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Journal articles on the topic 'Political leadership – South Sudan'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Appe, Susan, and Ayelet Oreg. "Lost and Found in Upstate New York: Exploring the Motivations of “Lost Boys” Refugees as Founders of International Nonprofit Organizations." Administration & Society 52, no. 8 (November 26, 2019): 1209–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399719890311.

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This research examines engagement in diaspora philanthropy through the lens of Lost Boys of Sudan and their founding of small international nonprofit service organizations based in the United States. We seek to understand refugees’ motivations to take upon themselves leadership roles in their local United States communities and in the provision of goods and services to their homeland, South Sudan. By becoming founders of international service nonprofits, Lost Boys make meaning of their experiences and are able to motivate local support in their United States communities to give to distant communities in South Sudan.

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2

Theron, Sonja. "Power and influence in post-secession South Sudan: A leadership perspective on nation-building." African Security Review 29, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 58–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2020.1748672.

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3

Hutchinson, Sharon E. "A Curse from God? Religious and political dimensions of the post-1991 rise of ethnic violence in South Sudan." Journal of Modern African Studies 39, no. 2 (June 2001): 307–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x01003639.

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Southern Sudanese civilian populations have been trapped in a rising tide of ethnicised, South-on-South, military violence ever since leadership struggles within the main southern opposition movement – the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) – split into two warring factions in August 1991. This paper traces the devastating impact of this violence on a particularly volatile and fractured region of contemporary South Sudan: the oil rich heartlands of the Western Upper Nile Province. Foregrounding the historical experiences and grassroots perspectives of Nuer civilian populations in this region, the paper shows how elite competition within the southern military has combined with the political machinations of the national Islamic government in Khartoum to create a wave of inter- and intra-ethnic factional fighting so intense and intractable that many Nuer civilians have come to define it as ‘a curse from God’. Dividing Sudan's seventeen-year-long civil war (1983–present) into four distinct phases, the paper shows how successive forms and patterns of political violence in this region have provoked radical reassessments of the precipitating agents and ultimate meaning of this war on the part of an increasingly demoralised and impoverished Nuer civilian population.

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4

Chanie, Bantayehu Shiferaw. "Sudan and South Sudan: an unamicable political divorce." Global Change, Peace & Security 33, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14781158.2021.1880384.

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5

Madut, Kon K. "Militarism and Political Conformism in Sudan and South Sudan." Peace Review 32, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 63–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659.2020.1823568.

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6

Johnson, Douglas H. "The Political Crisis in South Sudan." African Studies Review 57, no. 3 (December 2014): 167–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2014.97.

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7

Faria, Caroline. "Contesting Miss South Sudan." International Feminist Journal of Politics 12, no. 2 (June 2010): 222–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616741003665268.

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8

Garang, Kuir ë. "Political Ideology and Organisational Espousal: A Political-Historical Analysis of Dr. John Garang De Mabior’s “New Sudan Vision”." Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 7, no. 2 (December 15, 2019): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v7i2.258.

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The Sudan People’s Liberation Movement and Army (SPLM/A) has for decades presented a “New Sudan” as its “vision.” But SPLM/A’s official ideology was socialism and its vision a united secular and socialist Sudan. With time, this vision became “New Sudan” and its presumptive guiding ideology became “The New Sudan Vision” (NSV) without any official institutionalisation of this NSV. In fact, “NSV” does not appear in the Movement’s founding manifesto until the revision of the manifesto in 2008 when NSV was incoherently included. I argue, therefore, that the New Sudan Vision was not really an SPLM/A political ideology but John Garang’s ideology. Besides, its immediate disappearance in South Sudan after the death of John Garang and the overwhelming vote for independence was an unequivocal rejection of NSV by the South Sudanese.

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9

Masua, David, Chris Mowles, and Nicholas Sarra. "What we talk about when we talk about leadership in South Sudan." Development in Practice 30, no. 1 (September 19, 2019): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09614524.2019.1662770.

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10

Back, Irit. "IGAD, Sudan, and South Sudan: Achievements and setbacks of regional mediation." Journal of the Middle East and Africa 7, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 141–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21520844.2016.1192977.

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11

Rolandsen, Øystein H. "Trade, peace-building and hybrid governance in the Sudan-South Sudan borderlands." Conflict, Security & Development 19, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 79–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2019.1561628.

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12

Edward, Jane Kani. "Reconfiguring the South Sudanese Women’s Movement." Hawwa 17, no. 1 (April 4, 2019): 55–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692086-12341345.

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Abstract This article examines multiple aspects that prompted the emergence and development of the women’s movement in South Sudan. It intends to outline challenges and opportunities for the women’s movement over the years. Indeed, there are numerous sociocultural, economic, political, and structural aspects that impinge on women’s collective actions and mobilization. Nevertheless, this article focuses on how the efforts of the women’s movement strived to articulate and promote critical issues related to women and gender in South Sudan that are partly constrained by three interrelated factors: its close association with the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), persistent civil wars and political instability, and donor agencies’ influence on its agenda and activities. The paper argues that, without any tangible changes in these dynamics, the women’s movement in South Sudan will not be able to simultaneously and effectively tackle practical and strategic gender concerns and interests and achieve gender equality in South Sudan.

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13

Lefler, Ashley. "Building Peace in South Sudan." Potentia: Journal of International Affairs 6 (October 1, 2015): 48–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/potentia.v6i0.4416.

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The outbreak of violence in South Sudan in December 2013 has enlarged ethnic divides and reversed the development advances the young nation has struggled to achieve since independence; while the continued deadlock in the IGAD-led negotiation process provides little hope of a negotiated peace settlement. A peacebuilding strategy that takes into account the context-specific circumstances of this intra-state conflict enhances the opportunity for peace and development in South Sudan, and provides the international community an opportunity to contribute to peace in a meaningful way. Limited capacity, deep and persistent ethnic divisions, corruption and a long memory of brutality within the civilian population complicate prospects for peace in the country. An examination of recent peacebuilding efforts in South Sudan reveals a fragmented and provisional approach. Using the framework of Ali and Matthews, this paper outlines a peacebuilding strategy for South Sudan that addresses root causes, consequences and legacies of the conflict, while taking into consideration the unique country specific circumstances. Recognizing the need to move from negative to positive peace, this paper prioritizes security and political arrangements as essential prerequisites for success in economic development and justice and reconciliation. The role of the international community, regional/sub-regional organizations and global civil society.

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14

Mberia, Hellen, Huda Elseddige, and John Ndavula. "TYPE OF NEWS ON POLITICAL CORRUPTION IN SOUTH SUDAN." International Journal of Communication and Public Relation 6, no. 2 (September 12, 2021): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.47604/ijcpr.1373.

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Purpose: The study sought to determine the type of news on political corruption by newspapers in South Sudan Method The study used descriptive research design to address the research objectives. The target population in this study was Sudan Tribune, Juba Monitor, The Dawn, Peace Day, Sudanese Online newspapers, international and local NGOs, journalists who work for the media station and lecturers and students from Juba University. The researcher identified every single element and the sampling frame was the five newspapers, also local and international NGOs, students and lecturers from Juba University Findings of the study Media houses shied away from giving priority to political corruption news for the fear of their lives, intimidation and torture. the coverage of political corruption news on a quarter of a page, hence confirming the fact that the public in South Sudan was denied the opportunity by the print media to question the government on corruption in the country Contributions Informed by the findings, the study had the following recommendation The various media regulatory policies and the constitutional rights should be implemented by the instruments of power including the police, the government and the judiciary. This would assure journalists and media houses of their freedom to access information and freedom of expression, while shielding them from intimidation, torture and killing. The legislature, in collaboration with the media regulatory bodies in South Sudan should enact laws that protected media houses and journalists, especially in the cases where they cover sensitive but important information.

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15

Johnson, D. H. "Briefing: The crisis in South Sudan." African Affairs 113, no. 451 (April 1, 2014): 300–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adu020.

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16

Wassara, Samson S. "South Sudan: state sovereignty challenged at infancy." Journal of Eastern African Studies 9, no. 4 (October 2, 2015): 634–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2015.1105439.

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17

Bishku, Michael B. "Israel and South Sudan: A Convergence of Interests." Middle East Policy 26, no. 4 (December 2019): 40–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12455.

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18

Munive, Jairo. "Invisible Labour: The Political Economy of Reintegration in South Sudan." Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 8, no. 4 (October 2, 2014): 334–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17502977.2014.964451.

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19

Kalpakian, Jack Vahram. "Peace agreements in a near-permanent civil war: Learning from Sudan and South Sudan." South African Journal of International Affairs 24, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2017.1311280.

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20

Sundberg, Ralph. "UN Peacekeeping and Forced Displacement in South Sudan." International Peacekeeping 27, no. 2 (October 16, 2019): 210–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2019.1676642.

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21

Seidel, Katrin. "Book Review: War and Statehood in South Sudan." Africa Spectrum 50, no. 3 (December 2015): 148–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971505000310.

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22

Idris, Amir. "Historicizing Race, Ethnicity, and the Crisis of Citizenship in Sudan and South Sudan." Middle East Journal 73, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 591–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/73.4.14.

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This article critically outlines the discursive construction of racial and ethnic identities in Sudan and South Sudan, arguing its legacy is essential to understand the entanglement of state-formation, nationalism, citizenship, and political violence in both countries. Race and ethnicity were central to the colonial, nationalist, and postcolonial projects of inventing the "North" and the "South" as self-contained entities, and the politicization of race and ethnicity after independence is largely a product of "Orientalizing" cultural differences through colonial administrative rules and postcolonial policies.

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23

Badiey, Naseem, and Christian Doll. "Planning amidst precarity: utopian imaginings in South Sudan." Journal of Eastern African Studies 12, no. 2 (November 30, 2017): 367–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2018.1408305.

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24

Rotberg, Robert I. "The Need for Strengthened Political Leadership." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 652, no. 1 (January 30, 2014): 238–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716213514163.

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South Africa desperately needs newly recommitted leadership capable of serving the entire nation, not a ruling class or a cohort of robber barons. It is conceivable that political leadership capable of building upon Mandela’s legacy and uplifting the nation and its people could come from within the ranks of the Democratic Alliance, from Agang, or from South Africa’s several other national political parties. But it is more likely to arise within the ANC, possibly through the deputy presidential and eventual presidential efforts of Cyril Ramaphosa or others within the dominant ANC not yet fully dedicated to assuming national leadership. But from wherever it comes, South Africa is ready and anxious to be renewed.

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25

Editor, Chief. "EXAMINING THE PROMINENCE OF THE POLITICAL CORRUPTION NEWS IN SOUTH SUDAN." International Journal of Communication and Public Relation 6, no. 2 (August 31, 2021): 42–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.47604/ijcpr.1357.

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Purpose: The purpose of the study to examine the prominence of political corruption news by newspapers in South Sudan Method: The study used descriptive research design to address the research objectives. The target population in this study was Sudan Tribune, Juba Monitor, The Dawn, Peace Day, Sudanese Online newspapers, international and local NGOs, journalists who work for the media station and lecturers and students from Juba University. The researcher can identify every single element and the sampling frame was the five newspapers, also local and international NGOs, students and lecturers from Juba University Findings: The findings indicated that media houses shied away from giving priority to political corruption news for the fear of their lives, intimidation and torture. This further saw the coverage of political corruption news on a quarter of a page, hence confirming the fact that the public in South Sudan was denied the opportunity by the print media to question the government on corruption in the country Unique contribution to theory, policy and practice: The study had the following recommendations: The various media regulatory policies and the constitutional rights should be implemented by the instruments of power including the police, the government and the judiciary. This would assure journalists and media houses of their freedom to access information and freedom of expression, while shielding them from intimidation, torture and killing. The legislature, in collaboration with the media regulatory bodies in South Sudan should enact laws that protected media houses and journalists, especially in the cases where they covered sensitive but important information. Those who infringed on the rights of journalists and media houses should be pursued and arraigned in the court of law, where punitive action would be taken against them. This would further reaffirm journalists of their safety.

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26

Joanna Bar. "East African Communities (1967-1978, 1999-) and their Activity for Political Stability of the Region." Politeja 15, no. 56 (June 18, 2019): 247–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.56.14.

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The East African Community (EAC) is a regional intergovernmental organisation founded on 30 November 1999, including such member states as Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, South Sudan, Tanzania, and Uganda. The EAC was meant as the reactivation and expansion of an earlier organisation founded in 1967 by Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda. Unlike its predecessor (which collapsed in 1978), not only has the contemporary Community been operating stably for almost 20 years, but it has also proved to be successful in improving the economic growth of its member states. Simultaneously, it supports the internal and national security of individual member states and the stability of the entire region. In recent years, the stabilisation capabilities of the Community have been tested through the accession of South Sudan, a country driven by a domestic conflict. Republic of South Sudan contributes not only rich crude oil deposits and water resources, but also a heavy burden of political issues in the form of both domestic conflicts and unresolved international problems such as a border conflict with the Republic of (north) Sudan. Successful economic cooperation may, however, reduce poverty and boost the development of South Sudan, both with regard to its economy and within the social and political aspects. This, in turn, may translate into good governance and the formation of a civil society.

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27

Lavery, Kirsten. "South Sudanese Perceptions of Justice." Journal of International Criminal Justice 18, no. 2 (May 1, 2020): 271–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jicj/mqaa018.

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Abstract During an outbreak of violence in July 2016, a South Sudanese journalist was killed and international aid workers were brutally raped by government soldiers at the Terrain compound in South Sudan. Following intense international pressure, 11 soldiers were found guilty of various crimes by a specially created military court martial in 2018. As the first widely reported case in which perpetrators of conflict-related sexual violence were held accountable in South Sudan, this verdict is an important milestone. However, for the other countless South Sudanese victims of rampant sexual violence, the path to justice remains uncertain. This article explores the current pursuits of accountability for sexual violence in South Sudan and why they have failed to advance justice. After considering the factors that led to the Terrain prosecution in a military court, this article explores the impact of this case on South Sudanese perceptions of justice. The trial intensified the desire of many South Sudanese for accountability and increased knowledge of conflict-related criminal prosecutions. The justice system also marginally built its capacity and independence. However, there were serious due process concerns that led many to question the impartiality and credibility of the proceedings. This article argues that this case set a precedent that shows the international community will demand accountability in the wake of attacks on international aid workers. The threat of accountability may deter perpetrators from committing violence against this group, but will not necessarily protect South Sudanese victims. Finally, the article identifies lessons learned from the Terrain case and provides recommendations on how South Sudanese and others impacted by sexual violence can benefit from accountability efforts in the future.

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28

Warner, Lesley Anne. "Armed-Group Amnesty and Military Integration in South Sudan." RUSI Journal 158, no. 6 (December 2013): 40–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2013.869722.

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29

Arnold, Matthew B. "The South Sudan Defence Force: patriots, collaborators or spoilers?" Journal of Modern African Studies 45, no. 4 (November 12, 2007): 489–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x07002856.

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ABSTRACTDespite stipulations in the Sudan's 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) that all ‘other armed groups’ be demobilised by January 2006, the South Sudan Defence Force (SSDF) continued to maintain a significant armed presence in South Sudan. This paper analyses the dynamics of the organisation, the impact of its ongoing presence on the security situation and reconstruction efforts, and attempts by the government of South Sudan to counteract the SSDF from January to August 2006. It argues that the strategies implemented by the government to counter the SSDF were fairly successful in that there was no major return to conflict. However, it concludes that the SSDF's continued presence, while hindered, has the potential to spark a return to civil war.

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30

Kindersley, Nicki, and Øystein H. Rolandsen. "Who are the civilians in the wars of South Sudan?" Security Dialogue 50, no. 5 (August 19, 2019): 383–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010619863262.

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This longitudinal study explores the place of the civilian populations in the wars of what is now South Sudan. Using a broad range of empirical evidence, we trace the evolution of conflict practices and norms from the 1800s to today. Two main insights stand out: First, since the initial colonial incursions, local residents have been strategic assets to be managed and exploited, and thus populations are not just legitimate targets in conflicts but also key resources to capture and control. Second, violent governance structures and practices have been created and reformed through these generations of coercive rule and civil wars. These two issues have undermined, and redefined, the distinction between military and civilian actors. This analysis does not excuse the massive and systematic violence against the general population of these countries. However, without due consideration of these deeply engraved historical systems and logics of violent governance, today’s brutal conflicts become incomprehensible, and there is a significant risk that international approaches to mitigating this violence – such as Protection of Civilians camps – become incorporated into these systems rather than challenging them.

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31

Frahm, Ole. "Defining the Nation: National Identity in South Sudanese Media Discourse." Africa Spectrum 47, no. 1 (April 2012): 21–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971204700102.

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This article examines debates about national identity in the media landscape of post-referendum and post-independence South Sudan. Having never existed as a sovereign state and with its citizens being a minority group in Sudan, collective action among South Sudanese has historically been shaped in response to external pressures: in particular, the aggressive nation-building pursued by successive Khartoum governments that sought to Arabize and Islamize the South. Today, in the absence of a clear-cut enemy, it is a major challenge for South Sudan to devise a common identity that unites the putative nation beyond competing loyalties to ethnicity, tribe and family. Analysing opinion pieces from South Sudanese online media and placing them in the context of contemporary African nationalism, this article gives an initial overview of the issues that dominate the public debate on national identity: fear of tribalism and regionalism, commemoration of the liberation struggle, language politics, and the role of Christianity.

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32

Jansen, Bram J. "Humanitarianism as buffer: Displacement, aid and the politics of belonging in Abyei, Sudan/South Sudan." African Affairs 117, no. 468 (May 8, 2018): 370–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/ady016.

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33

Hessbruegge, Jan Arno. "Customary Law and Authority in a State under Construction: The Case of South Sudan." African Journal of Legal Studies 5, no. 3 (2012): 295–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12342014.

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Abstract Customary law in South Sudan is a powerful symbol of emancipation from two centuries of external domination, and paradoxically, also the product of such external domination. Most citizens of the world’s newest state rely more on customary laws and local authorities to regulate their conflicts than on other civilian state institutions and statutory law. At the current juncture, influential decision-makers in and outside the government are pushing to develop Sudan’s customary laws into a Common Law for South Sudan. However, the legacy of the armed conflict, including patterns of militarization, and the ongoing modernization of society, pose challenges for customary systems. Furthermore, customary systems exhibit certain human rights deficits and, therefore, need to be made compatible with the constitutional framework of South Sudan. The recognition of customary authority and law as an essential part of the governance structure, coupled with targeted engagement and reform, are indispensable elements of state and peace building in South Sudan. The government and its external partners must walk a tightrope to integrate the local capacity offered by the customary system into their wider efforts without inadvertently stifling its potential to reform from within or undermining democratically elected institutions.

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34

Pinaud, Clémence. "Genocidal Rape In South Sudan: Organization, Function, and Effects." Human Rights Quarterly 42, no. 3 (2020): 667–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.2020.0037.

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35

Westendorf, Jasmine-Kim. "Peace negotiations in the political marketplace: the implications of women's exclusion in the Sudan-South Sudan peace process." Australian Journal of International Affairs 72, no. 5 (August 20, 2018): 433–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357718.2018.1510895.

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36

Chilunjika, Alouis, Dhowoch Orozu Lokine Daky, and Sharon R. T. Muzvidziwa-Chilunjika. "Secession and the Political Economy of South Sudan from 2011 to 2017." International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity 15, no. 2 (July 2, 2020): 87–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2021.1877560.

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37

Kaler, Amy, John Parkins, and Robin Willey. "Almost at Home in South Sudan: International Christian Humanitarians and the Theopolitics of Recognition." Canadian Journal of Sociology 44, no. 2 (June 30, 2019): 137–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cjs29457.

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In this study, we examine the experience of international Christian humanitarian aid workers and who work in South Sudan. From interviews with thirty people in east Africa and north America, we derive a relationship between Christianity as our participants understand it, and their modalities of encountering “the other” – the people of South Sudan, who may seem different and unfamiliar, yet who must be met as part of religiously motivated life and work. In terrain of South Sudan, we argue that our participants enact a theopolitics of recognition, in which their emotional and practical connections to the people they serve are triangulated through God. This theopolitics operates almost entirely at the individual level, as personal encounters and work are mediated by the assumption of a shared relationship to God. The people of South Sudan are recognized as both familiar and strange, because they share a posited connection to the divine with humanitarians from the global north. We argue that this recognition is different from other ways of encountering the other found in literature ranging from feminist theory to international development. This study thus adds to scholarly knowledge of faith-based organizations and global humanitarianism. We also argue that while the theopolitical modality makes possible certain kinds of ethical action, it may close off other forms of action based in broader political critiques of global relations of power.

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38

Beny, Laura Nyantung. "United Nations Security Council Resolution 2206 on Targeted Sanctions in South Sudan." International Legal Materials 54, no. 5 (October 2015): 945–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/intelegamate.54.5.0945.

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In December 2013, civil conflict erupted between the Government of the Republic of South Sudan and opposition forces due to political infighting among the country’s political and military elites. On March 3, 2015, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) adopted Resolution 2206 pursuant to its powers under Article 41 of Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. Resolution 2206 provides for targeted sanctions against specific individuals and entities deemed “responsible for or complicit in, or [as] having engaged in, directly or indirectly, actions or policies that threaten the peace, security or stability of South Sudan.” The stated purpose of the targeted sanctions, which consist of a travel ban and asset freeze for designated individuals and entities, is to “support the search for an inclusive and sustainable peace in South Sudan.”

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39

Kuol, Luka Biong D. "South Sudan: The Elusive Quest for a Resilient Social Contract?" Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 14, no. 1 (July 16, 2019): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17502977.2019.1627692.

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40

Pendle, Naomi R. "Christianity and Catastrophe in South Sudan. By Jesse A. Zink." Journal of Church and State 61, no. 3 (2019): 495–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/csz049.

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41

Putri, Ratu Ayu Asih Kusuma. "Political Leadership in South Korea’s Developmental State: A Historical Revisit." JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) 6, no. 1 (August 30, 2018): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/jas.v6i1.4927.

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South Korea under President Park Chung Hee underwent rapid industrialization and experienced phenomenal economic growth making the country one of the Asian Tigers alongside Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Singapore. Had suffered by the long-standing Japanese colonialization, South Korea’s development strategies in its incipient economic venture, interestingly, postulate unforeseen similarities with those imposed by Japan primarily during the phenomenal industrial revolution of the Meiji government (1868-1912). Exponential modernization in South Korea was substantially forged by the implementation of ‘developmental state’ model. The term was initially coined by Johnson (1982) to explain the pacification of government policies – rather than market – to achieve successful economic rejuvenation of post-war Japan. In light to this historical paradox between South Korea and Japan, this article attempts to revisit the embarking point of South Korea’s rapid economic development beginning in the 1960s by drawing attention to the importance of leadership as one of the major components of the developmental state model. It concludes that Park Chung Hee’s strong Japanese linkage combined with his pretext for imposing ‘hard authoritarianism’ is particularly influential in determining South Korea’s pragmatic development trajectory.

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42

Sakaki, Alexandra. "Japanese-South Korean Textbook Talks: The Necessity of Political Leadership." Pacific Affairs 85, no. 2 (June 1, 2012): 263–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2012852263.

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43

Jones, Andrew M. "The Anthropology of Leadership: Culture and Corporate Leadership in the American South." Leadership 1, no. 3 (September 2005): 259–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742715005054437.

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44

Taylor, R. G., and S. A. Lynham. "Systemic leadership for socio-political stewardship." South African Journal of Business Management 44, no. 1 (March 30, 2013): 87–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajbm.v44i1.150.

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The role of business leadership in defining, and enacting, societal values and providing consolidating influences relative to change processes is increasingly being recognised. This role is best defined as one of “stewardship”, embracing the securing of social, political and economic futures. For business leadership, the increased recognition of the ability for it to influence the trajectory of change, and indeed the expectation that it should do so, brings with it a need to revisit contemporary understandings of leadership and how that leadership is best engaged so as to facilitate desirable outcomes.This paper adopts a critical position relative to the conventional “leader, follower, situation” configurations of leadership thinking. Drawing on theory located within the knowledge domain of systems thinking and network theory, leadership is redefined at a conceptual level, hence to understand the processes by which it is enacted and experienced and how, therefore, it can be better practiced in the broader socio-political domain. Leadership is considered as an emergent phenomenon that creates definitional distinction between actors and process so as to provide new insights.The paper includes outcomes of a research study that was conducted amongst business leadership in South Africa. The study covered the period 1984-1994, a period of considerable large scale change in South Africa, during which time lessons about leadership were learned. These lessons validate the significant potential that business leadership has for monitoring and influence beyond the immediate concerns of business itself. The assumption of the role of “steward” typified much of what emerged from that engagement, but also gave opportunity for reflections about revised theoretical frameworks for leadership practice in the 21st Century. The case material arising from this research also provides demonstration of the appropriateness of the theoretical propositions that form the conceptual basis for the paper.

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van Leeuwen, Mathijs, Marlie van de Kerkhof, and Yves van Leynseele. "Transforming land governance and strengthening the state in South Sudan." African Affairs 117, no. 467 (February 8, 2018): 286–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/ady002.

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Compton Jr., Robert W. "Hegemony, leadership, and integration in South Africa." Regions and Cohesion 4, no. 1 (March 1, 2014): 110–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2014.040107.

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The African National Congress and the regeneration of political power, S. Booysen, 2011. Wits University Press.Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty, D. Acemoglu & J. Robinson, 2012. Crown Publishing (Random House). A Legacy of Liberation: Thabo Mbeki and the Future of the South African Dream, M. Gevisser, 2009. Palgrave-Macmillan.

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Zambakari, Christopher. "South Sudan and the East African Community: Common Market, Citizenship, and Political Federation." International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity 10, no. 2 (July 3, 2015): 6–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2015.1107975.

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Warburg, Gabriel. "Mahdism and Islamism in Sudan." International Journal of Middle East Studies 27, no. 2 (May 1995): 219–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800061894.

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On 30 June 1989, a military coup overthrew the democratically elected government of al-Sadiq al-Mahdi in Sudan and replaced it with a fundamentalist Muslim dictatorship headed by Colonel ʿUmar Hasan al-Bashir and adhering to the radical Islamic ideology of the National Islamic Front (NIF), under the leadership of Dr. Hasan al-Turabi. Since June 1881 when Muhammad Ahmad ibn ʿAbdallah declared that he was the expected mahdī, the religious-political scene of Sudan had been largely dominated by Mahdists and Khatmiyya adherents. Even under colonial rule, in the years 1899–1955, Mahdism continued to flourish despite the fact that the British rulers treated it with suspicion and preferred Sayyid ʿAli al-Mirghani, leader of the more docile Khatmiyya Sufi order. The defeat of the Mahdist Umma Party in the first general elections in 1953, by a coalition of secularists and Khatmiyya supporters was only a temporary setback. After Sudan became independent, in 1956, Mahdist supremacy was challenged both by the Khatmiyya and other groups, but its mass support among the Ansar, a political Islamic movement, enabled them to gain control, except during brief periods when so-called secularists governed independent Sudan. This happened in 1953–56 when the Khatmiyya joined forces with the intelligentsia, and again between October 1964 and March 1965 when the country was governed by a secular, transitional, nonelected government that was ousted from power as soon as the sects regained control. Secularism also thrived briefly under the military dictatorship of Jaʿfar al-Numayri between 1969 and 1977.

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Lee, Hong Yung. "SOUTH KOREA IN 2003: A Question of Leadership?" Asian Survey 44, no. 1 (January 2004): 130–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2004.44.1.130.

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Abstract In 2003, South Koreans focused attention on the political problems of newly elected President Roh. As elections set for early 2004 approached, the president, once above suspicion, faced the specter of financial scandal implicating at least his top aides. His party split, his labor policies generated unrest, and his political future became increasingly unclear.

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D'AgoÃ´t, Majak. "Energy Politics and the South Sudan Referendum: Anatomy of a Resource Curse." Middle East Policy 16, no. 4 (December 2009): 118–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4967.2009.00419.x.

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