Academic literature on the topic 'Political leadership – Zimbabwe'

This article maps the evolution of Zimbabwe’s Look East Policy (LEP) and specifically the bilateral relationship with China through the lens of Zimbabwe’s domestic politics. It argues that political elite in Zimbabwe has a vested interest in a close economic and political relationship with China at the cost of the interests of the people of Zimbabwe. The author establishes that Zimbabwe’s LEP was intended to respond to the economic sanctions imposed on it by Western nations. From the descriptive account of the LEP provided in the article, it appears that the LEP has been successful in doing that by having a broad-based economic and political relationship with China. The author further critiques the impact of Chinese investment in Zimbabwe as detrimental to the interests of the people. Foreign policy is an instrument that governs and protects the interests of governments, nationals, institutions, organisations and entities within the lenses of bilateral relations between the countries concerned. The Zimbabwe–China relations point to the fact that the latter China is politically and economically committed to engage and develop the former. However, at the heart of commitment and development in Zimbabwe lies questions of interests and the nature of the relationship which is affecting development and commitment to take place. Hence, this article argues that the failure of Zimbabwe to yield satisfying results from the bilateral relations lies mostly on the political and economic weaknesses of the Zimbabwean government and leadership. The fact that the LEP is not formally and publicly developed and disseminated to key stakeholders and the general public and that it remains largely an oral secret public policy statement affects the interests of Zimbabwean economy and interested stakeholders. This also reflects a weak foreign policy directive. As long as Zimbabwe continues to deny to engage with other superpowers and global institutions, the LEP will remain doomed as China will continue to manipulate and exploit the relationship knowingly that Zimbabwe has no other friends and partners for development and cooperation.

AbstractDuring Zimbabwe's struggle for national liberation, thousands of black African students fled Rhodesia to universities across the world on refugee scholarship schemes. To these young people, university student activism had historically provided a stable route into political relevance and nationalist leadership. But at foreign universities, many of which were vibrant centres for student mobilisations in the 1960s and 1970s and located far from Zimbabwean liberation movements’ organising structures, student refugees were confronted with the dilemma of what their role and future in the liberation struggle was. Through the concept of the ‘frontier’, this article compares the experiences of student activists at universities in Uganda, West Africa, and the UK as they figured out who they were as political agents. For these refugees, I show how political geography mattered. Campus frontiers could lead young people both to the military fronts of Mozambique and Zambia as well as to the highest circles of government in independent Zimbabwe. As such, campus frontiers were central to the history of Zimbabwe's liberation movements and the development of the postcolonial state.

Purpose: the role of China in Zimbabwe, that has been under long-term sanctions implemented by EU and US, and also experiencing serious economic difficulties. Discussion: the author analyzed the development of relations between Zimbabwe and China. The priorities of Beijing, the main trends and key areas of bilateral cooperation are shown. Results: while in isolation and in terms of Western sanctions, the leadership of Zimbabwe found a reliable ally – China, which became its one of the leading trade and economic partners and political allies, helped to overcome the negative consequences of a large-scale economic crisis. The author predicts that in the medium term, it is possible to expect a decrease in the role Beijing is playing in the economic and political life of Zimbabwe, which is due to a number of circumstances, including the removal of most of the EU sanctions, the possible abolition of US restrictive measures, the activation of Russia, India, as well as other developing countries in the Zimbabwe. However, the link between Zimbabwe and China, which emerged in the last century, the achieved level of influence on the Zimbabwean elites will allow Beijing in the foreseeable future to remain a key player in this country.

In Zimbabwe reports of abuse of public office have manifested in various forms resulting in public outcry; poor service delivery, and government losing millions of dollars. This study aims to undertake a reflective inquiry on the ethical conduct in the Zimbabwean public sector through content and process analysis in order to provide intervention mechanisms to the problem. Statistical analysis of corruption level is made to benefit the study. Results indicated some legislative gaps and an incapacitated Anti-Corruption Commission which has been unable to execute its mandate fully. Most senior public officials and politicians appear to have too much power and authority with no checks and balances in place. Practical implications of the widespread unethical practices call for the government to plug the glaring legislative gaps; take stern measures against offenders; empowering the Anti-Corruption Commission; term limits for senior public officials as well as for political appointments; and motivating political will to uphold ethical leadership. The recommendations will open a window for the Zimbabwean government and administrators to view how some advanced economies have propped up ethical behaviour in the public sector. It is the way to go for ailing economies like Zimbabwe. The paper demonstrated the importance of ethical awareness in another political and economic setting-Zimbabwe.

Human security has recently emerged as a global issue that requires international cooperation. Moreso, the concepts of political harmony and rule of law have also become a common agenda at many international conferences. Human insecurity in Zimbabwe can be dated back to its colonial past. The colonisation of Zimbabwe by Britain was widely viewed as an attempt by colonisers to introduce a type of monocracy. That marked the initial obstruction to human security for the indigenous people and general lack of cohesion amongst social groups. Currently, Zimbabwe is facing socio-economic challenges which are embedded in the political environment linked to its isolation from the international community through imposition of sanctions for top politicians. The overall objective of this research was to assess philosophical perspectives on the current political situation and rule of law in Zimbabwe and their implications on human security. The research sought to identify the political leadership challenges in addressing human security concerns. To achieve these research objectives, an interdisciplinary approach was used. The methodology for this paper was based on hermeneutics and philosophical analytical models. Results have shown that there is generally an unstable political environment marred with inherent tension due to lack of political harmony and selective application of the law. This paper recommends the need for leadership renewal besides the ideological renewal alongside dialogue and national consensus. Furthermore, the adoption of global village concept emphasizing on democratic principles and political integration could be a possible panacea in addressing the current challenges and ensure human security.

This article describes how traditional leaders play important developmental, administrative and political roles in rural areas, despite modern state structures. They regulate rural life, control access to land, and settle various disputes. They are respected leaders in their communities. The existence of traditional leaders means that both the decentralisation and the strengthening of local governance are not taking place in a vacuum. Documentary sources such as the Constitution of Zimbabwe; the Traditional Leaders Act (2000) and Chiefs and Headmen Act (1982); newspapers and unpublished non-governmental organisations (NGOs) evaluations and reports were used in this article. Traditional leaders have played a pivotal role in ensuring that the ZANU-PF government remains in power since 1980. In principle, traditional leaders should not be drawn into party politics and their role should remain one of the neutral leadership. If the traditional leader assumes a party-political role, one should appoint a substitute to handle their traditional role to avoid a conflict of interest.

The study focused on the exploration of the implication of partnership between the government and civil society organizations in the implementation of the Zimbabwe National Orphan Care Policy (ZNOCP). The study was carried out in Masvingo District in Zimbabwe to explore on the feasibility of inter-organizational interaction in policy implementation and how it affects the service delivery system. The study incorporated government departments, civil society organizations and ward councillors who stood as the custodians of the people. The study was intended on unveiling the different contextual aspects that exist between government departments and civil-society organizations (CSOs) as individual and separate entities and how the compromising of their values would affect the partnership. Looking at the hierarchical and bureaucratic features of government institutions, the study also intended to understand how this could be concealed and compromised with CSOs‟ open agendas in public policy implementation to ensure effective service delivery to the people. The 5C protocol, critical variables in policy implementation which are policy content, context, capacity, commitment of those entrusted with the implementation process and also clients and coalitions were used as the yardsticks. These variables acted as a yardstick on which to analyze the partnership between the Zimbabwean government and the civil society in the implementation of the Z.N.O.C.P, their different attitudes, bureaucratic settings, organizational culture, values, norms, and how their readjustments or failure affect the service delivery system. It also became imperative to look at the government legislations that govern the CSO space of operation and financial aspects to understand the implications of partnership between government and civil society. An understanding of these aspects leads to an increased understanding of the feasibility of state-CSO partnerships and its implications on policy implementation.

Approximately sixty countries have been designated `Fragile States' by international development agencies. Home to two billion of the world's poorest people, these fragile states are characterized by violence, weak institutions and shattered economies. Not only do they pose a challenge to regional security, they often become the breeding grounds for terrorism. Donor agencies pour billions of dollars annually into these countries - through policy advice and conditional loans - to alleviate fragility and promote development. Development, however it is defined, involves economic, social and political transformation. Such a transformation is shaped by ideas, engages multiple interests, and proceeds within rules and norms set by political institutions. Since the structure of political institutions is influenced by human agency, leadership becomes important to study. Leadership is crucial particularly in fragile states, where institutions are weak or have been destroyed by conflict; however, a systematic effort to examine the role of leaders and coalitions in fragile states is lacking. This dissertation seeks to create a methodology to improve understanding of the role of different leadership strategies in bringing about transitions in and out of fragility. To make the scope manageable, the study focuses on: (i) leadership at the national level; and (ii) fragile states in Africa. It does so by examining: (i) evidence from country level panel data on leadership (regime) change and fragility; and (ii) in-depth analytical case studies of transitions in and out of fragility in four countries: Zimbabwe, Uganda, Rwanda, and South Africa. The analysis looks at the relationship between the change agent's leadership strategy (the independent variable: political participation and inclusion, economic growth and inclusion, and security and justice) and fragility outcomes (dependent variable: conflict and security indicators, economic indicators, and the approach to political inclusion). The results of the regression analysis exhibit a robust association between leadership change and fragility. Furthermore, the country cases show how different types of leadership strategies lead to varying trajectories of fragile states' post-transition. The case studies reveal different approaches to sequencing of political inclusion and the role of leadership exit in transitions from fragility.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation analyses the relationship between civil society and political leadership within the context of Zimbabwe’s protracted social conflict, particularly through the lens of land policy. Through the use of strategic informants, it yields important insights into the origins, form and impact of political leadership and civil society in a way that will expose the dynamics of elite and grassroots mobilisation and the political context in which land policy is either made or obstructed. Specifically, this dissertation examines two research questions. First, if political leadership is not representative of the citizenry, is land policy more likely to engender overt conflict? Second, if civil society has an autonomous role in the public sphere, is land policy more likely to benefit citizens? This dissertation also confronts an emerging empirical problem: the absence of descriptive data in regards to how civil society and political leadership have engaged in reforming land policy in Zimbabwe during the period of transition from 2008 to 2013. By measuring representation and autonomy – indicators of human needs satisfaction– this dissertation traced each phase of the protracted social conflict as it both helped to create the conditions for a liberation model of representation while simultaneously further exacerbating protracted social conflict within Zimbabwe.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ontleed die verhouding tussen die burgerlike samelewing en politieke leierskap veral deur die lens van grondbeleid, binne die konteks van Zimbabwe se uitgerekte sosiale konflik. Dit het ten doel om belangrike insigte op te lewer in die oorsprong, vorm en impak van politieke leierskap en die burgerlike samelewing. Die word blootgestel in 'n manier wat die dinamika van die elite en mobilisering op grondvlak in ag neem soweel as die politieke konteks waarin grondbeleid óf gemaak is of belemmer word. Hierdie tesis konfronteer ook 'n opkomende empiriese probleem: die afwesigheid van beskrywende data met betrekking tot die betrokkenheod van die burgerlike samelewing en politieke leierskap tydens die grondhervorming proses in Zimbabwe gedurende die tydperk van oorgang tussen 2008 en 2013. Deur die meting van verteenwoordiging en outonomie - aanwysers van menslike behoeftes bevrediging - word elke fase van die uitgerekte sosiale konflik ondersoek met betrekking tot hoe ‘n bevryding model van verteenwoordigheid beide gehelp het om die voorwaardes te skepvir die eindeiging van die PSC; maar terselfdertyd het dit ook die sosiale konflik in Zimbabwe verder uitgerek. !

The research conducted was done on the basis of providing an initial platform or starting point for insight and discussion into what a strategic transcultural model of leadership might look like which was relevant to the early 21st Century Christian context in the cities of Southern Africa. A strategic transcultural leader is essentially a transformational leader who exhibits an ability beyond the norm in being able to cross socio-political barriers and thus inspiring the multicultural dynamic, while also honouring the individual cultures represented. In order to study strategic transcultural leadership models a strong leadership angle was taken, which employed investigating six leaders, three political and three Christian as to the structures, styles, values, transcultural abilities and Christian/political beliefs and/or philosophies they employed. The thesis poses the problem of urban unrest in the cities of Southern Africa. The problem of an influx into the cities, of the many different ethnicities and tribes from throughout Southern Africa and the pressures this has caused is briefly alluded to. This problem has been further exacerbated in South Africa by the arrival of many peoples from throughout Africa, south of the Sahara seeking their fortune without having to leave the African Subcontinent, and in Zimbabwe by the political policies of the Zimbabwean government, over land and in clearing away her unapproved urban high-density housing, and her informal business and white farming sectors of the economy. With these issues in mind, there is a need for strategic transcultural leadership to address these and other issues of unrest. The examples of Mandela and De Klerk as transformational leaders, inspire hope, that the vacuum of strategic transcultural leadership seen in Africa at large and specifically in relation to Southern Africa can be met, as is noted by the progress made in recent years in the arena of transformational leadership which the Group of eight and the United Nations and others allude to. While this is true, there are still problems in relation to the political decision-making within South African, as seen by Mbeki’s stance in the past on HIV-AIDS, and Zimbabwe’s woes. The stage is set from a missiological and historical perspective by looking at multicultural models of leadership in the Early Church with specific reference to Paul and the Antiochan model he used as a prototype. The Jerusalem Church is mentioned as a bi-cultural model, which has significant use outside of large urban environs. However it was the Pauline-Antiochan model that provided a platform, in the later use of a synthetic-semiotic model, to deduce or synthesis a transcultural model. Paul’s model of leadership was analysed specifically in relation to the five elements already noted (structures, styles, etc.) and is particularly useful as a model as Paul himself provides firstly an insight into a man of bi-cultural heritage yet someone who was empire-conscious. Paul was able to uphold both the cultural distinctive or uniqueness of both the Greek and Jew (noting Paul’s use of both Hebraic and Hellenistic styles of the diatribe for example) as well as the universal, in that he was empire-conscious which played into his Kingdom perspective. Secondly he provides a reasonable grounds for understanding that if the belief system of the individual is changed on one of its most fundamental levels – allegiance – then given time the macro-cultural identity of a nation, even empire can be significantly altered. He was able to do this primarily because the Graeco-Roman Empire had a common linguafranca in Greek, and the Christian community – as the followers of the Way became known as – had an ethos of reconciliation, enhancing the multicultural and one also of inclusivity (for example a worship style that encompasses both Jewish and local expressions) enhancing the particular. In declaring the One God of Israel and Jesus Christ – Messiah, as the only true Kyrios, Paul replaced the Emperor and the whole Greek pantheon of the Gods with the one true God and Father of us all, and his one and only Son.< /p> The three political leaders – Moshoeshoe, Smuts and Mandela – and the three Christian leaders – Mutendi, Cassidy and Tutu – are investigated in terms of the five elements (structures, styles, values etc.) that comprise the model of leadership. Each of these leaders in turn made a lasting contribution to national and/or tribal change. After looking at the six leadership models an initial conceptual framework for a multicultural model of leadership is outlined. However, in order to bring significant current postmodern/neo-African/tribal/multicultural paradigms of thought and the associated socio-political forces and philosophies of the day, to bear on the evolving model, these were specifically highlighted and brought into the process of synthesizing a model. Lastly once all these inputs are brought together in a tabulated framework, and the evolving multicultural model is screened against three known working scenarios, and further synthesized such that the refined model was then called a strategic transcultural model of leadership. Before this can be achieved however, various North American multicultural models posited were looked at in a literary review, which served to reinforce the understanding of the need to balance the universal and the particular aspects of culture. In refining a strategic transcultural model, the thesis next attempted to address the problem of developing a national macro-cultural identity. A strict delineation in a postmodern era between Church and State was considered to be not only unnecessary but a modern myth, also noting that the State mirrors the Church in many of the problems of community and identity. Thus the meso-level of the Church provided key insights into the macro-level of the State. An argument all along was posed for not just orchestrating a macro-culture based on multiculturalism, nor in just upholding the micro-cultural individual identities at the expense of participation in a national framework and beyond this the global village, but an argument was made for a both/and scenario. In doing this the thesis sought to address both the macro-cultural and individual cultural identities at every level and in every element of the model of leadership. The plausibility of the argument for today was based on the prevalence of a language of choice – in most cases English – and an ethos of reconciliation and inclusivity for which Madiba and Tutu among others have set the standard. A final picture of a community based on both was posited for reflection, a picture that John paints where the great heavenly host (mirroring the macro-level of the Kingdom) is contrasted with the micro-level of a people made up “from every tribe and language and people and nation” (Rev 5:9).
Thesis (PhD (Science of Religion and Missiology))--University of Pretoria, 2007.
Science of Religion and Missiology
PhD
Unrestricted

The narratives about the postexilic Judean community are an ancient biblical account of the socio-economic and political experiences of the Judeans when they were finally restored back to Judah from Babylonian captivity. Although the Judean restoration was celebrated when they were restored by King Cyrus’ decree, real freedom did not prevail in the Persian province of Yehud; corruption, usury, greed, oppression, enslavement and loss of property impacted negatively on the poor. The leadership expropriated from poor citizens land, vineyards, and houses in exchange for food. In addition, the governors also charged heavy interest on money borrowed by poor members of society. Parents and their children were subjected to enslavement. In response to these corrupt practices, Nehemiah challenged the leadership to stop oppressing the poor. Nehemiah went further to provide food to the starving Judeans and other people from surrounding nations which served as a stimulus to strive towards alleviating poverty and starvation among communities. By employing an approach known as hermeneutics of appropriation, this thesis appropriates the experience of the postexilic Judean community to the post-independence Zimbabwean context. Between the years 1999 and 2008 many people lost their lives due to unemployment and lack of income, shelter, nutrition, and access to health-care facilities because of the economic meltdown following the controversial fast-track land reform programme in Zimbabwe. The majority of people are still experiencing the negative impact of the land reform as people strive to make a living in the absence of jobs and income scarcity. Corruption by the leadership has continued to further exacerbate starvation among the poor until today.This study attempts to employ the biblical Nehemiah’s social justice reforms (Neh 5) to challenge the Zimbabwean leadership to focus on rebuilding the country which was ravaged by a decade of both political and socio-economic crises. Lessons drawn from Nehemiah would be used to stimulate the leadership in the Zimbabwean government and members of society at large, to strive towards helping the poor and alleviating poverty.
Old Testament & Ancient Near Eastern Studies
D. Litt. et Phil. (Biblical Studies)

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of Witwatersrand, in fulfilment of requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (by coursework and research report), February 2010
This research report answers the question, "would ubuntu obligate the people of Zimbabwe to agree to amnesty for Mr. Roberts Mugabe as a means to restore community harmony?" Seen as an ideal social ethic and foundation of African philosophy, ubuntu values community harmony and commands respect for dignity of humanity: [Abbreviated Abstract. Open document to view full version]
XL2018

Traditional leaders have been at the centre of controversy from the pre-colonial to the post-colonial period. The recognition of traditional leaders by the ruling party Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) in Zimbabwe has been controversial. Since 1999, the ZANU-PF government has been facing a serious political crises and an increasingly powerful opposition party (Movement for Democratic Change). Zimbabwe adopted a new Constitution in 2013 which, among other things recognizes the role of the institution of traditional leadership which operates alongside modern state structures. While recognizing the role and status of the institution, the Constitution strictly regulates the conduct of traditional leaders.

This article describes how traditional leaders play important developmental, administrative and political roles in rural areas, despite modern state structures. They regulate rural life, control access to land, and settle various disputes. They are respected leaders in their communities. The existence of traditional leaders means that both the decentralisation and the strengthening of local governance are not taking place in a vacuum. Documentary sources such as the Constitution of Zimbabwe; the Traditional Leaders Act (2000) and Chiefs and Headmen Act (1982); newspapers and unpublished non-governmental organisations (NGOs) evaluations and reports were used in this article. Traditional leaders have played a pivotal role in ensuring that the ZANU-PF government remains in power since 1980. In principle, traditional leaders should not be drawn into party politics and their role should remain one of the neutral leadership. If the traditional leader assumes a party-political role, one should appoint a substitute to handle their traditional role to avoid a conflict of interest.

The purpose of this chapter is describe why and how a multiplicity of especially diverging forces, ‘voices' and rationalities can work against effective place branding. Specifically, it aims to demonstrate by the case of Harare, the capital city of Zimbabwe, that economic hardships are the major place shaper rather than the wishes and marketing strategies that may be put in place by the state. An ailing economy will naturally see the terrain and fabric of a place, in this case, a city deteriorating both in terms of its service performance and in terms of outlook. This is in contrast with the main urban planning philosophies of order, amenity, functionality, aesthetics and convenience. The post-colonial Harare has suffered major blows of trying to retain its vividness and functionality due to a number of forces including state control and interference, the consistently perturbed political economy that explains rising retrenchments, unemployment and underemployment, which has seen the ushering in of rampant informality. Both the state and the non-state actors, including politicians and households have laid claim on the affairs of the city without approaching the same with a sense of place stewardship. Proper city branding presupposes shared visioning and moving on an agreed path and trajectory. However, characteristic of Harare is disparate and fragmented efforts, most of which work against the cause of city branding. Street vending, of late, is the major cancer haemorrhaging the city fabric and outlook. Even the politicians, who have assumed a major seat in the decision-making of the affairs of the city, seem not to agree on the way forward. Although, the city is under the leadership of the opposition – MDC-T councilors, their role has not been subsumed, within the council chambers as one that matters. The councilors have largely been silenced, if not technically, co-opted. The role of physical planning, on the other side of the story, has become increasingly nullified. Some real estate investors are considering reducing their portfolios. The dramatis personæ and the effects it is inflicting on the ground needs adequate scholarly interrogation hence the line of the argument in this paper: Whose city is it anyway? Unless, the city is seen as a collective responsibility), efforts to brand will simply prove futile and a waste of time. Overall, there is an economy that needs first to be fixed and players that need aligning their inspirations, aspirations and actions for achieving a branded city. Planning has to be given its place because it provides a solid foundation upon which actions are built.