Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political Medals

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Political Medals'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 7 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Political Medals"

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Smołucha-Sładkowska, Agnieszka. "Pairing Antagonists: Pisanello’s Medals of Niccolò Piccinino and Francesco Sforza." Notae Numismaticae - TOM XV, no. 15 (May 17, 2021): 275–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.52800/ajst.1.a.14.

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Among the early medals made by Pisanello (Antonio Pisano, c. 1395–c. 1455), considered as the “inventor of the modern medal”, there are two of mercenary captains, Niccolò Piccinino and Francesco Sforza (the future duke of Milan). At the alleged moment of the medals’ execution both condottieri were in the service of Filippo Maria Visconti, Duke of Milan, who appears to have been the most probable commissioner. The pairing of these two captains was not coincidental – they were successors to the leaders of the two greatest Italian military companies, the bracceschi (led by Braccio da Montone) and the sforzeschi (of Muzio Attendolo Sforza), whose juxtaposition soon became a topos among contemporary chroniclers and biographers. The article outlines the political background of the commission and discusses the content and iconography of the two medals.
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Brenni, Paolo. "Prizes, Medals and Honourable Mentions." Nuncius 34, no. 2 (June 12, 2019): 392–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18253911-03402010.

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Abstract Ever since antiquity, medals that were often also remarkable works of art were used to mark the achievements and testify to the glory of a person or his bravery on the battlefield, or to celebrate or commemorate a particular event. Sovereigns and nobles wore medals as symbols of their power, wealth and achievements or distributed them as exceptional gifts in order to maintain or garner support. In the 19th century the use of medals increased dramatically. In fact, with the machine age a new class of heroes was born. These were the engineers, the technicians and the manufacturers who were industrializing the Western world. And these pioneers of technological progress became the new recipients of a tide of medals, diplomas and awards which were primarily distributed at the national, international and universal exhibitions and fairs which abounded during the last decades of the 19th and the first decades of the 20th centuries. This essay will focus on instrument makers, whose activities bridged science and industry. Their products represented the high technology of their day in the sector of precision instruments, and the most outstanding ones, judged to be deserving of an award, were selected following examination by a jury composed of specialists. But what were the criteria adopted by the jurors? Did political considerations influence their judgments? What were the importance and the significance of these awards? Did they have an impact on the instrument maker’s trade or were they just attractive souvenirs to be taken home from the exhibitions? Based on an analysis of many documents (reports, lists of medallists, catalogues, specialized articles, etc.) relating to industrial exhibitions held in Europe and the United States during the 19th century, the present essay provides an answer to these questions.
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Monter, William. "Gendered Sovereignty: Numismatics and Female Monarchs in Europe, 1300–1800." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 41, no. 4 (March 2011): 533–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_00155.

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Coins have provided specific and concrete markers of official, legitimate political sovereignty since the time of the Roman Empire. Europe's female monarchs of the old regime, a group that has not been much studied, used numismatics in effective ways to enhance their official sovereignty. Throughout the entire period, most royal heiresses were married, and despite a persistent and widely circulated literature that preached wifely subservience, their coins (and, later, their medals) suggest their full political autonomy.
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Basargina, Ekaterina Yu, and Olga A. Kirikova. "Commemorative Medal for the Centenary of the Imperial St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences in 1826." Herald of an archivist, no. 4 (2018): 1244–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-4-1244-1253.

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The article studies the commemorative medal for the centenary of the Imperial St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences as a part of the Academy’s jubilee. Preserving memory of significant events is one of key aspects of culture. Jubilees and jubilee-related artifacts, i.e. commemorative medals, have their place among so called commemorative practices. Scientific community uses such practices make appeals to the authorities, to enhance its prestige, and to consolidate itself. The 1826 commemorative medal appeared to be a part of the jubilee events. The large-scale celebrations seemed to be a landmark in the history of the Academy of Sciences. Its President, Sergey Uvarov, used the opportunity to appeal to the Emperor and to show the Academy in all its glory. Medallionist Fyodor Tolstoy created for the occasion a jubilee commemorative medal, which was presented to the members of the Imperial family and other notable guests. That event was the climax of the celebration. The medal was authorized by the Emperor. Its creation therefore proved that the authorities recognized the import of the Academy of Sciences, the worth of science for state, its military power and its political reputation. The 1826 commemorative medal symbolized Imperial favor towards the Academy of Sciences; it bears the names of three monarchs: Peter I, its founder, Alexander I, its protector at the close of its first hundred years, and Nicholas I, its hope for the new era. Several drafts of the medal prove that academician experts in numismatics participated in its creation. The authors consider the commemorative medal an important historical source and a set of symbols to be explained. The article analyses art media and studies the evolution of medal inscriptions (they were first made in Latin, but later re-written in Russian on the Emperor’s orders).
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Ganesan, Narayanan. "Singapore in 2008: A Few Highs and Lows while Bracing for the Future." Asian Survey 49, no. 1 (January 2009): 213–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.1.213.

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Singapore won possession of the Horsburgh Lighthouse at the International Court of Justice and its table tennis team secured Olympic medals. A detainee from the Jemaah Islamiah organization escaped, Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew's wife suffered a hemorrhagic stroke, opposition politician Joshua Benjamin Jeyaretnam passed away, and the economy slowed sharply.
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Kampmark, Binoy. "The Black Dog of Swimming: Mental Illness and Australia’s Sporting Industrial Complex." Physical Culture and Sport. Studies and Research 81, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pcssr-2019-0003.

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AbstractThis article considers the cultural and social crisis facing the sporting celebrity, with specific reference to the Australian athlete in the field of swimming. In that sense, this paper argues that parallels in other political systems for ruthless, sustained success, and the loss occasioned by it to individual sports figures, should be considered. Liberal democracies can still be perpetrating systems of sporting depression and mental illness, undermining their representatives in a relentless drive for performance and medals. The problem lies in what might be best described as a sporting industrial complex, one that emerged in Australia with the professionalization of sports.
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Haut, Jan, Robert Prohl, and Eike Emrich. "Nothing but medals? Attitudes towards the importance of Olympic success." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 51, no. 3 (March 24, 2014): 332–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690214526400.

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Den Butter, Frank A. G., and Casper M. van der Tak. "Olympic medals as an indicator of social welfare." Social Indicators Research 35, no. 1 (May 1995): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01079236.

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Tingkat, I. Nyoman. "Merajut Kebinekaan Melalui Program “Sadhar Nama” di Sekolah." Pustaka : Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Budaya 20, no. 1 (February 29, 2020): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/pjiib.2020.v20.i01.p04.

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There are a lot of negative issues in Indonesia these last few years which appear in printed media, electronic devices, or even in cyberspace. Issues related to intolerance, radicalism, and child abduction are always there. These issues become more widespeard in the lead up to the political year. Moreover, high school students took part in a demonstration without understanding what substance was being fought. Indonesia seems insecure and uncomfortable in the mass media. Schools should not be silent to face this condition. Schools should appear to educate (enlighten and educate) all educational society so as not to get caught up in issues that spread hatred to divide the unity and integrity of the nation. To respond this condition, SMA N 1 Kuta Selatan develops a program called “Sadhar Nama”. It is an acronym of Buka Puasa bersama (breaking the fast together), Dharma Shanti bersama (one of series to celebrate Nyepi hold in Hindu) , and Natal bersama (celebrating Christmas together). The reason to hold this program is simply to answer challenges over various ethnicity, religion, race, and inter-group relations-based primordial issues which are blown by people who are not responsible for dividing the Unitary Republic of Indonesia. In addition, the acronym “Sadhar Nama” refers to the meaning of identity (nation) as befits a human being and his name. As a representation of the macrocosm that transforms into a microcosm, diverse people in culture with local wisdom values need to be maintained to create a harmonious life within the trihita karana frame. The results obtained from this program are the strengthening of the five main values of the Nation's Character, namely: Religious, Mutual Cooperation, Nationalist, Integrity, and Independence. Strengthening the main value of the character has succeeded in increasing the achievement of SMA Negeri 1 Kuta Selatan. In 2016, SMA N 1 Kuta Selatan won 52 medals, in 2017 won 72 medals, and in 2018 it became 88 medals. In addition, the response to the implementation of the 'Sadhar Nama' Program at SMA Negeri 1 Kuta Selatan was very good with positive responses from 104 respondents (96.29%) out of 108 respondents.
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De Hasque, Jean-Frédéric. "Le Lions Clubs au Bénin : un club caritatif qui pratique une liturgie à dessein politique." Social Compass 64, no. 2 (April 24, 2017): 206–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768617697393.

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The comparison of meetings and protocol of the Lions Clubs in a ritual, offers an opportunity to measure the political impact of this community and the effect the meetings have outside the circle. The study also allows us to understand the importance of the Lions Clubs in Africa, where it cannot be reduced to a meeting of wealthy people seduced by the opulence and the opportunity to find new sources of profit. Lions are compared by population to diplomats because of their appearance, wearing uniforms and medals and are received by the highest political authorities from other nations. In the West this behaviour is seen as a caricature of governance but for members the meetings offer occasions for work and friendship. This appears like political religion because of the hidden goal: to conquer the independence of Africa in the Lions Clubs. This objective is facilitated by the explosion in the number of African members showing the social movement that rages at the top levels of society. The African elite, by its transformation of charity into political rally, proposes a new form of pan-Africanism.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political Medals"

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Wallner, Lovisa. "RELATIONEN MELLAN MEDIALT OCH POLITISKT FÖRTROENDE -En kvantitativ studie om det mediala förtroendets påverkan på politiska attityder." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-69741.

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The actualization of fake news in the media has led to a widespread debate concerning the trust and mistrust of different news medias and their content. What differences in individual trust can be traced when analyzing the Swedish people’s attitudes regarding media? Lots of researchers have presented different theories to explain why political trust differ. This study on the other hand has the ambition to analyze whether media trust has a significant effect on political trust. Regarding the upcoming general election in Sweden the autumn of 2018, the connection between media trust and political trust is a current and interesting subject. Especially concidering the knowledge that democracy and how it works is dependent on political trust. This study analyses the relationship between media trust and political trust and concludes that the phenomena has a strong positive correlation that is also growing stronger over time. Additionally, the study brings out media trust as a strong factor for political trust in comparison to other established theories about how political trust can be explained.
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Eriksson, Sophie. "Den politiska budbäraren : Medias personifiering i en digital värld?" Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-74862.

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When the elections are getting closer, media starts to reports more frequently aboutpolitical parties, leaders and issues to enlighten the public. But the media changes just as time changes as well. Framing and entertainment/ advertising tends to be more common in political media in our time. Studies in media globalization and researches from the newest election in USA shows that the political media has become more personalized, which, according to some hasan effect on the public’s attitude or belief towards politics and leaders. In that very situation, I got interested in finding out if and how the political communication with personalization vs. party-orientated as leading question, has changed in Sweden and USA from the beginning of the millennium to 2016. As help, framing has been used to find entertainment, personalization and party-oriented terms in 200 news articles. The findings and conclusions are as following; the political medias have changed to a new agenda, with framing and entertainment setting political news in a new light and perspective.
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Adolfsson, Tim, and Adam Eriksson. "Den mediala diskursordningen i förändring : En jämförande kritisk diskursanalys av medias framställning av Sverigedemokraterna." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-157399.

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The Sweden democrats has for a long time been labelled as a racist party in swedish media. Due to the problems related to the members of the party in the 90s, where members were subject to criminal actions and racist scandals, the media had focus on the racist actions and labelled the party as a racist party therefore. How does the discourse present itself today? The purpose is to make a comparative study between the year 2014 and 2018/2019 and to research if the discourse surrounding the sweden democrats has changed during this time. Relevance for the study is how we discover, categorize and give the discourses names that helps us and also the reader to understand the process about how the media picture Sweden democrats. Our method is a comparative critical discourse analysis that we are going to use on articles published in the two largest newspapers in sweden, Aftonbladet and Expressen. We will locate the surrounding discourses from 2014 at first and then locate what kind of discourses is surrounding the party in 2018/2019. The main discourse from 2014 is the racist discourse, it´s present in nearly every article we analyse. With the racist discourse, the big difference is that the discourse is changing. When we look upon 2018/2019, new discourses take place, the new discourses we locate it’s the right populism-, scandal- and normalization discourse, the rasism discourse is still present but not so extensive as during 2014. During 2014 the racism discourse depends on the scandal discourse, this changes significant, the scandal discourse is no longer in 2018/2019 dependent on the racism discourse, but it acutally transforms into its own discourse. The focus on racism is almost gone and new scandals take place instead. In combination with the normalization discourse we can se that there has been a change, actually a big change in the media discourse surrounding the Sweden democrats.
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Einerfors, Per. "Glastaket; skinande, krackelerat eller krossat? : En diskursanalys om medias porträttering av Anna Kindberg Batra, Ebba Busch Thor och Annie Lööf." Thesis, Mälardalens högskola, Akademin för ekonomi, samhälle och teknik, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-28384.

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Abstract Is there a special discourse surrounding female politicians in Sweden? And if so, what is the current climate for female political leaders? The purpose of this article is to examine the portrayal in the public media of Anna Kinberg Batra, Ebba Busch Thor and Annie Lööf. The common denominator is that they are all heads of a political party, Anna Kinberg Batra being the chairwoman of the Moderate Party, Ebba Busch Thor being the chairwoman of the Christian Democratic Party and Annie Lööf chairwoman of the Central Liberal Party. The article includes mainly printed news from the midst of 2014 to may 2015. The chosen and applied method for this article is a discourse analysis. The article portrays the fact that female political party leaders in Sweden face a different situation than their male counterparts. Media knowingly or unknowingly chooses to focus on many attributes regarding the female politicians that are not in any way relevant for their profession such as outfits, nails and daycare, to name a few. This article has resulted in the conclusion that inequalities regarding a fair portrayal in media between the two sexes, still persist and that women active in political societies still have different expectations to live up to than their male counterparts.
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Frisén, Daniel. "EU och Media : Medias påverkan på svenskarnas stöd till EU-medlemsskapet." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap (from 2013), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-73452.

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The purpose of this essay is to investigate if the agenda-setting theory is applicable as an explanation for the development of Swedes’ support for the European Union. To do so, this essay investigates five important events in Swedish integration into the European Union, namely the Swedish referendum about the EU membership, the protest during the EU summit 2001, the financial crisis, Sweden’s second presidency of the Council of the European Union and the British referendum about their EU membership. A qualitative content analysis was used as method and agenda-setting theory was used as a tool to analyze the development of the public opinion of the Swedish integration process into the European Union.    The results show that the media has had an effect on how the public opinion for the EU has progressed over time. There is a correlation between Media’s positive coverage and the positive progress of the public opinion towards an EU membership. One of my conclusions is that the agenda-setting theory is able to aid the explanation of the change in public opinion, in a long-term perspective, rather than its short-term effects that have been previously proven.
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Karlsson, Emelie. "Löftet om en folkomröstning : En studie om medial policypåverkan i Storbritannien." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-142143.

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Storbritannien har alltid haft en ambivalent hållning till EU och det europeiska integrationsprojektet. I maj 2010 tillträder den konservative David Cameron som premiärminister tillsammans med den liberaldemokratiske Nick Clegg. De båda utarbetar ett gemensamt ramverk för hur de skall förhålla sig till EU och inga direkta planer på någon folkomröstning existerar. Halvvägs genom mandatperioden går Cameron ut och lovar att hålla en folkomröstning om landets EU medlemskap om han blir omvald 2015. Denna studie undersöker medias roll i Camerons beslut att utlova folkomröstningen. Studien använder sig av Robinsons policy media interaction model för att fastställa hur och när media kan påverka politiska processer och beslut. Efter en kartläggning över hur regeringens policylinje förändras i relation till medial aktivitet finns det empiriska resultat som visar att media haft en påverkan på premiärministerns beslut.
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Olsson, Maja. "Genussystemets reproducerande i mediala framställningar : En kritisk diskursanalys av den mediala framställningen av Elisabeth Warren." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-175237.

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The purpose of this study is to investigate the representation of the current female presidential candidate Elizabeth Warren in two american newspapers. The representation of Elizabeth Warren in the media is being related to the masculinity norm of the presidency. The aim with the study is to create understanding for how implicit biases about gender and the presidency influence the rendition of female presidential candidates in the media. The study is using Norman Faircloughs critical discourse analysis and the theory of the gendersystem. The empirical material consists of 10 articles from The New York Times and The Washington Post. The main conclusion of the analysis is that the media discourse of Elizabeth Warren is defined by the question of her electability in the election. The masculinity norm of the presidency is being reproduced and also questioned in an open discussion about the gender aspect in presidential elections.
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Hamilton, Allison Joy. "Competing pathways of the internet & new media's influence on women political candidates." Thesis, The University of Iowa, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3638378.

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How does digital media and online news, especially blogs, influence support for women congressional and presidential candidates? From work on traditional print and television news we know women are framed differently than men, and are more likely to be framed as women (appearance, clothing, mother or wife, marital status, sex, gendered issues). I argue the transition to digital media (blogs and online news) is exacerbating these trends, increasing gender stereotype opinions of women candidates in the mass public, among both men and women. In turn I find gender stereotype opinions combined with use of online media reduces the probability of voting for women candidates. While much of the literature on digital media focuses on the positives that come with increased political information, participation and mobilization, holding these factors constant, this research highlights a potential cost of digital media.

Media scholars are increasingly interested in digital media and citizen journalism, as more Americans now read their news online than read a print newspaper. Davis (2009) and Sunstein (2007) find that journalists too are increasingly turning to the blogs for ideas and content that run on mainstream media. While citizen journalism has many benefits (see Shirky 2010), there is less fact checking with online news, where rumors can often masquerade as truth. Analysis of the coverage of Hillary Clinton's 2008 presidential run found that coverage of Clinton online, especially the blogs, was more sexist than mainstream media (Lawrence and Rose 2010; Richie 2013). Boystrum (2010), using content analysis, finds no gendered differences in the content of candidates' websites. Thus this research focuses on blogs and online news rather than candidate websites.

Rather than content analysis used in political communications or laboratory experiments often used in gender studies, this research relies on national survey data to measure the effect of digital media use for voting for women candidates in actual electoral campaigns. Combining large sample nationwide survey data of all congressional candidates running in 2008, 2010 and 2012, with a sample of Iowa caucus participants, and a unique national survey of primary voters, this research seeks to answer two primary questions. First, what is the effect of use of blog and online news on gendered stereotype opinion of women and male candidates (see Chapters 3 and 5)? Secondly, what is the combined effect of digital media use and gendered opinions in reducing support at the ballot box for women for the U.S. House or the president (see Chapters 4 and 6)? To consider the overall, or net effect, of digital media on support for women candidates, I incorporate the benefits of online news and communication to engage and mobilize the public.

Across many detailed analyses presented in this research, I find that reading blogs and online news generally increases the likelihood of forming opinions about women candidates colored by gender stereotypes, based on experience, knowledge, competency, integrity, strong leader, caring and more. In Chapter 3 I consider the case of Hillary Clinton and find that reading the news online and using online political information increased the belief that Clinton was less experienced, and was less trustworthy. In Chapter 4 I find that gender stereotype opinions and digital media use reduced favorability ratings of Clinton and Clinton compared to her male presidential contenders (Obama and Edwards). These two factors also reduced the probably of voting for her, holding other factors constant. Chapter 5 analyses all U.S. House races from 2008, 2010, and 2012 with a women candidate. Individuals who used online news or political blogs are more likely to believe the woman candidate is less competent, lacks integrity, and is less caring than the man candidate, holding other factors constant. Finally, the results from Chapter 6 show gendered opinions and digital media reduce the likelihood of voting for the woman candidate. The overall, or net effect, models show even the positive effect of online mobilization is outweighed by the negative effect of digital media combined with the believe in gender stereotypes. Such gendered opinions of women candidates are widely held by the mass public.

The dominant explanation for why Obama, as an underdog candidate won the 2008 Democratic presidential nomination was that he was able to mobilize and engage the public, especially the young, through online media. These online venues also significantly increased the money Obama raised through small dollar contributions (Redlawsk et al 2010). However, what these stories ignore is the negative media coverage of his primary opponent, Hillary Clinton, online. This study attempts to systematically and empirically document how the Internet and online news may contributed to reduced support for Clinton's candidacy and women congressional candidates more generally. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

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Hamilton, Allison Joy. "Competing pathways of the Internet & new media's influence on women political candidates." Diss., University of Iowa, 2013. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1332.

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How does digital media and online news, especially blogs, influence support for women congressional and presidential candidates? From work on traditional print and television news we know women are framed differently than men, and are more likely to be framed as women (appearance, clothing, mother or wife, marital status, sex, gendered issues). I argue the transition to digital media (blogs and online news) is exacerbating these trends, increasing gender stereotype opinions of women candidates in the mass public, among both men and women. In turn I find gender stereotype opinions combined with use of online media reduces the probability of voting for women candidates. While much of the literature on digital media focuses on the positives that come with increased political information, participation and mobilization, holding these factors constant, this research highlights a potential cost of digital media. Much of what we know about the media and women candidates is based on content analysis of newspapers and television stories (Bystrom 20004; 2010a; 2010b; Iyengar et al1997; Lawrence and Rose 2010). The dominant literature on the impact of the mass media on women candidates is based on experimental framing studies with hypothetical female candidates. But media scholars are increasing interested in digital media and citizen journalism, as more Americans now read their news online than read a print newspaper. Davis (2009) and Sunstein (2007) find that journalists too are increasingly turning to the blogs for ideas and content that run on mainstream media. While citizen journalism has many benefits (see Shirky 2010), there is less fact checking with online news, where rumors can often masquerade as truth. Analysis of the coverage of Hillary Clinton's 2008 presidential run found that coverage of Clinton online, especially the blogs, was more sexist than mainstream media (Lawrence and Rose 2010; Richie 2013). For example, one group sold t-shirts and bumper stickers staying "Get Hillary Back in the Kitchen." Boystrum (2010) analyses how women and men presidential, congressional and gubernatorial candidates differ, and how this affects media coverage of the candidates. Using content analysis, she finds no gendered differences in the content of their websites. Thus this research focuses on blogs and online news rather than candidate websites. No previous research has considered individual level data on use of online news for politics and whether this leads to gender stereotype opinions; nor has the existing research considered whether digital media use, combined believing in these stereotypes of women, impacts voting for women candidates in real election contexts. Rather than content analysis used in political communications or laboratory experiments often used in gender studies, this research relies on national survey data to measure the effect of digital media use for voting for women candidates in actual electoral campaigns. Combining large sample nationwide survey data of all congressional candidates running in 2008, 2010 and 2012, with a sample of Iowa caucus participants, and a unique national survey of primary voters, this research seeks to answer two primary questions. First, what is the effect of use of blog and online news on gendered stereotype opinion of women and male candidates (see Chapters 3 and 5)? Secondly, what is the combined effect of digital media use and gendered opinions in reducing support at the ballot box for women for the U.S. House or the president (see Chapters 4 and 6)? To consider the overall, or net effect, of digital media on support for women candidates, I incorporate the benefits of online news and communication to engage and mobilize the public. Across many detailed analyses presented in this research, I find that reading blogs and online news generally increases the likelihood of forming opinions about women candidates colored by gender stereotypes, based on experience, knowledge, competency, integrity, strong leader, caring and more. In Chapter 3 I consider the case of Hillary Clinton and find that reading the news online and using online political information increased the belief that Clinton was less experienced, and was less trustworthy. In Chapter 4 I find that gender stereotype opinions and digital media use reduced favorability ratings of Clinton and Clinton compared to her male presidential contenders (Obama and Edwards). These two factors also reduced the probably of voting for her, holding other factors constant. Chapter 5 analyses all U.S. House races from 2008, 2010, and 2012 with a women candidate. Individuals who used online news or political blogs are more likely to believe the woman candidate is less competent, lacks integrity, and is less caring than the man candidate, holding other factors constant. Finally, the results from Chapter 6 show gendered opinions and digital media reduce the likelihood of voting for the woman candidate. The overall, or net effect, models show even the positive effect of online mobilization is outweighed by the negative effect of digital media combined with the believe in gender stereotypes. Such gendered opinions of women candidates are widely held by the mass public. The dominant explanation for why Obama, as an underdog candidate won the 2008 Democratic presidential nomination was that he was able to mobilize and engage the public, especially the young, through online media. These online venues also significantly increased the money Obama raised through small dollar contributions (Redlawsk et al 2010). However, what these stories ignore is the negative media coverage of his primary opponent, Hillary Clinton, online. This study attempts to systematically and empirically document how the Internet and online news may contributed to reduced support for Clinton's candidacy and women congressional candidates more generally. As new communication mediums are developed there are often short-term increases in misinformation with the proliferation of information, but as standards are established this chaos disappears. Digital media's effect on women candidates for elected office over the long run is unclear and deserves further study.
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Petrone, Emily. "Obama as Kennedy| The Media's Role in Branding a Politician." Thesis, The American University of Paris (France), 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=13871589.

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Books on the topic "Political Medals"

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Brian, Harding. An introduction to commemorative medals in England 1685-1746: Their religious, political and artistic significance. London, UK: Spink, 2011.

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Huffman, Mickey. Hitler's favorite political badges and decorations: Their history and how to authenticate them. Plano, Tex. (710 E. Park #100, Plano 75074): Promethian Press, 1990.

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Ailsby, Christopher. A collector's guide to World War 2 German medals and political awards. Shepperton: Ian Allan, 1994.

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Ailsby, Christopher. A collector's guide to German World War 2 medals & political awards: The satellite states. Hersham, Surrey: Ian Allan, 2002.

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Roces, Alfredo R. Medals and shoes: Political cartoons of the times of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos, 1965-1992. Pasig, Metro Manila: Anvil Pub., 1992.

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Ukraine. Zakony Ukraïny: Pro finansovyĭ lizynh, Pro kont︠s︡esiï, Pro orendu derz︠h︡avnoho ta komunalʹnoho maĭna, Pro orendu zemli : tekst vidpovidai︠e︡ ofit︠s︡iĭnomu stanom na 1 li︠u︡toho 2004 roku. Kyïv: "Shkola", 2004.

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Ukraine. Zakony Ukraïny: Pro derz͡h︡avni nahorody Ukraïny, Pro pensiï za osoblyvi zasluhy pered Ukraïnoi͡u︡ : za stanom na 20 lystopada 2001 r. Kyïv: Parlamentsʹke vyd-vo, 2001.

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Fiske, John. Media matters: Everyday culture and political change. Minneapolis, Minn: University of Minneota Press, 1994.

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Media matters: Everyday culture and political change. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996.

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Bochwic, Teresa. Odwrotna strona medalu: Z Jarosławem Kaczyńskim, rozmawia Teresa Bochwic. Warszawa: Oficyna wydawnicza Most, 1991.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political Medals"

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Ritzer, Ivo. "Rolling Thunder: On the Spatial Politics of Border Crossing in Transcultural Media." In Mediale Topographien, 113–34. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-23008-1_7.

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Crouch, Jeffrey, and Mark J. Rozell. "The Media's Impact on Perceptions of Political Polarization." In The Handbook of Media and Mass Communication Theory, 287–300. Hoboken, NJ, USA: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118591178.ch16.

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Leyva, Rodolfo. "Experimental insights into mass media’s cultivation of a neoliberal habitus." In Brains, Media, and Politics, 122–51. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2020. |: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429019975-6.

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Wagner, Angelia. "Watching the Watchdogs: The News Media’s Role in Canadian Politics." In The Palgrave Handbook of Gender, Sexuality, and Canadian Politics, 341–58. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-49240-3_17.

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Guthrie, Neil. "Johnson’s Touch-piece and the ‘Charge of Fame’: Personal and Public Aspects of the Medal in Eighteenth-century Britain." In The Politics of Samuel Johnson, 90–111. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137265326_4.

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Remshardt, Ralf. "Refugee Theatre in the (Inter)medial Matrix: Die Schutzbefohlenen and the Limits of Theatre as Public Sphere." In Intermedial Performance and Politics in the Public Sphere, 73–90. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75343-0_6.

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Frønes, Tove Stjern, Andreas Pettersen, Jelena Radišić, and Nils Buchholtz. "Equity, Equality and Diversity in the Nordic Countries—Final Thoughts and Looking Ahead." In Equity, Equality and Diversity in the Nordic Model of Education, 397–412. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-61648-9_16.

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AbstractIn the process of preparing this volume, especially in our review of previous scientific work on the Nordic model of education, it appeared that different researchers approached the topic primarily in the form of historical–political policy analyses (Telhaug, Mediås, & Aasen, 2006) and through the qualitative description of individual country portraits or the differences between these (e.g., Antikainen, 2006; Blossing, Imsen, & Moos, 2014; Lundahl, 2016). In these previous analyses, the question was raised whether a common Nordic model of education can be identified at all and to what extent neoliberal policies and broader globalisation trends affect the further development of education systems in the Nordic countries. The latter has especially been discussed in light of the increased competition between these systems emerging currently, here running against the common thread that was adopted shortly after World War II. In contrast to the works mentioned above, this book explicitly chose a quantitative empirical approach to the topic, linked with the attempt to indicate, measure and evaluate educational equity across the Nordic countries using data from large-scale assessment studies. Thus, the approach of this book was more data driven and descriptive than oriented on the political question of whether a common model exists.
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Gruneau, Rick, and Robert Neubauer. "A Gold Medal for the Market: The 1984 Los Angeles Olympics, the Reagan Era, and the Politics of Neoliberalism." In The Palgrave Handbook of Olympic Studies, 134–62. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230367463_10.

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Frønes, Tove Stjern, Andreas Pettersen, Jelena Radišić, and Nils Buchholtz. "Equity, Equality and Diversity in the Nordic Model of Education—Contributions from Large-Scale Studies." In Equity, Equality and Diversity in the Nordic Model of Education, 1–10. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-61648-9_1.

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AbstractIn education, the ‘Nordic model’ refers to the similarities and shared aims of the education systems developed in the five Nordic countries—Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Sweden and Norway—after World War II. Traditionally, there have always been many similarities and links between the Nordic countries through their historical connections and geographical proximity. The common experience of solidarity and political oppression during World War II also created the basis for a common political orientation in the postwar period, which was also reflected in the education systems during the development of the countries’ economies and their establishment of welfare states. At the same time, this very process has been strongly supported by social-democratic governance in these countries in the 1960s and 1970s (Blossing, Imsen, & Moos, 2014). The model is based on a concept ofEducation for All, where equity, equal opportunities and inclusion are consistently cited as the goal of schooling and orientation (Blossing et al., 2014; Telhaug, Mediås, & Aasen, 2006). This corresponds to the egalitarian idea of a classless society, which is characterised by individual democratic participation, solidarity and mutual respect and appreciation for all. This idea was manifested in, for example, major reallocations of economic resources through the tax systems and free schooling for all, which arose out of the principle that parents’ lack of economic resources should not prevent children from obtaining a good quality education. The equalisation of structural inequalities and creation of equity was—and still is—the task of the education system in the Nordic countries. Worldwide, especially within the Nordic countries, the view is being shared that the education system should be fair and provide access and opportunities for further education, regardless of where someone lives, the status of the parental home, where someone comes from, what ethnic background someone has, what age or gender someone is, what skills one has or whether someone has physical disabilities (Blossing et al., 2014; Quaiser-Pohl, 2013). Some special features of the Nordic system are therefore deeply embedded in the school culture in the countries, for example, through the fact that access to free and public local schools and adapted education is statutory, which is in contrast to many other countries, even other European ones (further developed and discussed in Chap.10.1007/978-3-030-61648-9_2). The Nordic model is widely considered a good example of educational systems that provide equal learning opportunities for all students. Achieving equity, here meaning the creation of fairness, is expressed concretely in political measures to distribute resources equally and strengthen the equality of marginalised groups by removing the barriers to seize educational opportunities, for example, when mixed-ability comprehensive schools are created or the educational system is made inclusive regarding students with special needs (UNESCO, 1994; Wiborg, 2009). Equality is roughly connoted with ‘sameness in treatment’ (Espinoza, 2007), while equity takes further in consideration also the question of how well the requirements of individual needs are met. Thus, the goal of equity is always linked to the concept of justice, provided that an equality of opportunities is created. If, however, one looks at individual educational policy decisions on the creation of educational justice in isolation, one must weigh which concept of equity or equality is present in each case. For example, it is not enough to formally grant equal rights in the education system to disadvantaged groups, but something must also be done actively to ensure that marginalised groups can use and realise this equality. The complexity of the terms becomes even greater when one considers that to achieve equality, measures can be taken that presuppose an unequal distribution of resources or unequal treatment and, therefore, are not fair e.g., when resources are bundled especially for disadvantaged groups and these are given preferential treatment (will be further developed and discussed in Chap.10.1007/978-3-030-61648-9_2). Thus, equality and equity rely on each other and are in a field of tension comprising multiple ideas (Espinoza, 2007).
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Nassif, Nadim. "Developing a National Elite Sport Policy in an Arab Country." In Sport, Politics and Society in the Middle East, 147–64. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190065218.003.0009.

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Lebanon has never qualified to the FIFA World Cup, and has only won four medals at the Olympic Games since it started participating in 1948. This chapter investigates why Lebanon is failing in international sport and argues that the promotion of elite sport has never been a priority for the Lebanese government. It also reviews the academic literature on elite sport success, and discusses political, economic, demographic, and cultural factors that contribute to Lebanon’s failure in international sport. It is argued that the meagre annual budget allocated to the Ministry of Sport by the Lebanese government is a necessary but insufficient explanation for Lebanon’s failure in international sport. The Ministry of Youth and Sport issued their “Sport Strategy 2010–2020,” but never implemented the policies proposed. Beyond the government there is the problem that corruption is prevalent in the national sport federations. This chapter highlights how administrators are occupying key positions based on their political affiliations, rather than on their skills and capacities.
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Conference papers on the topic "Political Medals"

1

Harahap, R. Hamdani, and Yeni Absah. "Analysis of Coffee Shops in Medan." In International Conference on Social Political Development (ICOSOP) 3. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010014002050212.

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Thamrin, Husni, and Agus Suriadi. "Asset Base Community Development in Community Development of Bold Indonesian Group of Reds Football Supporters Regional Medan (Medan Regional Bigreds) At Merdeka Village, District of Medan Baru, Medan." In 2nd International Conference on Social and Political Development (ICOSOP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icosop-17.2018.84.

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Ridho, Hatta, M. Arif Nasution, Subhilhar, and Muryanto Amin. "Challenge of Waste Management in Medan City." In International Conference on Social Political Development (ICOSOP) 3. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010001700130017.

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Erna, Mutiara, and Dr Syarifah. "Non-Communicable Diseases in Medan City 2016." In 2nd International Conference on Social and Political Development (ICOSOP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icosop-17.2018.33.

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Sitepu, Yovita Sabarina, and Hendra Harahap. "Social Media Usage and Digital Detoxification on Teenagers in Medan." In International Conference on Social Political Development (ICOSOP) 3. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010021403510355.

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Amin, Muryanto. "Does Radical Political Orientation Lead to Political Distrust in the Public Election of 2019 in Medan?" In International Conference on Social Political Development (ICOSOP) 3. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010002400510059.

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Syahri, Isyatun Mardhiyah, Badaruddin, Surya Utama, and Zulfendri. "The Role of Government in Occupational Health Effort Program in Medan." In International Conference on Social Political Development (ICOSOP) 3. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010013501710175.

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Eliana, Rika, Sri Supriyantini, and Josetta M. R. Tuapattinaja. "Career Maturity Among High School Students in Medan." In 1st International Conference on Social and Political Development (ICOSOP 2016). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icosop-16.2017.34.

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Ridho, Hatta, and Muhammad Arifin Nasution. "Analysis of Community-Based Waste Management in Medan." In 1st International Conference on Social and Political Development (ICOSOP 2016). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icosop-16.2017.70.

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Luan, Zhongheng. "Study on New Medial Application in College Ideological and Political Education." In 2016 4th International Education, Economics, Social Science, Arts, Sports and Management Engineering Conference (IEESASM 2016). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/ieesasm-16.2016.74.

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