strategic transcultural leadership to address these and other issues of unrest. The examples of Mandela and De Klerk as transformational leaders, inspire hope, that the vacuum of strategic transcultural leadership seen in Africa at large and specifically in relation to Southern Africa can be met, as is noted by the progress made in recent years in the arena of transformational leadership which the Group of eight and the United Nations and others allude to. While this is true, there are still problems in relation to the political decision-making within South African, as seen by Mbeki’s stance in the past on HIV-AIDS, and Zimbabwe’s woes. The stage is set from a missiological and historical perspective by looking at multicultural models of leadership in the Early Church with specific reference to Paul and the Antiochan model he used as a prototype. The Jerusalem Church is mentioned as a bi-cultural model, which has significant use outside of large urban environs. However it was the Pauline-Antiochan model that provided a platform, in the later use of a synthetic-semiotic model, to deduce or synthesis a transcultural model. Paul’s model of leadership was analysed specifically in relation to the five elements already noted (structures, styles, etc.) and is particularly useful as a model as Paul himself provides firstly an insight into a man of bi-cultural heritage yet someone who was empire-conscious. Paul was able to uphold both the cultural distinctive or uniqueness of both the Greek and Jew (noting Paul’s use of both Hebraic and Hellenistic styles of the diatribe for example) as well as the universal, in that he was empire-conscious which played into his Kingdom perspective. Secondly he provides a reasonable grounds for understanding that if the belief system of the individual is changed on one of its most fundamental levels – allegiance – then given time the macro-cultural identity of a nation, even empire can be significantly altered. He was able to do this primarily because the Graeco-Roman Empire had a common linguafranca in Greek, and the Christian community – as the followers of the Way became known as – had an ethos of reconciliation, enhancing the multicultural and one also of inclusivity (for example a worship style that encompasses both Jewish and local expressions) enhancing the particular. In declaring the One God of Israel and Jesus Christ – Messiah, as the only true Kyrios, Paul replaced the Emperor and the whole Greek pantheon of the Gods with the one true God and Father of us all, and his one and only Son.< /p> The three political leaders – Moshoeshoe, Smuts and Mandela – and the three Christian leaders – Mutendi, Cassidy and Tutu – are investigated in terms of the five elements (structures, styles, values etc.) that comprise the model of leadership. Each of these leaders in turn made a lasting contribution to national and/or tribal change. After looking at the six leadership models an initial conceptual framework for a multicultural model of leadership is outlined. However, in order to bring significant current postmodern/neo-African/tribal/multicultural paradigms of thought and the associated socio-political forces and philosophies of the day, to bear on the evolving model, these were specifically highlighted and brought into the process of synthesizing a model. Lastly once all these inputs are brought together in a tabulated framework, and the evolving multicultural model is screened against three known working scenarios, and further synthesized such that the refined model was then called a strategic transcultural model of leadership. Before this can be achieved however, various North American multicultural models posited were looked at in a literary review, which served to reinforce the understanding of the need to balance the universal and the particular aspects of culture. In refining a strategic transcultural model, the thesis next attempted to address the problem of developing a national macro-cultural identity. A strict delineation in a postmodern era between Church and State was considered to be not only unnecessary but a modern myth, also noting that the State mirrors the Church in many of the problems of community and identity. Thus the meso-level of the Church provided key insights into the macro-level of the State. An argument all along was posed for not just orchestrating a macro-culture based on multiculturalism, nor in just upholding the micro-cultural individual identities at the expense of participation in a national framework and beyond this the global village, but an argument was made for a both/and scenario. In doing this the thesis sought to address both the macro-cultural and individual cultural identities at every level and in every element of the model of leadership. The plausibility of the argument for today was based on the prevalence of a language of choice – in most cases English – and an ethos of reconciliation and inclusivity for which Madiba and Tutu among others have set the standard. A final picture of a community based on both was posited for reflection, a picture that John paints where the great heavenly host (mirroring the macro-level of the Kingdom) is contrasted with the micro-level of a people made up “from every tribe and language and people and nation” (Rev 5:9).Thesis (PhD (Science of Religion and Missiology))--University of Pretoria, 2007.
Science of Religion and Missiology
PhD
Unrestricted
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Mhlanga, Fezeka. "An assessment of the relationship between traditional leaders and ward councillors and its impact on service delivery: the case study of Mnquma Local Municipality." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1007132.
Full textAbstract:
This study was researched at Mnquma Local Municipality of Amathole District Municipality in Eastern Cape Province, in the Republic of South Africa. The study is about: The assessment of relationship between the traditional leaders and ward Councillors and its impact on service delivery: A case of Mnquma Local Municipality. This municipality consists of 61 wards and 41 ward Councillors. The purpose of this study was to investigate what causes tensions in the relationship between traditional leaders and ward Councillors and also how can it be managed and or be improved as it affects production in service delivery and development. Furthermore, the study seeks to find ways through which the relationship between traditional leaders and ward Councillors could be managed to harmonize the relationship between them in order to improve service delivery in Mnquma Local Municipality. Most municipalities which are based in rural areas in South Africa are faced with a lot of challenges which has left development staggering and thus in long run inefficiency in service delivery is caused. As a result of poor service delivery Mnquma Municipality is faced with the challenge of instability towards its management, whereby several Mayors have been chased away through protests, as result service delivery has been hampered and delayed. These challenges are the results of the poor relationship between traditional leaders and ward Councillors over land ownership, control and authority of resources for development. The legislations that govern traditional leaders are ambiguous or rather vague when it comes to their roles and functions in development and service delivery in the new democratic government of South Africa and thus cause the traditional leaders to feel that they are undermined by the ward Councillors whom according to traditional leaders feel they that ward Councillors are more recognized than them. It is in this context that this study seeks to investigate the causes of conflict between the traditional leaders and ward Councillors and how the conflict impacts on service delivery and development and also can it resolved to harmonize the situation. The researcher used a qualitative method to collect data, the questionnaires and interviews were conducted to Municipalities, Traditional Leaders, Municipal Managers, Ward Councillors, Ward Committees and the community. Data was collected and analysed using descriptive method. The researcher came out with the following summary of the findings: The management of relationship between traditional leaders and ward Councillors over ownership of projects, control, land distribution and authority is very poor. Traditional leaders felt that the present democratic government has given too much power to the ward Councillors for most development programs. There is no absolute proper consultation of traditional leaders by neither local government officials, municipalities and ward Councillors before any development is done in their areas. Poor recognition of traditional leaders by ward Councillors and other politicians. There is allegation by the community members and traditional leaders that ward Councillors are bias in delivering services, preference is given to the group that belongs to their party of interest. When there is development projects employment opportunity is not given to the local communities of that area. Traditional leaders are not allowed to actively participate in council meetings.
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Mkentane, Benjamin Zolile. "An investigation of public participation in municipal planning and performance evaluation: a case study of Mnquma Local Municipality." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1007119.
Full textAbstract:
The participation of communities and community organizations in Municipal governance is set in terms of the law as a mechanism to deepen democracy. Municipalities are required to develop a culture of governance that complements representative democracy with community participation. However the participation of communities in local governance has not translated to the strengthening of governance and the deepening of democracy as municipalities have not done enough to involve communities in municipal affaires. Lack of human resources, and financial capacity have been cited as some of the reasons that beset municipalities and undermine citizen participation. Municipalities have taken steps to encourage community participation and these include establishment of structures to enable participation, however without the guidance and financial support of the municipalities these structures are not able to perform their functions. In spite of all the efforts made by municipalities to encourage participation, a culture of community participation has not yet taken root in local government. While the legislative framework provides for communities to participate, practice shows that the implementation of legislation is complex and requires dedicated capacities within the councils to be effective. This can be achieved when municipalities develop their own community participation policies which address their special circumstances, which must be reviewed on a regular basis. Unless communities are empowered with knowledge on the available participation mechanisms, the dream of a culture of participation will remain just that, a dream. Thus civic education coupled with capacity building of officials will assist in ensuring the development of a culture of participation. Council must also develop mechanisms to evaluate the effectiveness of community participation processes and procedures, to avoid a one size fits all approach. It is imperative that councils as the legislative arm of municipalities must lead the process and not leave everything to the executive arm.
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Mkata, Goodwin Pumelele. "An assessment of the impact of traditional leaders and ward councillors relations on service delivery: the case of Mnquma local municipality in the Eastern Cape." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/333.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of the study was to assess the impact of traditional leaders and ward councillors‟ roles on service delivery in Mnquma Local Municipality. Not much research has been conducted in this field. The researcher wanted to ascertain the extent of conflict between traditional leaders and ward councillors in providing services to the communities and provide mechanisms to harness these. In this study relevant literature and legislative frameworks were reviewed. From the literature review, it was evident that service delivery is essential to the communities, and as such, municipalities have a critical role to play. The data collection instruments used, were questionnaires and interviews. In order to achieve the objectives, questionnaires were distributed to the participants and interviews were conducted. After analysing the data, the researcher formulated conclusions and from those conclusions, some recommendations were made.
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Aagesen, Håvard. "Maktbalanse og maktfordeling : en studie av demokratiske bestrebelser i sårbare stater /." Oslo : Statsvitenskap, Universitetet i Oslo, 2007. http://www.duo.uio.no/publ/statsvitenskap/2007/58235/HxvardxAagesenxhovedoppgavexixstatsvitenskap.pdf.
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McKinney, Cynthia Ann. ""El No Murio, El Se Multiplico!" Hugo Chávez : The Leadership and the Legacy on Race." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1431957422.
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Gwala, Mzonzima. "An evaluation of public participation in public meetings : the case of the Khayamandi community in the Municipality of Stellenbosch." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/17909.
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Thesis (MPA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: A public meeting is one of the strategies for public participation outlined by the International Association for Public Participation (IAP2). It is a strategy that is commonly used, but tends to yield poor outcomes. Its purpose is often misunderstood and it is therefore used as a “soft” public participation option that hastens the project at hand. However, it can be a most effective strategy if it is used correctly. Its intended outcome should be to create an interest in public participation within the community, especially when it comes to community-based development. The public should be left empowered and be given scope to influence, direct and own each and every development within its community. In this study the Khayamandi community has been used as a case study. It became apparent that at Khayamandi public meetings are not used correctly as a public participation strategy, and hence the public often felt left out of developments that took place in the community. Even though there are clear constitutional/legislative guidelines on public participation, Khayamandi has not yet achieved the required level of authentic and empowering public participation. In the light of the model developed in this study for public participation that empowers communities, it is evident that public participation at Khayamandi is at a level of tokenism, where information is shared with the public but the public is not expected to participate fully in the developmental agenda. The Khayamandi community, the local municipality and the developers will have to take steps jointly in order to meet the constitutional/legislative requirement on public participation. The ideal level at which the Khayamandi community needs to be is that of citizen power, where the public becomes a change agent and assumes the role of influencing, directing and taking ownership of its own development. This study has adopted a qualitative research paradigm. Interviews and rating-scale questionnaires (on the basis of a probability sampling), focus group and observation are the tools used to collect primary data. This study follows an evaluative research design, which aims at answering the question of whether an intervention, a programme or a strategy has been successful or effective. One of the major recommendations is that the public participation model which has been developed be used by the Khayamandi community in order for the public to be empowered and have the scope to influence, direct and own community-based development and decision-making processes. The public should make use of this model for optimal results. If the public participation strategy is used correctly, Khayamandi can be in a position to achieve the appropriate level of citizen power. Once that happens, the impact on integrated community-based development and decision-making processes will be positive, with improved service delivery as a consequence.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: ’n Publieke vergadering is een van die strategieë vir publieke deelname soos omlyn deur die Internasionale Assosiasie vir Publieke Deelname (IAP2). Dit is ’n strategie wat algemeen gebruik word, maar dit neig om ‘n swak uitkoms te lewer. Die doel daarvan word dikwels verkeerd verstaan, en gevolglik word dit gebruik as ’n niksseggende openbare deelname-opsie wat die gang van die voorgenome projek versnel. Dit kan egter een van die mees doeltreffende strategieë wees as dit korrek toegepas word. Die beoogde uitkoms behoort te wees om belangstelling in publieke deelname binne die gemeenskap aan te wakker, veral waar dit gemeenskapsgebaseerde ontwikkeling betref. Die publiek behoort daardeur bemagtig gelaat en geleentheid gegee te word om ieder en elke ontwikkeling binne die gemeenskap te beïnvloed, te bestuur en te eien. In hierdie studie is die gemeenskap van Khayamandi as studie-onderwerp gebruik. Dit het geblyk dat publieke vergaderings in Khayamandi nie korrek as ’n openbare deelnamestrategie gebruik word nie, daarom voel die publiek dikwels uitgesluit uit ontwikkelings wat in die gemeenskap plaasgevind het. Alhoewel daar duidelike grondwetlike/wetgewende riglyne oor publieke deelname is, het Khayamandi nog nie die gewensde vlak van egte en bemagtigende openbare deelname bereik nie. Beoordeel volgens die model wat in hierdie studie ontwikkel is vir openbare deelname wat gemeenskappe bemagtig, is dit duidelik dat openbare deelname in Khayamandi op ‘n simboliese vlak is waar inligting aan die gemeenskap gegee word, maar die publiek word nie verwag om ten volle aan die ontwikkelingsagenda deel te neem nie. Die gemeenskap van Khayamandi, die plaaslike munisipaliteit en die ontwikkelaars sal gesamentlik stappe moet neem om die grondwetlike/wetgewende voorskrifte omtrent publieke deelname na te kom. Die ideale vlak waarop die gemeenskap van Khayamandi behoort te wees, is dié van burgerlike mag, waar die publiek die agent van verandering word en die rol aanvaar om sy eie ontwikkeling te beïnvloed, te bestuur en te eien. Hierdie studie het ’n kwalitatiewe navorsingsparadigma nagevolg. Onderhoude en vraelyste met ‘n assesseringskaal (volgens ‘n waarkynlikheidsteekproef), ’n fokusgroep en waarneming is metodes wat gevolg is om primêre data in te samel. Hierdie studie volg ’n evalueringsnavorsingsplan, wat ten doel het om die vraag te beantwoord of ’n ingryping, ’n program of ’n strategie suksesvol of effektief was. Een van die hoofaanbevelings is dat die publiekedeelnamemodel wat ontwikkel is, deur die gemeenskap van Khayamandi gebruik word, sodat die publiek bemagtig word en geleentheid het om gemeenskapsgebaseerde ontwikkelings- en besluitnemingsprosesse te bestuur, te eien en te beïnvoeld. Die publiek behoort hierdie model vir optimale resultate te gebruik. As die publiekedeelnamestrategie korrek gebruik word, kan Khayamandi in staat wees om die gepaste vlak van burgerlike mag te bereik. Sodra dit gebeur, sal die impak op geïntegreerde gemeenskapsgebaseerde ontwikkeling en besluitnemings-prosesse positief wees, met verbeterde dienslewering as gevolg.
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Ndudula, Mziwoxolo Rutherford. "An analysis of the politics-administrative interface and its impact on delivery of municipal services: a case of the Mnquma Local Municipality." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1007043.
Full textAbstract:
The study took a qualitative approach to the analysis of the effect of the politics-administrative interface on municipal service delivery. It was a case study of the Mnquma local municipality in the Eastern Cape Province. The researcher developed a keen interest in researching on the topic because the political infighting and clashes between politicians and administrators of the municipality have caused a public outcry for the root causes of the infighting to be effectively addressed and redressed. It is hoped that the findings and recommendations of the study will help, reshape public policy implementation, service delivery and fostering of mutual cooperative relations between politicians and administrators both at local government level and any other sphere of government in South Africa. The study, is categorized into five chronological chapters, with chapter one (introduction and background), chapter two (literature review), chapter three (research design and methodology), chapter four (data analysis, interpretation and presentation) and chapter five (conclusions and recommendations). The researcher used a sample size of 40 respondents who were selected using snowball sampling, a non-random sampling design spread accordingly over both politicians and administrators. Data collection was made possible through an open-ended questionnaire, interviews, observations and documentary analysis. Various reports and media statements were also used to augment this empirical study. The study also used an in-depth qualitative data analysis technique which was descriptive in nature and the study made numerous deductions and findings based on the collected and collated data. Findings of the study were, inter alia, too much politicization of the public sector, interference between politicians and administrators into each other’s affairs and vice versa and adverse effects of cadre deployment which are damaging service delivery. The study made numerous recommendations which included, inter alia, training and development of administrators and politicians on their respective roles and responsibilities, enforcement of the politics-administrative interface as a mutually beneficial approach to service delivery, need for proper interpretation of Acts and policy documents and the enforcing of section 139 interventions into municipalities.
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Gwanzura, Owen. "An exploration of ethical conduct in the South African public sector: a case of the Eastern Cape Department of Education." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1007121.
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The Eastern Cape Department of Education has become like a problem child in the Republic of South Africa. It is a cause for concern to both the provincial and national government. This is a department where service delivery is problematic. Schools are not built or renovated and children are taught in dilapidated structures or sometimes under trees. Hardly a week passes without the department making the headlines in the media for the wrong reasons. It is widely accepted that the department is dysfunctional and education is in a crisis. The department has emerged as the number one culprit of engaging in corrupt activities in the province. Public officials in the department have been identified as being at the helm of these corrupt activities. In the 200/10 financial year, the Auditor General issued a disclaimer to the department and highlighted a lack of direction, accountability and a total breakdown of internal control systems and supply chain management within the department. Numerous fraud risk indicators were identified during the audit and underlined by findings that are indicative of fraud and corruption within the department. This unfortunate state of affairs is contrary to the requirements of section 195(1) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa which provides for the democratic values and principles governing public administration including inter alia, that: A high standard of professional ethics must be promoted and maintained. Efficient, economic and effective use of resources must be promoted. Public administration must be accountable. This raises several questions about the ethical fitness of public officials in the department as the custodians of the public resources and trust. Though several reasons abound for this unfavourable state of affairs in the department, the researcher has singled out unethical conduct by public officials in the department and its impact on service delivery. The approach followed in this research was to analyse the 2009/10 Department of Education Annual Report and the 2009/10 Auditor General’s Report to the Eastern Cape Department of Education. The analysis confirmed the existence and occurrence of multiple cases of unethical conduct in the department. At the end scientific recommendations are proposed to alleviate this ill.
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Gatehouse, Clare Annabel. "Transitioning from civil war to government: leadership in post-conflict reconstruction in South Sudan and Mozambique." Thesis, 2017. https://hdl.handle.net/10539/24523.
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A research report submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, June 2017This study examines leadership and statebuilding in the very specific context of the transition of a rebel group to a governing entity of a post-conflict state by comparing the cases of Mozambique and South Sudan. Drawing on theories of political leadership, statebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction, and recent studies on political legitimacy, this study provides insight into the processes by which leaders interact with and build the institutions of state that both enable their governance and that may ultimately constrain their authority, and the impact of external actors on these processes. This study focuses particularly on the critical interaction between political leaders and the institution of the rebel group turned political party that they lead in the fragile post-conflict period. This study traces how FRELIMO in Mozambique and the SPLM in South Sudan built sufficient political legitimacy in order to be considered the natural party of governance upon independence in each country. It also compares how RENAMO in Mozambique sought to make the transition from rebels to politicians. It then closely examines how leaders’ and parties’ political legitimacy was built or lost in subsequent years and the impact of this on building the critical institutions of state and ultimately on the stability of that state. Both cases highlight, for different reasons, that leaders matter particularly when institutions are weak. This report contends that a critical causal mechanism in a successful transition from fighting a war to governing a country is establishing and maintaining legitimacy – both internally with the governed population and externally with key international partners. How leaders balance internally derived and externally derived legitimacy often proves to be important. External actors are often fundamental in bestowing legitimacy on armed groups, even when there are other groups claiming to represent the interests of the population. While externally derived legitimacy is important in getting these parties into power, sources of internal legitimacy, derived from their own populations by parties and leaders, are critical in shaping their ability to offer stable government. Each case demonstrates that legitimacy must be maintained in order to maintain stability.
XL2018
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Manyane, Susan Masale. "Representation of Women in local Government in South Africa : a case study of Ngaka Modiri Molema District Municipality / Susan Masale Manyane." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/14786.
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The aim of this study is to examine the extent of women representation in the Councils
of the Local Municipalities in the Ngaka Modiri Molema District Municipality in the North
West, Province of South Africa. The specific objectives of the study are to investigate
the ratio of women representation at both the political and administrative structures of
the Ngaka Modiri Molema District Municipality; and examine the factors which inhibit
the realization of the women quotas at the District Municipality level. This is an
empirical study which utilized both the qualitative and quantitative approaches in the
collection and analysis of data. The study identifies the extent of women representation
and establishes that there is insufficient women representation in general within local
governance in South Africa and in the Ngaka Modiri Molema District Municipality in
particular. As a consequence, although the critical legislative and policy has been
enacted, presentation of women in local governance still remains a challenge.Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.(Development Studies) North-West University, Mafikeng Campus, 2011