To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Political Medals.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political Medals'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Political Medals.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Wallner, Lovisa. "RELATIONEN MELLAN MEDIALT OCH POLITISKT FÖRTROENDE -En kvantitativ studie om det mediala förtroendets påverkan på politiska attityder." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-69741.
Full textAbstract:
The actualization of fake news in the media has led to a widespread debate concerning the trust and mistrust of different news medias and their content. What differences in individual trust can be traced when analyzing the Swedish people’s attitudes regarding media? Lots of researchers have presented different theories to explain why political trust differ. This study on the other hand has the ambition to analyze whether media trust has a significant effect on political trust. Regarding the upcoming general election in Sweden the autumn of 2018, the connection between media trust and political trust is a current and interesting subject. Especially concidering the knowledge that democracy and how it works is dependent on political trust. This study analyses the relationship between media trust and political trust and concludes that the phenomena has a strong positive correlation that is also growing stronger over time. Additionally, the study brings out media trust as a strong factor for political trust in comparison to other established theories about how political trust can be explained.
2
Eriksson, Sophie. "Den politiska budbäraren : Medias personifiering i en digital värld?" Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-74862.
Full textAbstract:
When the elections are getting closer, media starts to reports more frequently aboutpolitical parties, leaders and issues to enlighten the public. But the media changes just as time changes as well. Framing and entertainment/ advertising tends to be more common in political media in our time. Studies in media globalization and researches from the newest election in USA shows that the political media has become more personalized, which, according to some hasan effect on the public’s attitude or belief towards politics and leaders. In that very situation, I got interested in finding out if and how the political communication with personalization vs. party-orientated as leading question, has changed in Sweden and USA from the beginning of the millennium to 2016. As help, framing has been used to find entertainment, personalization and party-oriented terms in 200 news articles. The findings and conclusions are as following; the political medias have changed to a new agenda, with framing and entertainment setting political news in a new light and perspective.
3
Adolfsson, Tim, and Adam Eriksson. "Den mediala diskursordningen i förändring : En jämförande kritisk diskursanalys av medias framställning av Sverigedemokraterna." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-157399.
Full textAbstract:
The Sweden democrats has for a long time been labelled as a racist party in swedish media. Due to the problems related to the members of the party in the 90s, where members were subject to criminal actions and racist scandals, the media had focus on the racist actions and labelled the party as a racist party therefore. How does the discourse present itself today? The purpose is to make a comparative study between the year 2014 and 2018/2019 and to research if the discourse surrounding the sweden democrats has changed during this time. Relevance for the study is how we discover, categorize and give the discourses names that helps us and also the reader to understand the process about how the media picture Sweden democrats. Our method is a comparative critical discourse analysis that we are going to use on articles published in the two largest newspapers in sweden, Aftonbladet and Expressen. We will locate the surrounding discourses from 2014 at first and then locate what kind of discourses is surrounding the party in 2018/2019. The main discourse from 2014 is the racist discourse, it´s present in nearly every article we analyse. With the racist discourse, the big difference is that the discourse is changing. When we look upon 2018/2019, new discourses take place, the new discourses we locate it’s the right populism-, scandal- and normalization discourse, the rasism discourse is still present but not so extensive as during 2014. During 2014 the racism discourse depends on the scandal discourse, this changes significant, the scandal discourse is no longer in 2018/2019 dependent on the racism discourse, but it acutally transforms into its own discourse. The focus on racism is almost gone and new scandals take place instead. In combination with the normalization discourse we can se that there has been a change, actually a big change in the media discourse surrounding the Sweden democrats.
4
Einerfors, Per. "Glastaket; skinande, krackelerat eller krossat? : En diskursanalys om medias porträttering av Anna Kindberg Batra, Ebba Busch Thor och Annie Lööf." Thesis, Mälardalens högskola, Akademin för ekonomi, samhälle och teknik, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-28384.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Is there a special discourse surrounding female politicians in Sweden? And if so, what is the current climate for female political leaders? The purpose of this article is to examine the portrayal in the public media of Anna Kinberg Batra, Ebba Busch Thor and Annie Lööf. The common denominator is that they are all heads of a political party, Anna Kinberg Batra being the chairwoman of the Moderate Party, Ebba Busch Thor being the chairwoman of the Christian Democratic Party and Annie Lööf chairwoman of the Central Liberal Party. The article includes mainly printed news from the midst of 2014 to may 2015. The chosen and applied method for this article is a discourse analysis. The article portrays the fact that female political party leaders in Sweden face a different situation than their male counterparts. Media knowingly or unknowingly chooses to focus on many attributes regarding the female politicians that are not in any way relevant for their profession such as outfits, nails and daycare, to name a few. This article has resulted in the conclusion that inequalities regarding a fair portrayal in media between the two sexes, still persist and that women active in political societies still have different expectations to live up to than their male counterparts.
5
Frisén, Daniel. "EU och Media : Medias påverkan på svenskarnas stöd till EU-medlemsskapet." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap (from 2013), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-73452.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this essay is to investigate if the agenda-setting theory is applicable as an explanation for the development of Swedes’ support for the European Union. To do so, this essay investigates five important events in Swedish integration into the European Union, namely the Swedish referendum about the EU membership, the protest during the EU summit 2001, the financial crisis, Sweden’s second presidency of the Council of the European Union and the British referendum about their EU membership. A qualitative content analysis was used as method and agenda-setting theory was used as a tool to analyze the development of the public opinion of the Swedish integration process into the European Union. The results show that the media has had an effect on how the public opinion for the EU has progressed over time. There is a correlation between Media’s positive coverage and the positive progress of the public opinion towards an EU membership. One of my conclusions is that the agenda-setting theory is able to aid the explanation of the change in public opinion, in a long-term perspective, rather than its short-term effects that have been previously proven.
6
Karlsson, Emelie. "Löftet om en folkomröstning : En studie om medial policypåverkan i Storbritannien." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-142143.
Full textAbstract:
Storbritannien har alltid haft en ambivalent hållning till EU och det europeiska integrationsprojektet. I maj 2010 tillträder den konservative David Cameron som premiärminister tillsammans med den liberaldemokratiske Nick Clegg. De båda utarbetar ett gemensamt ramverk för hur de skall förhålla sig till EU och inga direkta planer på någon folkomröstning existerar. Halvvägs genom mandatperioden går Cameron ut och lovar att hålla en folkomröstning om landets EU medlemskap om han blir omvald 2015. Denna studie undersöker medias roll i Camerons beslut att utlova folkomröstningen. Studien använder sig av Robinsons policy media interaction model för att fastställa hur och när media kan påverka politiska processer och beslut. Efter en kartläggning över hur regeringens policylinje förändras i relation till medial aktivitet finns det empiriska resultat som visar att media haft en påverkan på premiärministerns beslut.
7
Olsson, Maja. "Genussystemets reproducerande i mediala framställningar : En kritisk diskursanalys av den mediala framställningen av Elisabeth Warren." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-175237.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this study is to investigate the representation of the current female presidential candidate Elizabeth Warren in two american newspapers. The representation of Elizabeth Warren in the media is being related to the masculinity norm of the presidency. The aim with the study is to create understanding for how implicit biases about gender and the presidency influence the rendition of female presidential candidates in the media. The study is using Norman Faircloughs critical discourse analysis and the theory of the gendersystem. The empirical material consists of 10 articles from The New York Times and The Washington Post. The main conclusion of the analysis is that the media discourse of Elizabeth Warren is defined by the question of her electability in the election. The masculinity norm of the presidency is being reproduced and also questioned in an open discussion about the gender aspect in presidential elections.
8
Hamilton, Allison Joy. "Competing pathways of the internet & new media's influence on women political candidates." Thesis, The University of Iowa, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3638378.
Full textAbstract:
How does digital media and online news, especially blogs, influence support for women congressional and presidential candidates? From work on traditional print and television news we know women are framed differently than men, and are more likely to be framed as women (appearance, clothing, mother or wife, marital status, sex, gendered issues). I argue the transition to digital media (blogs and online news) is exacerbating these trends, increasing gender stereotype opinions of women candidates in the mass public, among both men and women. In turn I find gender stereotype opinions combined with use of online media reduces the probability of voting for women candidates. While much of the literature on digital media focuses on the positives that come with increased political information, participation and mobilization, holding these factors constant, this research highlights a potential cost of digital media.
Media scholars are increasingly interested in digital media and citizen journalism, as more Americans now read their news online than read a print newspaper. Davis (2009) and Sunstein (2007) find that journalists too are increasingly turning to the blogs for ideas and content that run on mainstream media. While citizen journalism has many benefits (see Shirky 2010), there is less fact checking with online news, where rumors can often masquerade as truth. Analysis of the coverage of Hillary Clinton's 2008 presidential run found that coverage of Clinton online, especially the blogs, was more sexist than mainstream media (Lawrence and Rose 2010; Richie 2013). Boystrum (2010), using content analysis, finds no gendered differences in the content of candidates' websites. Thus this research focuses on blogs and online news rather than candidate websites.
Rather than content analysis used in political communications or laboratory experiments often used in gender studies, this research relies on national survey data to measure the effect of digital media use for voting for women candidates in actual electoral campaigns. Combining large sample nationwide survey data of all congressional candidates running in 2008, 2010 and 2012, with a sample of Iowa caucus participants, and a unique national survey of primary voters, this research seeks to answer two primary questions. First, what is the effect of use of blog and online news on gendered stereotype opinion of women and male candidates (see Chapters 3 and 5)? Secondly, what is the combined effect of digital media use and gendered opinions in reducing support at the ballot box for women for the U.S. House or the president (see Chapters 4 and 6)? To consider the overall, or net effect, of digital media on support for women candidates, I incorporate the benefits of online news and communication to engage and mobilize the public.
Across many detailed analyses presented in this research, I find that reading blogs and online news generally increases the likelihood of forming opinions about women candidates colored by gender stereotypes, based on experience, knowledge, competency, integrity, strong leader, caring and more. In Chapter 3 I consider the case of Hillary Clinton and find that reading the news online and using online political information increased the belief that Clinton was less experienced, and was less trustworthy. In Chapter 4 I find that gender stereotype opinions and digital media use reduced favorability ratings of Clinton and Clinton compared to her male presidential contenders (Obama and Edwards). These two factors also reduced the probably of voting for her, holding other factors constant. Chapter 5 analyses all U.S. House races from 2008, 2010, and 2012 with a women candidate. Individuals who used online news or political blogs are more likely to believe the woman candidate is less competent, lacks integrity, and is less caring than the man candidate, holding other factors constant. Finally, the results from Chapter 6 show gendered opinions and digital media reduce the likelihood of voting for the woman candidate. The overall, or net effect, models show even the positive effect of online mobilization is outweighed by the negative effect of digital media combined with the believe in gender stereotypes. Such gendered opinions of women candidates are widely held by the mass public.
The dominant explanation for why Obama, as an underdog candidate won the 2008 Democratic presidential nomination was that he was able to mobilize and engage the public, especially the young, through online media. These online venues also significantly increased the money Obama raised through small dollar contributions (Redlawsk et al 2010). However, what these stories ignore is the negative media coverage of his primary opponent, Hillary Clinton, online. This study attempts to systematically and empirically document how the Internet and online news may contributed to reduced support for Clinton's candidacy and women congressional candidates more generally. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
9
Hamilton, Allison Joy. "Competing pathways of the Internet & new media's influence on women political candidates." Diss., University of Iowa, 2013. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1332.
Full textAbstract:
How does digital media and online news, especially blogs, influence support for women congressional and presidential candidates? From work on traditional print and television news we know women are framed differently than men, and are more likely to be framed as women (appearance, clothing, mother or wife, marital status, sex, gendered issues). I argue the transition to digital media (blogs and online news) is exacerbating these trends, increasing gender stereotype opinions of women candidates in the mass public, among both men and women. In turn I find gender stereotype opinions combined with use of online media reduces the probability of voting for women candidates. While much of the literature on digital media focuses on the positives that come with increased political information, participation and mobilization, holding these factors constant, this research highlights a potential cost of digital media.
Much of what we know about the media and women candidates is based on content analysis of newspapers and television stories (Bystrom 20004; 2010a; 2010b; Iyengar et al1997; Lawrence and Rose 2010). The dominant literature on the impact of the mass media on women candidates is based on experimental framing studies with hypothetical female candidates. But media scholars are increasing interested in digital media and citizen journalism, as more Americans now read their news online than read a print newspaper. Davis (2009) and Sunstein (2007) find that journalists too are increasingly turning to the blogs for ideas and content that run on mainstream media. While citizen journalism has many benefits (see Shirky 2010), there is less fact checking with online news, where rumors can often masquerade as truth. Analysis of the coverage of Hillary Clinton's 2008 presidential run found that coverage of Clinton online, especially the blogs, was more sexist than mainstream media (Lawrence and Rose 2010; Richie 2013). For example, one group sold t-shirts and bumper stickers staying "Get Hillary Back in the Kitchen." Boystrum (2010) analyses how women and men presidential, congressional and gubernatorial candidates differ, and how this affects media coverage of the candidates. Using content analysis, she finds no gendered differences in the content of their websites. Thus this research focuses on blogs and online news rather than candidate websites.
No previous research has considered individual level data on use of online news for politics and whether this leads to gender stereotype opinions; nor has the existing research considered whether digital media use, combined believing in these stereotypes of women, impacts voting for women candidates in real election contexts. Rather than content analysis used in political communications or laboratory experiments often used in gender studies, this research relies on national survey data to measure the effect of digital media use for voting for women candidates in actual electoral campaigns. Combining large sample nationwide survey data of all congressional candidates running in 2008, 2010 and 2012, with a sample of Iowa caucus participants, and a unique national survey of primary voters, this research seeks to answer two primary questions. First, what is the effect of use of blog and online news on gendered stereotype opinion of women and male candidates (see Chapters 3 and 5)? Secondly, what is the combined effect of digital media use and gendered opinions in reducing support at the ballot box for women for the U.S. House or the president (see Chapters 4 and 6)? To consider the overall, or net effect, of digital media on support for women candidates, I incorporate the benefits of online news and communication to engage and mobilize the public.
Across many detailed analyses presented in this research, I find that reading blogs and online news generally increases the likelihood of forming opinions about women candidates colored by gender stereotypes, based on experience, knowledge, competency, integrity, strong leader, caring and more. In Chapter 3 I consider the case of Hillary Clinton and find that reading the news online and using online political information increased the belief that Clinton was less experienced, and was less trustworthy. In Chapter 4 I find that gender stereotype opinions and digital media use reduced favorability ratings of Clinton and Clinton compared to her male presidential contenders (Obama and Edwards). These two factors also reduced the probably of voting for her, holding other factors constant. Chapter 5 analyses all U.S. House races from 2008, 2010, and 2012 with a women candidate. Individuals who used online news or political blogs are more likely to believe the woman candidate is less competent, lacks integrity, and is less caring than the man candidate, holding other factors constant. Finally, the results from Chapter 6 show gendered opinions and digital media reduce the likelihood of voting for the woman candidate. The overall, or net effect, models show even the positive effect of online mobilization is outweighed by the negative effect of digital media combined with the believe in gender stereotypes. Such gendered opinions of women candidates are widely held by the mass public.
The dominant explanation for why Obama, as an underdog candidate won the 2008 Democratic presidential nomination was that he was able to mobilize and engage the public, especially the young, through online media. These online venues also significantly increased the money Obama raised through small dollar contributions (Redlawsk et al 2010). However, what these stories ignore is the negative media coverage of his primary opponent, Hillary Clinton, online. This study attempts to systematically and empirically document how the Internet and online news may contributed to reduced support for Clinton's candidacy and women congressional candidates more generally.
As new communication mediums are developed there are often short-term increases in misinformation with the proliferation of information, but as standards are established this chaos disappears. Digital media's effect on women candidates for elected office over the long run is unclear and deserves further study.
10
Petrone, Emily. "Obama as Kennedy| The Media's Role in Branding a Politician." Thesis, The American University of Paris (France), 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=13871589.
Full text
11
Malmström, Elin. "Gilla, kommentera och dela : En kvalitativ undersökning om utrymmet för elevers mediala erfarenheter i läromedel." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-156073.
Full text
12
Lundberg, Fredrik. "Mediedrev, makt och mediernas demokratiska uppgift : En diskursanalys av den mediala framställningen av bostadsminister Mehmet Kaplan i april 2016." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-132758.
Full textAbstract:
Denna uppsats består av en analys av framställningen av bostadsminister Mehmet Kaplan i Aftonbladet och Expressen i mitten av april 2016 då det uppdagades att Kaplan ätit middag med företrädare för nationalistiska och fascistiska organisationer. Studien intresserar sig för mediernas roll i det demokratiska systemet, i synnerhet vid framställningen av politiker i samband med mediedrev. Mediernas roll som tredje statsmakt mot bakgrund av ett kommersialiserat medieklimat och en politik som blir allt mer medialiserad är också av intresse. Med teoretisk bakgrund bestående av teorier om representation och diskurser kombinerat med tidigare forskning om framställning av islam, muslimer och om mediedrev har en kritisk diskursanalys utförts för att studera hur medierna utövar sin ökade makt. Studien visar på att medierna etablerar en tolkningsram som fokuserar på Kaplans tidigare snedsteg men även på hans religion och etnicitet. I enlighet med tidigare forskning på området framställs islam och islamism ofta i samband med inslag av våld, både explicit och implicit. Framställningen förstärker stereotyper och verkar för att upprätthålla den rådande ordningen. Mediedrevet avslutas med att Kaplan avgår från sin post vilket ligger till grund för en diskussion om mediernas position som den tredje statsmakten i den svenska demokratin, med uppgifter att granska våra folkvalda politiker. Slutligen konstateras att i ett allt mer medialiserat samhälle måste mediernas demokratiska roll ses över.
13
Posley, Clyde Jr. "The Embodiment of the Black Male Student-Athlete Political Voice 1964-1968| A Case Study of the 1968 Summer Olympic Medal Stand Protest." Thesis, Union Institute and University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10646887.
Full textAbstract:
Using performance and cultural study lenses, this dissertation employs a case study methodology to explore how embodied Black male political voice was used during the 1968 Summer Olympic medal stand protest in Mexico City, Mexico. Creative moral protest is a "hallmark of nonviolent resistance and civil disobedience" The art of moral protest, (Jasper, 1997). By the late 1960s, several innovative expressions of political activism, involving Black men, had been set forth in the United States. However, on October 16, 1968 in Mexico City, the world witnessed one of history's most memorable and iconic protests. Using a brazen and unprecedented style, two Black US college athletes expanded socio/economic discourse relating to Black Americans. Epitomizing innovation in moral protest and cultural representation, Tommie Smith and John Carlos, with raised Black-gloved fists, furthered international awareness to the struggle for equal rights in America. Collectively, the track stars fashioned an unprecedented cultural discourse using imagery and symbolism as their political voice during the 1968 Olympic medal stand awards ceremony.
Grappling with political forces of White supremacy and institutional racism, the two Olympians combined social aptitude with academic and political consciousness. In doing so, the San Jose State University students used a visual protest language that aided in how the world defined politically conscious Black masculinity. Their display during the 1968 Summer Olympic medal stand ceremony helped to introduce many to the disenfranchised voice of Black America, still echoing against the backdrop of the ideology of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Following the deaths of King and Malcolm X. The two Olympians sought to expand upon the successful use of symbolic boycotts and protest marches to challenge an American meta-narrative about Black citizenship and identity. Black males, in particular, were involved in highly visible groups such as: The Black Panther Party for Self-Defense and, SNCC. The two met Professor Harry Edwards, leader of the Olympic Project for Human Rights (OPHR), while students at San Jose State University. They later joined OPHR. According to Edwards, author of the book The Struggle That Must Be, (Edwards, 1980), an Olympic boycott protest was intended to "set forth the imagery of intelligent Black men who were socially conscious" (Edwards, 1980,p.28).
14
Garcia, Hajdari Romina. "Den mediala integrationsdebatten : En studie om gestaltningen av integration och invandrare i debatt- och ledarartiklar." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för lärande, humaniora och samhälle, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-35439.
Full textAbstract:
Integration och invandring har debatterats flitigt i samhällets olika arenor, och inte minst tack vare den plötsliga volymökningen av asylsökande som kom till Sverige under 2015. Forskning har tidigare undersökt mediers påverkan och gestaltningar i olika frågor - så även i denna, men då framförallt fokuserat på nyhetsartiklar. Mitt tillskott till den vetenskapande verksamheten är därför att studera specifikt debatt- och ledarartiklar från de två största morgontidningarna i Sverige: Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet. Med avstamp i gestaltningsteorin har jag genomfört en kvalitativ textanalys av totalt 21 artiklar som berör problemområdet, publicerade mellan 1 januari 2016 till och med 30 april 2017. Resultatet visar tre teman: (i) invandrare som okvalificerade för en svensk arbetsmarknad; (ii) det svenska bidragssystemet som alltför generöst och passiviserande; samt (iii) den stora volymen asylsökande som resulterat i en ”ny invandrargrupp” som ökat den kulturella skillnaden i landet. Det saknas genomgående en explicit definition av integration, men implicit antyds en ”ekonomisk integration”. Vidare gestaltas invandrare oftast negativt: mer specifikt som besittande av egenskaper och beteenden som inte är typiskt ”svenskt”.
15
Fuglstad, Siri. "“Media’s war on women in politics?” : A quantitative content analysis of Swedish print media’s portrayal of Anna Kinberg Batra and Ulf Kristersson." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-379708.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this thesis is to achieve a deeper understanding of how media portrays politicians and examine whether media is gender-biased. This is done by carrying out a case study within the Swedish context, which compares print media’s portrayal of the Moderate party’s former leader Anna Kinberg Batra with their current leader Ulf Kristersson. A quantitative content analysis is applied on 330 articles from four Swedish newspapers. By examining previous literature, a theoretical framework is constructed using theories on framing, the gender system as well as media’s treatment of female and male politicians which is later operationalized. In brief, the results of the study show there are differences in certain parts of media’s portrayal of Kinberg Batra and Kristersson, however they were not always as substantial and obvious as previous literature had indicated.
16
Bylund, Jenny. "Palestinier och israeler i svensk dagspress : En beskrivande komparativ kvantitativ innehållsanalys av den mediala gestaltningen." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för lärande, humaniora och samhälle, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-42518.
Full textAbstract:
Konflikten i Mellanöstern har genererat ett stort medialt intresse, särskilt under den första och andra intifadan. Parallellt har även debatten om antisemitismens existens tagit fart på nytt, där vissa hävdar att detta syns i den mediala rapporteringen i Europa. I kontrast hävdar amerikanska medier att gestaltningen är pro-israelisk och beskriver palestinier som våldsamma terrorister, militanta islamister och överlag roten till problem i Mellanöstern, men att det har skett en förändring mellan den första och andra intifadan. Det finns ett begränsat antal studier på hur medier utanför USA, Israel och Arabvärlden gestaltar israeler och palestinier i Mellanöstern, och denna studie tar sitt ursprung i denna kunskapslucka, för att undersöka den svenska kontexten. Metoden är beskrivande komparativ kvantitativ innehållsanalys, som lutar sig på teorier om gestaltning. Materialet som används är artiklar och notiser i svenska dagstidningar. Syftet är att klargöra vilka bilder som ges, om detta skiljer sig mellan tidningar av olika ideologi, samt om detta har förändrats mellan första och andra intifadan. Resultatet visar att palestinier gestaltas mer positivt än israeler, men denna tendens minskar under andra intifadan.
17
Labbe, Brett R. "Towards a Re-discovery of the Public Sphere: Myanmar/Burma's 'Exile Media's' Counter-hegemonic Potential and the U.S. News Media's Re-framing of American Foreign Policy." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1460060017.
Full text
18
Westerberg, Isabella. "A case study of the relationship between journalism and politics in Sri Lanka." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för journalistik, medier och kommunikation (JMK), 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-72407.
Full textAbstract:
This bachelor thesis is conducted as a Minor Field Study (MFS) in Colombo, Sri Lanka. The aim of the study is to investigate the relationship between journalism and politics from three questions at issue: 1) What is the role of media according to the journalists? 2) How do journalists work with political reporting in the Sri Lankan print media? 3) How does print media and politics correspond to each other in Sri Lanka?. The theoretical framework consists of theories onmedia systems, democracy models, the notion of the public sphere, media during elections and types of regulations. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 17 informants, both editors and journalists, at eight different editorial offices. The newspapers at which the informants were employed were either state-owned or privately owned. The qualitative material was transcribed and analysed using thematisation and meaning concentration to reveal patterns, attitudes and opinions. The analysis is divided into two major sections; 'Media's Role in the Society' and 'Media and Politics'. The first section investigates the first question at issue. Informing and educating people are valued as important responsibilities amongst the informants. Media is considered to be powerful in terms of affecting both people and politicians, although, some reservations are made. The second section examines the second and third questions at issue. The ideal execution of political reportage includes notions of neutrality, fairness, balance and unbiased reporting. In reality this is not necessarily accomplished. The state newspapers seem to report on behalf of the government in a positive and uncritical way. Private newspapers consider themselves to be more independent, but political ties and restrictions can disable their independence. Tendencies towards clientelism, political parallelism and instrumentalization are noted in the media environment. Sensitive, political news is often self-censored by journalists due to fear of consequences. In 'Conclusions and Discussion' the questions at issue are connected to each other in an attempt to discuss the complex relationship between journalism and politics in Sri Lanka.
19
Zetterberg, Stina. "Medias dagordningsmakt i flyktingfrågan : En kvantitativ studie om gestaltningen av flyktingfrågan i Dagens Nyheters." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-313921.
Full text
20
Rohlin, Larsson Anna. "Och kvinna : en kritisk analys av den mediala diskursen kring kvinnliga politiker." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-639.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this paper is to describe, visualise- and analyse medias discursive representations of female politicians in Swedish printed media. The focus of the analysis is to show if, and how these images can be understood and interpreted in terms of a socially constructed gender stereotyped suborder.
The paper takes it's theoretical and methodological departure in the discourse analysis, which is combined with feminist political theory. Feminist political theory is concretised in the use of what Yvonne Hirdman calls the "gender system" which arranges the sexes into their respective genders and is based upon two rules/principles/logics: 1) the rule of distinctive separation, and 2) the male norm. Closely related to the aim of the paper lies also the critical theoretic assumption that people has to be aware of their own part in the production and reproduction of the discourse in order to change make a change. Language is perceived as intimately tied to power in that language defines and gives the reality meaning. Media is therefore, by it's presence in all Swedish homes perceived as channel for the exercise of power through it's discourse.
Drawing on 20 articles from different newspapers and magazines, the results of this paper shows, through the use of discourse analysis, that female politicians are portrayed as politicians and women. The analysis concludes that media's image of the female politician rests on gender stereotypes which as a consequent reduces the female politician to her biological gender and therefore gives her, in comparison with her male counterpart a lower hierarchic position.
21
Sönmez, Jasmine. "Flyktingar i media : En framinganalys av medias inramning av flyktingar över tid." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-352353.
Full textAbstract:
The overarching aim of this essay is to chart how Swedish news papers have framed refugees and the refugee crisis during 2013, 2015 and 2017 and if there has been a shift in the usage. The paper searches to do so by examining editorial articles from two of the biggest newspapers in Sweden, Aftonbladet and Svenska Dagbladet. The two papers have opposite ideological views; however, they are both independent from political parties. Drawing on an analytical framework elaborated in earlier studies the study uses frame analysis to examine the different usage made during each year. The study finds that the most dominant frame during the time is the responsibility frame, focusing on the responsibility and/or lack of responsibility taken by the government in relation to the refugees. It is also observed that the shift in usage of the human interest-frame and the economical frame is the most distinguishable, where the use of the first-named decrease while the other increase in 2015 compared with 2013. It is also observed that the content of these frames varies among the examined years. The conclusion of the essay is that the framing of refugees has changed not only under the researched years but over all and that the usage is in constant movement.
22
Svensson, Hampus. "Snowden i svensk media : En frameanalys av svensk medias rapportering om Edward Snowden." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-363921.
Full text
23
Andersson, Simon. "Från förtryck till föreställning : En kvantitativ innehållsanalys om medias skildring av samer i samband med Kulturhuvudstadsåret 2014." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-142348.
Full textAbstract:
This essay is about the issues between minorities and the media in the present day, with a focus on the conflicts in northern Sweden involving the Sami-people. This essay uses quantitative content analysis to examine news articles published between 2002 and 2016 to investigate changes in how the Sami minority is depicted in local media. This topic is influenced due to the Culture Capital event of 2014 that took place in the city of Umeå, located in northern Sweden. The event involved a lot of Sami culture, tradition and performances which might have had an effect on the type of news that local newspapers published. The results show that articles that involve news about conflicts, discrimination and other negative attributes have lowered throughout the years since 2002. The biggest change can however be seen in the period after 2009 where the negative articles lowered to a much higher degree than the years before. This essay has found a possible correlation between the event and media portrayal in local newspapers.
24
Chaveroche, Beatrice. "Medias roll i valkampanjer : En studie av den franska presidentvalskampanjen 2007." Thesis, Växjö universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-5358.
Full textAbstract:
Since the 1970s voting behaviour has changed. Party identification and class voting has declined. As the electorate becomes more volatile, campaign strategy and party image becomes essential. Political communication and mass media now play an important role in election campaigns. Therefore, researchers take an interest in the impact of media on public opinion. The agenda-setting theory maintains that media influence what voters think about and that there is a link between media coverage and voting intentions. This minor thesis focuses on the early election campaign prior to the French presidential election in 2007. For the first time, the socialist party organised a primary election in order to nominate their candidate. The aim is to study if media has an impact on public opinion in election campaigns. To reach the aim, I posed the two following research questions: Did the primary election of the socialist party result in higher media coverage of the party than of other political parties? If the media favoured the socialist party during this time, did this have an impact on the voting intentions for the socialist candidate Ségolène Royal? In order to reach the aim and answer the questions, I performed a quantitative study. I measured the media coverage of the different political parties in the newspapers during the socialist primary campaign, to find out if the socialist party was favoured by the media. The primary source of information was the two French newspapers Le Monde and Le Figaro, complemented by opinion polls performed by the institute Ipsos. The results show that the socialist party was privileged by the press coverage prior to the presidential election. The newspapers wrote more and longer articles about the socialist party than of any other political party at the time of this study. At the same time, voting intentions for Ségolène Royal increased. The media exposure seems to have had a short effect on the public opinion in favour of the socialist candidate. By the results of this study, I conclude that the socialist party was able to influence the agenda-setting in the media by organizing primary elections. I find support for the hypothesis that media coverage during an election campaign has an effect on public opinion.
25
Lehfeldt, Fabia Federica. "The Other Side of the Medal : A Case Study of Right-Wing Populist Party Identity in German Newspaper Discourse." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-165818.
Full textAbstract:
Nowadays, liberal democratic societies comprise the breeding ground for thriving right-wing populist parties. They share the “fundamental core of ethno-nationalist xenophobia, (…) and anti-political establishment populism” (Rydgren, 2004 p.475). Coeval research has acknowledged the threat that is entailed in the bespoken phenomenon; yet, its account is incomplete. This study follows Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, in objecting to the individualist and rationalist tenets that inform previous research, to accentuate a neglected lens on the thrive of right-wing populism in Western liberal democracies. Their discourse theoretical frame was herein used as both theory and method, in a discourse analysis of the Alternative für Deutschland’s (AfD) identity in German online newspaper discourse. The empirical material comprised 97 articles from Germany’s most popular national daily newspapers, which reported on the AfD in parliament, an AfD demonstration in Berlin, and the AfD’s youth organisation’s congress throughout April, May and June 2018. Ultimately, the study arrived at the conclusion that the sampled newspaper discourse identified ‘us’, the ‘benevolent democrats’ via the exclusion, and rejection of ‘them’, the ‘wicked right-wing populists’. Since such relation was markedly antagonistic proper, newspaper discourse may be considered to have contributed to the recent thrive of right-wing populism in Germany.
26
Bringefalk, Oscar. "Media och spelet om politiken : En kvantitativ studie om medias gestaltningar av partiledardebatter under 2010-talets valrörelser." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-439787.
Full textAbstract:
Swedish media have in earlier studies been shown to portray national politics as a game and the focus have not been on the actual politics. This have shown to have a negative effect on citizens trust for politicians and a growing cynicism against Swedish politicians have started. News portrayed as a game also lacks information valuable to citizens of a democratic country, especially during an election campaign for government. With these facts this thesis aims to study how Swedish party leader debates are portrayed in national newspaper media during the elections 2010, 2014 and 2018. That is the question for this thesis. The thesis will study how the debates is portrayed in the media and in what way. The method chosen to answer this aim is with a quantitative content analysis studying newspaper headlines during the election campaigns 2010, 2014 and 2018. Three of the biggest national newspapers were chosen to be studied; Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet and Expressen. The results show that news portrayed as a game is the majority share of the material. The election years 2010 and 2014 is dominated by news portrayed as game while the year 2018 differs with news portrayed as politics. The election campaign of 2018 may be a start of a new trend with less news portrayed as game or just a campaign more focused on politics than other years. The coming election years will show if it just were a break or a new trend focused on politics rather than game.
27
Nilsson, Åkö Matilda. "European Union's path towards a sustainable future : The Swedish media’s portrayal of the plastic ban." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-99800.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines the media coverage on the European Union (EU) plastic ban directive in Sweden and investigates the role of the Swedish media in the EU decision-making process. As society and social movements are the driving force for pushing policies forward and affecting policy change, it is important to understand the media’s role in the development. Since media is one core driving force of opinion-building in this decision-making process, this thesis, analyses the media coverage on the topic of plastic to understand the media output that is directed towards the Swedish people. Therefore, the main focus has been to gather and analyze the news coverage on the topic of plastic in two of Sweden’s largest daily newspapers, Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet during the adoption of European Union’s Directive 2019/904 on the reduction of the impact of certain plastic products on the environment. By analyzing the media coverage and the international regulations that have been formed by the United Nations and European Union through discourse analysis with the application of the concepts Framing and Europeanization, differences between the media and actors of decision-making have been discovered.
28
Malmgren, Vilma. "”Vi bidrar till en hållbar utveckling” : En studie över medias framställning av flygverksamheters klimatkompensation." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap (from 2013), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-77467.
Full textAbstract:
På grund av klimatförändringar och global uppvärmning skapas effekter vilka påverkar både människa och miljö negativt. Att minska mängden genererade växthusutsläpp är en grundläggande åtgärd för att hantera miljöeffekterna. Samtidigt har konsumtionen av utrikes flygresor från Sverige fördubblats sedan 1990-talet vilket är en stor faktor för utsläpp av växthusgaser vilka bidrar till problematiken. Därmed används klimatkompensation som åtgärd för att ersätta de miljövärden som förlorats på grund av flygens utsläpp. Syftet med studien är undersöka de diskurser som finns kring flygets klimatkompensation. Materialet som analyseras består av dagspress insamlat från svenska nationella dagsmedier och analyseras med hjälp av metoden diskursanalys. Studien har resulterat i tre olika diskurser kring klimatkompensation. Inom de olika diskurserna används begreppet klimatkompensation varierande beroende på sammanhang. Resultatet visar att klimatkompensation används för att lindra människors oro för klimatförändringar och även för att en klimatbelastande verksamhet ska framställas som mer hållbar. Klimatkompensation används även som styrmedel för att hantera den mängd utsläpp som överskrider den bestämda mängd utsläpp som får genereras av flygverksamheter. Inom diskurserna riktas även kritik mot verktygets trovärdighet, transparens och socioekonomiska effekter.Due climate change and global warming, effects are created which create negative impacts at humans as well the environment. Reducing the amount of generated greenhouse gas emissions is a fundamental measure for managing environmental impacts. At the same time, consumption of foreign air travel from Sweden has increased and doubled since the 1990s, which is a major factor contributing to the problem. Thus, climate compensation is used as a tool to replace the environmental values lost due to emissions created by aviation. The purpose of the study is to investigate the existing discourses around aviation climate compensation. The analyzed material consists of daily press collected from Swedish national medias and analyzed using the method of discourse analysis. The study resulted in three different discourses on climate compensation. In the different discourses, the concept of climate compensation varies depending on the context. The result shows that climate compensation is used to alleviate people's concerns about climate change and also to depict a climate-impacting business as sustainable. Climate compensation is also used in case of managing the amount of emissions exceeding the maximum allowed amount of emissions generated by aviation operations. In the discourses, criticism is also directed at the tool's credibility, transparency and socio-economic impacts.
29
Costas-Pérez, Elena. "Essays on the Political Economy of Local Corruption." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/287837.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation analyses the effects of information on corruption cases on citizens’ electoral behaviour and the media coverage of those scandals. Corruption, defined as the abuse of public office for private gain, has lately become a very prolific research field in both academic and policy areas. Considering the main factors driving corruption, some studies have identified democratic systems as a hurdle to political scandals. Advanced democratic institutions tend to be associated with higher transparency and better political accountability mechanisms, which are the channels through which they accomplish lower levels of corruption. Factors such as an independent judiciary, press freedom, and free elections are key elements that define an advanced democracy.
This thesis is composed by three empirical studies. The study presented in Chapter 2 analyses how information on local corruption affected local electoral outcomes in Spanish municipalities between 1999 and 2007, a period characterised by the surge in local scandals. We use a novel database on those corruption cases to estimate an incumbent's vote share equation, accounting for the omission of popularity shocks, something that is lacking in prior studies. As an additional enrichment to the literature we have into consideration the degree of attention that the media devoted to each case and when the judiciary was involved in the scandal, analysing whether voters react to the amount of information and to information regarding the seriousness of the case. Thus, we account for the complementarity of these institutions in the fight against corruption. Chapter 3 studies how corruption affects voter turnout using information on local scandals occurring in Spain between 1999 and 2007 and survey data. This analysis has the advantage over the previous literature as it relies on a research strategy for differentiating between the ‘mobilisation’ and ‘disaffection’ effects of corruption on voter turnout. To the best of our knowledge this is the first study that is able to analyse empirically how these two effects are influenced by partisan leanings or corruption at different times, untangling the conclusions of earlier studies. Chapter 4 studies the media coverage of 165 Spanish local scandals spanning between 2004 and 2007 by national and regional newspapers. It analyses the incentives that media outlets may have to bias the information they report on those scandals. The literature has identified ideological slant and capture on the part of the government as two political elements that may bias media coverage of scandals. The study presented in chapter 4 is an improvement respect previous papers since it analyses both ideological slant and media capture as complementary factors rather than independent drivers of media bias. As an additional contribution we also consider the role of government’s popularity on the coverage of scandals.
The three empirical studies that compose this thesis provide strong evidence that, even under a biased provision of news, Spanish voters are willing to electorally punish corrupt practices. Together with the significant number of cases recently unveiled by media and investigations undertaken by individuals or citizens’ organizations through different digital platforms, we can be optimistic about the evaluation of practices to control corruption. The promotion of policies that endorse media freedom and independence would also reduce the influence of political powers on Spanish media. Taken together, these factors would have a clear positive effect on electoral accountability, allowing citizens to obtain the impartial information they need to use elections as a way to constrain corrupt practices.
30
Johansson, Carl Gustav. "Krisen under ytan : En kvantitativ undersökning om svensk medias aktiva rapportering under den påstådda ubåtskränkningen 2014." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-357212.
Full text
31
Xie, Yanmei. "Objectivity revisisted a study of the mainstream media's coverage of Colin Powell's UN presentation /." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1155334853.
Full text
32
Castillo, Cecilia Inés. "Política Exterior Argentina y los medios de comunicación: La Cuestión Malvinas." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Politècnica de València, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10251/62150.
Full textAbstract:
[EN] The claim of Argentina to Great Britain over the sovereignty of the archipelago of the Malvinas Islands and the surrounding maritime areas in the South Atlantic, has always been present in all governments through different strategies. The war of 1982 with the aforementioned country -that occupies the islands from 1833 up to date- has complicated the solution to the controversy that, over 33 years after the Malvinas War, remains unresolved.This work analizes the perception and impact that were reflected in the leading digital editions of newspapers of Argentina, England and Spain regarding the Malvinas question during the second presidency of Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner. The period that started on December 10, 2011 and that will be ending on December 10, 2015, witnessed a complex scenario in international affairs, particularly the issues regarding the dispute over the archipelago.It is valid to inquire about the Malvinas Question today because, firstly the Argentine political context is very interesting. There is a continuity in the goverment administration, which has been for 12 years in the "Kirchner's hands'" -first with Nestor Kirchner (4 years) and then the two presidencies of his wife, Dr. Cristina Fernandez (8 years)-. However the general outlines of foreign policy did not suffer significant changes, Dr. Fernandez de Kirchner was able to revive the controversy and gave a personal touch to the requests of negotiations with the United Kingdom."On-line" newspapers have been chosen as documental base due to their current level of relevancy. It has been observed that the media have acquired a significant role and it has the capacity of influencing both: recipients of information and the protagonists of the story itself. The role of vehicle that once was given to the radio and printed press today is represented by digital media, which boasts a leading role. In the field of international relations, this transformation has meant a new scheme in communicating, since the Foreign Ministries need to rethink what is the most effective way to spread the agenda items.This change in the role of the media brings as a consequence that media influence can transform regional facts on global facts and can also change initiatives and policies strategies. The evolution of communication from the 90s up today impacts directly in international politics, demanding constantly renewal of information, since access to the news is available 24 hours a day.The controversy over the claim of the archipelago is a matter of the whole Argentina and its solution does not appear to be easily found. The distribution of information is key in any international contest and is a determining factor to outline policies. Then, before a foreign policy dispute remains unresolved, the place and the perception that the media give to the subject, it is critical to understand the vision of the conflict on both Argentine and British societies.Not only it was decided to work on the the digital press published by the countries related to the controversy, but also to add the the vision of a third party (Spain).[ES] El reclamo de la República Argentina a Gran Bretaña por la soberanía del archipiélago de las Islas Malvinas y sus espacios marítimos circundantes en el Atlántico Sur, ha estado siempre presente en todos los gobiernos a través de diferentes estrategias. El conflicto bélico de 1982 con mencionando país -quien ocupa las Islas desde 1833 a la fecha- ha complicado la solución a la controversia que a más de 33 años de la guerra de Malvinas, permanece sin resolver.En este trabajo se analiza la percepción y repercusiones que se plasmaron en las principales ediciones digitales de periódicos de Argentina, Inglaterra y España respecto a la cuestión Malvinas durante la segunda presidencia de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. El período que comenzó el 10 de diciembre de 2011 y que concluirá el 10 de diciembre de 2015, fue testigo de un escenario complejo en materia internacional, particularmente respecto a la disputa por el archipiélago.Tiene vigencia investigar sobre la Cuestión Malvinas hoy porque, en primer lugar, el contexto político argentino es sumamente interesante. Presenta continuidad en la administración del gobierno, que se encuentra en manos kirchneristas desde hace 12 años -primero con Néstor Kirchner (4 años) y luego las dos presidencias de su esposa, Dra. Cristina Fernández (8 años). En segundo lugar, si bien los lineamientos generales de la política exterior no sufrieron modificaciones sustanciales, la Dra. Fernández de Kirchner supo reavivar la controversia a través de distintos reclamos e imprimiéndole su toque personal al pedido de negociación con el Reino Unido. Se han escogido como base documental del trabajo periódicos "on line", en el entendido que han logrado adquirir un nivel de relevancia fundamental en la sociedad. Con el paso del tiempo, se ha podido observar que estos medios de comunicación resultan influyentes e impactan tanto en los receptores de la información como en los protagonistas de la noticia en sí. En la actualidad, el rol de vehículo que antaño cumplían la radio o los periódicos impresos se ha transformado en un papel protagónico que hoy llevan a cabo los medios digitales. En el campo de las relaciones internacionales, esta transformación ha significado un nuevo esquema a la hora de comunicar, dado que hace repensar a las Cancillerías cual es la forma más eficaz para difundir los temas de agenda. Este cambio en el protagonismo de los medios de comunicación hace que su influencia pueda transformar hechos regionales en globales y modificar iniciativas y estrategias políticas. La evolución de la comunicación a partir de los años 90 impactó directamente en la política internacional, exigiendo actualidad y renovación de la información, dado que el acceso a la noticia ocurre durante las 24 horas del día. La controversia por el reclamo del archipiélago es una cuestión de toda la sociedad argentina y su solución no parece encontrarse fácilmente. La distribución de la información es clave en cualquier contienda internacional y constituye un factor determinante para delinear políticas. Entonces, ante esta disputa de política exterior que continúa sin resolución, el lugar y la percepción que otorgan los medios al tema, es fundamental para comprender la visión del conflicto en las sociedades tanto argentinas como británicas. Por ello, en esta tesis se decidió utilizar medios digitales de los países que se consideraron involucrados en el conflicto, y la visión de un tercer país (España).
[CAT] El reclam de la República Argentina a Gran Bretanya per la sobirania de l'arxipèlag de les Illes Malvines i els seus espais marítims circumdants a l'Atlàntic sud, ha estat sempre present en tots els governs a través de diferents estratègies. El conflicte bèl¿lic de 1982 amb esmentant país -que ocupa, d'acord al nostre criteri, il¿legalment les Illes des de 1833 a la data- ha complicat la solució a la controvèrsia que a més de 33 anys de la guerra de Malvines, roman sense resoldre.En aquest treball s'analitza la percepció i repercussions que es van plasmar en les principals edicions digitals dels diaris de l'Argentina, Anglaterra i Espanya respecte a la qüestió Malvines durant la segona presidència de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. El període que comença el 10 de desembre de 2011 i que conclourà el 10 de desembre de 2015, va ser testimoni d'un escenari complex en matèria internacional, particularment pel que fa a la disputa per l'arxipèlag.Té vigència investigar sobre la Qüestió Malvines avui perquè, en primer lloc, el context polític argentí és summament interessant. Presenta continuïtat en l'administració del Govern, que es troba en mans kirchneristes des de fa 12 anys -primer amb Néstor Kirchner (4 anys) i després les dues presidències de la seva esposa, Dra. Cristina Fernández (8 anys) -. En segon lloc, si bé els lineaments generals de la política exterior no van patir modificacions substancials, perquè la Dra. Fernández de Kirchner va saber revifar la controvèrsia a través de diferents reclams i imprimint el seu toc personal a la comanda de negociació amb el Regne Unit.Així mateix utilitzem de base documental els diaris "on line" a causa que amb el pas del temps, s'ha pogut observar la rellevància que a nivell societat han cobrat els mitjans de comunicació, influint tant en els receptors de la informació com en els protagonistes de la notícia en si. En l'actualitat, el paper de vehicle que antany complien els mitjans de comunicació s'ha transformat en un paper protagonista. En el camp de les relacions internacionals, aquesta transformació ha significat un nou esquema a l'hora de comunicar, atès que fa repensar a les Cancelleries com és la forma més eficaç de difondre els temes d'agenda.Aquest canvi en el protagonisme dels mitjans de comunicació fa que la seva influència pugui transformar fets regionals en globals i modificar iniciatives i estratègies polítiques. L'evolució de la comunicació a partir dels anys 90 va impactar directament en la política internacional, exigint actualitat i renovació de la informació, atès que l'accés a la notícia ocorre durant les 24 hores del dia.La controvèrsia pel reclam de l'arxipèlag és una qüestió de tota la societat argentina i la seva solució no sembla trobar-se fàcilment. La distribució de la informació és clau en qualsevol contesa internacional i constitueix un factor determinant per a delinear polítiques. Llavors, davant d'una contesa de política exterior que continua sense resolució, el lloc i la percepció que atorguen els mitjans al tema, és fonamental per comprendre la visió del conflicte en les societats tant argentines com britàniques. Per açò, es va decidir utilitzar mitjans digitals dels països que es van considerar involucrats en el conflicte, i la visió d'un tercer país (Espanya).
Castillo, CI. (2016). Política Exterior Argentina y los medios de comunicación: La Cuestión Malvinas [Tesis doctoral no publicada]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/62150
TESIS
33
Mannelin, Mikael. "Jämställdhet som utrikespolitiskt vapen : Propaganda som gränsskapande praktik i narrativ om Sverige irysk statskontrollerad medias nyhetsrapportering." Thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Institutionen för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-42678.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this study is to examine Russia's foreign and security policy towards Sweden, as bordering practices, in the state-controlled media's international news reporting on gender equality. To achieve this goal the following two questions were formulated: 1) which narratives about gender equality can be read from English-language news articles about Sweden from the Russian state-controlled news company Sputnik News? and 2) in what ways do these narratives function as bordering practices? Utilizing critical border theory and both narrative analysis and strategic narrative analysis this study's results confirm previous research in several ways. The identified narratives have a predominant majority of negative angles to Sweden's disadvantage and there is use of ridiculing language with the intent to diminish Sweden's international position. I have been able to distinguish four main narratives that all touches upon gender equality in some way. These narratives,1) a polarized Sweden, a country in free fall, 2) extreme gender equality /feminism, 3) gender equality as a mirage, and 4) an elite that pursues an extreme agenda, are created by Sputnik by "harvesting" domestic media and then translating and repackaging the content to portray a negative image of Sweden. These narrative themes function in a normative way by highlighting the unusual and that which stands out, and through performative repetition, these foreign policy motivated narratives acts as bordering practices that constantly produce and reproduce the nations' borders, identity and sovereignty. This study concludes that the strategic narratives on gender equality in the Russian state-controlled media identified in this study function as a weapon in Russia's political war towards Sweden.2021-06-02
34
Kisberg, Linn. ""Skjut som en kärring" : En diskursanalys av den mediala debatten gällande ojämställdhet i den svenska Försvarsmakten." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-66032.
Full textAbstract:
Uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka den mediala debatten gällande ojämställdhet i den svenska Försvarsmakten. Detta görs genom att undersöka problemrepresentationer som funnits i debatten genom att utforska olika tidsintervall. Uppsatsen har sin utgångspunkt i ett diskursanalytiskt perspektiv och utifrån Carol Lee Bacchis diskursanalytiska frågor är fem forskningsfrågor konstruerade som ligger till grund för uppsatsen. – Vad är problemet, och hur representeras problemet med ojämställdhet gällande Försvarsmakten i den mediala debatten? – Vilka antaganden ligger till grund för denna representation? - Vad är det som lämnas kvar oproblematiserat i problemrepresentationen? – Vilka effekter produceras av denna problemrepresentation? - Hur har denna representation av problemet spridits och försvarats? Hur kan den bli ifrågasatt och ersättas? Utifrån det feministiska perspektivet undersöks det även om problemrepresentationerna karaktäriseras av politisering eller avpolitisering. Sammanfattningsvis går det att se att diskursen gällande ojämställdhet i Försvarsmakten problematiseras på olika vis. Det är differerande, och upprepande bilder av ojämställdhet som går att tolka ur de olika tidsperioderna som undersökts. Av de problemrepresentationer som kunnat uttolkas av debatten karaktäriseras vissa av att vara politiserade medan de flesta är avpolitiserade. Genom att ha analyserat debatten framkommer det att frågan gällande jämställdhet är komplext och yttrar sig i olika problemrepresentationer. Förhoppningen med denna uppsats är att den bidrar till den viktiga diskussionen om jämställdhet, och att diskursen inte tystnar.The purpose of the essay is to examine the media debate on inequalities in the Swedish Armed Forces. This will be done by analyzing problem representations that have been found in the debate by exploring different time intervals. The essay is based on a discourse analysis perspective, and Carol Lee Bacchis discourse analytical questions are the five research questions designed as the basis for the thesis. – Whats the problem, and how is the inequalities issue of the armed forces represented in the media debate? - What assumptions underlying the latter representation? - What is left unproblematic in this representation? What effects are produced by this problem representation?- How has this representation of the problem been spread and defended? How can it be questioned and replaced? Based on the feminist perspective, it is investigated if the problem representations are characterized by politicization or depolitisation. In summary, it can be seen that the discourse regarding inequalities in the Armed Forces is problematized in different ways. There are different and repeated images of inequality that can be seen in the different periods studied in this essay. The analysis show that some problem representations in the debate are politicized, while most are depoliticized. By analyzing the debate, it appears that the issue of gender equality is complex and expresses itself in different problem representations. The aim of this paper is that it will contribute to the important discussion of gender equality, and that the discourse does not silence.
35
Touri, Maria. "Media-government interactions and foreign policy : a rational choice approach to the media's impact on political decision-making and the paradigm of the Greek-Turkish conflict." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2006. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/742/.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis provides a systematic understanding of the media-government relationship in the conduct of foreign policy and a rigorous approach of the media's role and impact on decision - making processes. It particularly covers a deficiency in the existing literature, with regard to the media's potential to Influence decision outcomes and cause policy changes. The thesis is a theory-based investigation while a case study is employed for illustration purposes. The thesis approaches the media within the context of an interaction with the government that reflects a complex interconnection of the media and politicians' decisions and is here explored with the employment of rational choice and game theory. The thesis develops a game - theoretic model, which identifies the media as a purposeful actor rather than a mere instrument in the hands of politicians; and provides a rigorous interpretation of the media - government relationship as one between two profit - maximising actors. It examines the payoffs and costs entailed in their decisions within this interaction, and concentrates on the potential influence that media decisions have on the government's payoffs. In this model, the media influence is conceptuallsed as an outcome of their ability to frame information according to their self-interests, which are tied to their organisational structure and lead to the production of audience - driven news stories. With the introduction of framing theory the thesis demonstrates the power inherent in the media's content to affect the recipient's perception of a given situation; and with the aid of prospect theory, it incorporates media frames into the decision-making process and exhibits their potential implications on perceptions of the risk entailed in political decision - making. The model develops a strategic cause - effect relationship between media frames and governmental decisions that is applied to and tested through the press coverage of two Greek - Turkish territorial crises. The investigation of the two events within the game - theoretic framework draws upon the media's power to create conditions of domestic/national cost for the government that can trigger apparently irrational and risky decisions. The findings suggest a strategic media impact on decision making processes and highlight the media's role as an actor plausible to affect decision outcomes and cause policy changes independent of the policy at hand.
36
Massei, William. "Politicas e programas de apoio as micros, pequenas e medias empresas industriais : uma analise de programas no Estado de São Paulo periodo: 1970-1986." [s.n.], 1989. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/286224.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Osmar de Oliveira MarcheseDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia
Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-20T00:35:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Massei_William_M.pdf: 4212879 bytes, checksum: 61ab9e63b30e3decc835f51e72904eaf (MD5) Previous issue date: 1989
Resumo: Não informado
Abstract: Not informed.
Mestrado
Mestre em Economia
37
Silva, Cristiane de Brito Nunes da. "Crescimento micro industrial como desenvolvimento socioeconômico regional do DF." Florianópolis, SC, 2004. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/87783.
Full textAbstract:
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro Tecnológico. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Engenharia de ProduçãoMade available in DSpace on 2012-10-22T01:56:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0
Através deste trabalho procurou-se levantar subsídios para pesquisar e avaliar como o crescimento do número de microempresas e empresas de pequeno porte fomentadas pelo Governo pode impactar no Desenvolvimento Socioeconômico de uma Região. Com base em pesquisas feitas em diversas instituições públicas e privadas e com a fundamentação teórica para a metodologia desenvolvida, desenvolveu-se uma análise de todos os modelos implementados no Distrito Federal, mostrando em cada um deles o que foi feito e quais foram as suas falhas de implementação, mostrando também como cada um deles tentou solucionar os principais obstáculos deixados na mudança de um programa para outro, por fim deu-se mais importância ao atual modelo de desenvolvimento socioeconômico chamado de Pró-DF, em sua análise destacou-se como o governo aliado a instituições públicas e privadas solucionou obstáculos apresentados pelos modelos anteriores. Nesta análise verificou-se que o programa vem dando certo e que pode ser implementado por outras regiões, destacando-se que a região tem que dar prioridade à cultura regional da mesma e priorizar nichos de mercado existentes em cada localidade. A relevância deste estudo está fundamentada nas limitações industriais, a princípio, do D.F e que pode ser da maioria das regiões brasileiras, baseada no fato de que todas elas têm problemas socioeconômicos relevantes além de que cada região tem características específicas, o que as tornam especiais e os seus governantes poderão tomar isto como ponto importante para desenvolvimento da mesma.
38
Ekengren, Marcus. "Media, en ignorerad länk i den strategiska berättelsen : En kvantitativ studie över medias projektion av det svenska Afghanistannarrativet." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-5458.
Full textAbstract:
The Afghan war post 9/11 has become the source of multiple case studies. Recent studies suggest that variations in domestic support for deployment of troops in Afghanistan can be explained by means of the strategic narratives provided by the policymakers of the contributing state; a strong consistent narrative increases public support. Scholars recognize a Swedish catch-all narrative, which suggests weakens the narrative, thus raising the uncertainty among the public. This thesis investigates the projection of Swedish strategic narrative through elite Swedish newspapers. The content analysis reveals an inconsistency between the policymaker’s formation of the strategic narrative and the narrative projected by individual newspapers. The finding suggests that the lack of a strong strategic narrative due to the inconsistencies raised an uncertainty among the public during the period. The results recognize media to be a significant, but surprisingly unnoticed actor in the projection of policymakers’ strategic narratives.
39
Boehm, Melissa L. H. ""From Harlem to Harlan County:" Print Media's Framing of Poverty in the Congressional Record between 1960 and 1964." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1320958705.
Full text
40
Present, Hebresia Felicity. "A narrative of omission : oral history, exile and the media’s untold stories – a gender perspective." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6477.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: South Africa consists of a vast, culturally diverse population, entrenched in customary tribal influences which are essentially based on stringent patriarchal directives. These spilt over into other societal spheres, one of which is the media, which is part of an existing male hegemonic society. The rationale for this study is essentially to determine the role played by the media in their representation of women, before and shortly after the liberation of South Africa. This study will establish whether the voices of women were represented, or not, in the media, in the period shortly after the unbanning of the African National Congress (ANC) and affiliated organisations in 1990. By interviewing and recording the oral histories of a few female ANC Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) soldiers, the need is evident to, through this oral tradition process, give a voice to these voiceless women. The theoretical foundations for this study is firstly based on “womanism”. Womanism was born from the shortcomings of feminism (a largely Western concept) that was unable to address the issues unique to the situation of black women. A second theoretical point of departure is the Social Responsibility Theory, a media theory that could, based on research done for this study, play a profound role to the benefit of women. The methodological investigation is based on a mixed method research approach where Content Analysis (CA) and Grounded Theory (GT) are triangulated with the literature review. The GT processes gave a voice to some unknown female MK soldiers by conducting interviews based on in-depth interview questions. The CA process led to the conclusion that the voices of women who contributed to the struggle were largely ignored by the media. The researcher found that given the contributions and sacrifices women have made in democratising South Africa, acknowledgement of these efforts are sorely lacking, especially in the media. This study therefore seeks to contribute to the lost and repressed voices of women, and to redress a history of omission to a history of commission.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrika beskik oor 'n kultureel diverse bevolking met tradisionele stam-invloede wat essensieel gebaseer is op streng patriargale riglyne. Dit het oorgespoel na ander sosiale kontekste, waarvan een die media is, en wat deel uitmaak van 'n bestaande manlike hegemoniese gemeenskap. Die rasionaal vir hierdie studie was om vas te stel watter rol die media gespeel het in die representasie van vroue kort ná die eerste stappe tot 'n bevryde Suid-Afrika. Hierdie studie wou vasstel of die stemme van vroue verteenwoordig was, of nie, in die media, in die tydperk kort ná die ontbanning van die African National Congress (ANC) en ander geaffilieerde organisasies in 1990. Die veronderstelling is dat vrouestemme nie in die media waarneembaar was nie, en dat die situasie teengewerk kan word deur die toepassing van mondelinge geskiedenis. In hierdie geval is die verhale van 'n paar vroulike Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK)-soldate geboekstaaf om sodoende deur die mondelinge geskiedenistradisie 'n stem te gee aan stemlose vroue. Die teoretiese grondslag vir hierdie studie is eerstens gebaseer op “Womanism”. Dié teorie het ontstaan weens die tekortkominge van Feminisme (grootliks ‟n Westerse konsep), wat nie in staat was om die kwessies wat uniek is aan die situasie van swart vroue aan te spreek nie. 'n Tweede teoretiese vertrekpunt is die Sosiale Verantwoordelikheidsteorie. Gebaseer op die navorsing vir hierdie studie, kan dit 'n groter rol in die media in die belang van vroue speel. Die metodologie is gebaseer op 'n gemengde metode-navorsingsbenadering waar Inhoudsanalise en Grounded Theory (GT) trianguleer met die literatuurstudie. Die GT-proses gee 'n stem aan 'n paar onbekende vroulike MK-soldate deur onderhoudvoering wat op in-diepte onderhoudvrae gebaseer is. Die inhoudsanalise proses het bevind dat vroue wat bygedra het tot die Vryheidstryd grootliks deur die media geïgnoreer is. Gegewe die bydraes en opofferings wat vroue gemaak het in die demokratisering van Suid-Afrika, ontbreek erkenning van hul pogings in ons geskiedskrywing, en beslis so in die media. Hierdie studie was 'n poging om by te dra tot die omkeer van hierdie situasie, naamlik om 'n “geskiedenis van uitsluiting” te herstel na 'n “geskiedenis van insluiting”.
41
Haddad, Raphaël. "Le discours de meeting électoral : rituel d'affrontement, médiatisations, communication politique.Analyse du discours de meeting électoral pour l’électionprésidentielle française (2002, 2007, 2012)." Thesis, Paris Est, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PESC0061/document.
Full textAbstract:
Cette recherche porte sur un ensemble de déterminismes et contraintes d’ordre symbolique (rituel, endossement progressif du rôle présidentiel, transcendances mobilisables, impératifs scénographiques) et sociopolitique (trajectoires individuelles, rôle des appareils partisans, évolution des publics, interaction avec les autres compétiteurs et compétitrices, transformation des médias) qui pèsent sur le discours de meeting pour l’élection présidentielle française. « Le changement c’est maintenant », « Ensemble, tout devient possible », « Prenez le pouvoir » : alors que la campagne pour l’élection présidentielle vient placer en son coeur cette promesse fondamentale de « transformation du réel », ce qui pourrait laisser croire en une grande liberté énonciative des locuteurs et des locutrices, nous montrons ici qu’à l’inverse le discours de meeting électoral se trouve extraordinairement contraint et déterminé, que chaque candidat ou candidate doit se conformer à un faisceau d’attendus discursifs tacites, tout en répondant aux impératifs de renouvellement de messages inhérent à tout processus de légitimation politique par le discours.Voici résumée en quelques lignes la vocation de ce travail, fondé sur l’exploration lexicométrique menée avec le logiciel d’analyse de données textuelles Lexico 3, puis l’interrogation argumentative, pragmatico-énonciative et ponctuellement narrative d’unThèse préparée au CEDITEC, (Centre d'Étude des Discours, Images, Textes Écrits, Communication) Université Paris-Est Créteil Val-de-Marne (UPEC) Centre Pyramide – Bureau 405 80, avenue du Général de Gaulle 94000 Créteil Cedexcorpus composé de quatre-vingt-seize discours de meeting électoral, tenus lors de périodes de campagne dites « officielles », par les candidates et les candidats en lice pour les élections présidentielles de 2002, 2007, 2012 en FranceThis research focuses on a set of symbolic (ritual, progressive endorsement of the presidential role, transcendences mobilized, scenic imperatives), and sociopolitical pressures (individual paths, role of supporters, transformations of the audiences, interaction with other competitors, medias transformations), facing the rally speeches for the french presidential election. "Le changement c’est maintenant," "Ensemble, tout devient possible ", "Prenez le pouvoir": as the campaign for the presidential election has put in his heart that fundamental promise of "transformation of the reality", which could let presuppose freedom utterance of speakers, we show that the election rally speech is strongly constrained and determined. Thus, each candidate had to comply with an expected tacit discourse, while responding to messages renewal imperatives, inherent to any process of political legitimation through discourses. Here is summarized in a few lines the vocation of this study, based on the lexicometric exploration conducted with textual data analysis software Lexico 3 and argumentative, pragmatic, enunciative and timely narrative questionning of ninety-six election rally speeches, made during campaign periods called "official" by candidates to the presidential elections of 2002, 2007, 2012 in France
42
Teteriuk, Maria. "Political controversies over sexual and gender rights in ukrainian mainstream online news media. The case of the anti-discrimination reform in Ukraine in 2013 – 2015." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/670896.
Full textAbstract:
L’estudi explora el paper dels mitjans informatius en línia en el canvi en els drets sexuals i de gènere a Ucraïna, basant-se en l’anàlisi del debat sobre la prohibició de la discriminació per orientació sexual i identitat de gènere (OSIG) com a part de la reforma antidiscriminació de 2013 – 2015. El canvi en els drets sexuals i de gènere va ser conceptualitzat, com a resultat de la lluita hegemònica entre discursos en disputa, seguint la teoria del discurs d’Ernesto Laclau i Chantal Mouffe. La recerca va incloure tres fases. Durant la Fase I es van examinar a través de recerca documental les condicions de la possibilitat d’un canvi dels drets sexuals i de gènere a Ucraïna durant el període 2013 – 2015. Durant la Fase II es va analitzar el discurs polític sobre drets sexuals i de gènere a Ucraïna el 2013 – 2015 a través de l’anàlisi postfundacional del discurs i utilitzant les dades recollides per les pàgines web oficials del govern, parlament i grups d’interès involucrats en la controvèrsia sobre la reforma antidiscriminació. Es van identificar quatre coalicions discursives sobre els drets sexuals i de gènere seguint les articulacions dels significants flotants clau en el debat: orientació sexual i identitat de gènere, democràcia, identitat nacional i política exterior. Cada coalició va desenvolupar el seu propi grup de trames que associaven la prohibició de la discriminació per OSIG a les seves articulacions dels significants flotants (punts nodals). Durant la Fase III es va examinar la representació mediàtica de les coalicions discursives sobre drets sexuals i de gènere en disputa a través de l’anàlisi quantitativa de contingut i l’anàlisi postfundacional del discurs de la cobertura de la reforma antidiscriminació en els cinc mitjans informatius en línia més populars d’Ucraïna. Aquesta anàlisi va revelar que durant la primera etapa de la controvèrsia antidiscriminació (2013 – 2014), els mitjans afiliats a grans grups d’empreses propietat d’oligarques afavorien les coalicions discursives conservadores citant els seus membres més freqüentment, oferint una cobertura desequilibrada de la seva posició, i fent-se eco de supòsits conservadors sobre OSIG en comentaris periodístics. Els mitjans informatius petits i independents en línia afavorien les coalicions discursives lliberals utilitzant els mateixos mètodes. Durant la segona etapa de la controvèrsia (2015), tots els mitjans informatius en línia afavorien les coalicions discursives lliberals en la seva cobertura del debat. L’estudi suggereix que el suport ofert pels mitjans informatius en línia va contribuir a la capacitat de les coalicions discursives en disputa d’introduir canvis en les lleis de drets sexuals i de gènere. De 2013 a 2014, la cobertura favorable als mitjans afiliats a grans grups d’empreses i la presència substancial als mitjans informatius en línia independents van ajudar la coalició conservadora pro-UE a articular la prohibició de la discriminació per orientació sexual com a amenaça a la democràcia i la identitat nacional i com a obstacle de la integració europea d’Ucraïna en l’esfera pública, fet que va contribuir al fracàs de la reforma antidiscriminació. Durant el 2015, la cobertura favorable en els cinc mitjans informatius en línia més populars d’Ucraïna va ajudar les coalicions discursives lliberals sobre drets sexuals i de gènere a rearticular la prohibició de la discriminació per OSIG com a instància de protecció democràtica de la igualtat de drets civils, adheriment als valors europeus, i condició prèvia d’integració europea, fet que va ajudar a l’adopció de la reforma antidiscriminació.El estudio explora el papel de los medios informativos en línea en el cambio en los derechos sexuales y de género en Ucrania, basándose en el análisis del debate sobre la prohibición de la discriminación por orientación sexual e identidad de género (OSIG) como parte de la reforma antidiscriminación de 2013-2015. El cambio en los derechos sexuales y de género fue conceptualizado, como resultado de la lucha hegemónica entre discursos en disputa, siguiendo la teoría del discurso de Ernesto Laclau y Chantal Mouffe. La investigación incluyó tres fases. Durante la Fase I se examinaron a través de la investigación documental las condiciones de la posibilidad de un cambio de los derechos sexuales y de género en Ucrania durante el período 2013 – 2015. Durante la Fase II se analizó el discurso político sobre derechos sexuales y de género en Ucrania en 2013 – 2015 a través del análisis posfundacional del discurso y utilizando los datos obtenidos por las páginas web oficiales del gobierno, parlamento y grupos de interés involucrados en la controversia sobre la reforma antidiscriminación. Se identificaron cuatro coaliciones discursivas sobre los derechos sexuales y de género siguiendo las articulaciones de los significantes flotantes clave en el debate: orientación sexual e identidad de género, democracia, identidad nacional y política exterior. Cada coalición desarrolló su propio grupo de tramas que asociaban la prohibición de la discriminación por OSIG a sus articulaciones de los significantes flotantes (puntos nodales). Durante la Fase III se examinó la representación mediática de las coaliciones discursivas sobre derechos sexuales y de género en disputa a través del análisis cuantitativo de contenido y el análisis posfundacional del discurso de la cobertura de la reforma antidiscriminación en los cinco medios informativos en línea más populares de Ucrania. Este análisis reveló que durante la primera etapa de la controversia antidiscriminación (2013 – 2014), los medios afiliados a grandes grupos de empresas propiedad de oligarcas favorecían las coaliciones discursivas conservadoras citando sus miembros más frecuentemente, ofreciendo una cobertura desequilibrada de su posición, y haciéndose eco de suposiciones conservadoras sobre OSIG en comentarios periodísticos. Los medios informativos pequeños e independientes en línea favorecían las coaliciones discursivas liberales utilizando los mismos métodos. Durante la segunda etapa de la controversia (2015), todos los medios informativos en línea favorecían las coaliciones discursivas liberales en su cobertura del debate. El estudio sugiere que el soporte ofrecido por los medios informativos en línea contribuyó a la capacidad de las coaliciones discursivas en disputa de introducir cambios en las leyes de derechos sexuales y de género. De 2013 a 2014, la cobertura favorable en los medios afiliados a grandes grupos de empresas y la presencia sustancial en los medios informativos independientes ayudaron a la coalición conservadora pro-UE a articular la prohibición de la discriminación por orientación sexual como amenaza a la democracia y la identidad nacional y como obstáculo de la integración europea de Ucrania en la esfera pública, hecho que contribuyó al fracaso de la reforma antidiscriminación. Durante 2015, la cobertura favorable, en los cinco medios informativos en línea más populares de Ucrania, ayudó a las coaliciones discursivas liberales sobre derechos sexuales y de género a rearticular la prohibición de la discriminación por OSIG como instancia de protección democrática de la igualdad de derechos civiles, adherencia a los valores europeos, y condición previa de integración europea, hecho que favoreció a la adopción de la reforma antidiscriminación.
The study explores the role of online news media in sexual and gender rights change in Ukraine, relying on the analysis of the debate over the prohibition of discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) as part of the anti-discrimination reform in 2013 – 2015. Sexual and gender rights change was conceptualized as an outcome of hegemonic struggle among contesting discourses on sexual and gender rights based on the discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. The research included three phases. In Phase I, conditions of possibility of sexual and gender rights change in Ukraine in 2013 – 2015 were examined using desk research. Dominant public opinion on sexuality, sexual and gender rights, and European integration, as well as the established legal, political, and media discourses on sexual and gender rights in Ukraine, were considered as conditions that shaped outcomes of the anti-discrimination controversy. In Phase II, political discourse on sexual and gender rights in Ukraine in 2013 – 2015 was analyzed with the use of post-foundational discourse analysis, relying on the data collected from the official websites of government, parliament, and groups of interest involved in the controversy over the anti-discrimination reform. Four discourse coalitions on sexual and gender rights were identified according to the articulations of the key floating signifiers in the debate: sexual orientation and gender identity, democracy, national identity, and foreign policy. Each coalition developed its own set of storylines that linked the prohibition of discrimination on the grounds of SOGI to the coalitions’ articulations of the floating signifiers (nodal points). In Phase III, media representation of the contesting discourse coalitions on sexual and gender rights was examined with the use of quantitative content analysis and post-foundational discourse analysis of the anti-discrimination reform coverage in the five most popular Ukrainian online news media. This analysis revealed that during the first round of the anti-discrimination controversy (2013 – 2014), news websites affiliated with big media holdings owned by oligarchs favored conservative discourse coalitions by quoting their members more frequently, providing imbalanced coverage of their position, and echoing conservative assumptions about SOGI in journalistic comments. Small independent online news media favored liberal discourse coalitions using the same means. During the second round of the controversy (2015), all examined online news media favored liberal discourse coalitions in their coverage of the debate. The study suggests that support provided by the online news media contributed to the capacity of contesting discourse coalitions to change sexual and gender rights law. In 2013 – 2014, favorable coverage in the media affiliated with big media holdings and substantial presence in the independent online news media helped the conservative pro-EU coalition to articulate the prohibition of sexual orientation discrimination as a threat to democracy and national identity and an obstacle to the European integration of Ukraine in the public sphere, which contributed to the failure of the anti-discrimination reform. In 2015, favorable coverage in the top five Ukrainian online news media helped liberal discourse coalitions on sexual and gender rights to rearticulate the prohibition of discrimination on the grounds of SOGI as an instance of democratic protection of equal civil rights, adherence to European values, and a precondition of European integration, which contributed to the adoption of the anti-discrimination reform.
43
Ek, Maria. "Bilden av EU : En studie av EU som opinionsbildare i Tyskland och Österrike." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-1915.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract
The opinions about the European Union vary considerably between the member states. There are likely several reasons of this, the following study examines one that ought to play a major role. This study examines the idea that media affects the public opinion. According to the theory of Framing media can not only tell us what to think about, media also has the power to influence how we think about the matter. “Framing: Toward Clarification of a fractured paradigm” by Robert M. Entman works as a main influence of this study. Entman suggests that frames promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or treatment recommendation for the item described.
The aim of the study is to analyse how the European Union is depicted in German and Austrian newspapers. To find underlying frames in the chosen 114 articles, a comparative qualitative textanalysis has been used. The four, by Entman suggested, items that compose frames were searched, analysed and compared. The result concludes that different frames occur in German and Austrian newspapers. The various EU-opinions in the two countries could with other words partly be due to different kinds of media reports.
Nyckelord: Framing, EU, media, allmänna opinionen, medias effekt
44
Santos, Maria Aristéia Michelini dos. "Controles gerenciais e administrativos." Florianópolis, SC, 2003. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/85169.
Full textAbstract:
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro Tecnológico. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Engenharia de Produção.Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-20T16:00:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 195671.pdf: 1400300 bytes, checksum: cd4d237ab8e9c7f75a1f34b6ba8d8ffe (MD5)
O crédito é um elemento presente em praticamente todas as políticas financeiras empresariais. Cabe às instituições financeiras intermediar os recursos de terceiros e fornecer crédito às empresas, principalmente micro e pequenas, que, por serem hoje a maior parte das pessoas jurídicas do Brasil, estão na base da nossa economia atual. Verifica-se, porém, que a própria origem (familiar) dessas empresas proporcionam à sua sobrevivência desafios extremos relacionados a estrutura organizacional, fontes de crédito, matéria prima, qualidade, instabilidade econômica, especialização, ambiente externo, sistemas de controle, tecnologia, recrutamento, etc. E mesmo com todos esses desafios, faz-se necessário assistir essas empresas com linhas de crédito. A gestão do risco torna-se, então, o cerne funcional das instituições intermediadoras do crédito. Dentro desse contexto, a proposta inicial deste trabalho foi a busca de parâmetros organizacionais que possibilitassem uma melhor análise do risco de crédito das micro e pequenas empresas, visando ao aperfeiçoamento dos serviços prestados: (1) pela instituição financeira às empresas; e (2) pelas empresas à comunidade. Na bibliografia buscou-se a elaboração de um modelo de análise de risco de crédito para micro e pequenas empresas a partir da utilização de técnicas de análise de conteúdo, análises documentais e estudos de casos. O nível de análise foi organizacional e a unidade pesquisada correspondeu a um determinado segmento do processo gerencial e organizacional. A população foi composta de duas pequenas empresas do segmento industrial e os dados foram coletados através de entrevistas e levantamento documental. A análise individual revelou o nível de exposição ao risco de cada empresa em relação ao modelo proposto, além da semelhança com a literatura de referência. A análise combinada revelou semelhanças entre as empresas quanto à forma de gerenciamento e controles gerenciais, bem como um número significativo de aspectos coincidentes que permitiram a contextualização e o delineamento da análise do risco de crédito no tocante às diferenças de desempenho entre as empresas de acordo com a capacidade administrativa e gerencial de cada uma. Mediante essas constatações do estudo, pode-se concluir que o modelo desenvolvido: (1) acrescenta mais uma ferramenta para a análise do risco de crédito de micro e pequenas empresas; (2) permite a abordagem de um número maior de informações da capacidade gerencial e administrativa dos dirigentes; e (3) contempla os controles utilizados e o risco de crédito da empresa. Embora não tenha a pretensão de constituir um padrão totalmente previsível de procedimentos nem um conjunto pré-definido de ferramentas para medir risco e capacidade de gestão, o presente estudo pode acrescentar um degrau nas pesquisas referentes à abordagem do risco de crédito.
45
Bozzano, Gabriel de Souza. "Os sentidos do trabalho de TI pelos incubados na Midi Tecnológico/SC." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2013. https://repositorio.ufsc.br/handle/123456789/107076.
Full textAbstract:
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia Política, Florianópolis, 2013.Made available in DSpace on 2013-12-05T23:09:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 317841.pdf: 1005582 bytes, checksum: acb6ced9ed3d15264f840d8c877c42e7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013
A presente dissertação inscreve-se nos estudos sobre as transformações recentes do mundo do trabalho e da emergência de uma sociedade em rede correspondente. O estudo foca os primeiros anos de pequenas empresas de TI incubadas no Midi Tecnológico e as investidas de seus empresários # que denominamos de cadres (BOLTANSKI, 1987) # nesse mercado altamente instável. O sentido aos desafios de nele permanecer segue o pressuposto de que teríamos um melhor acesso a esta nova sociedade em rede por via de novas práticas e novos valores flexíveis, postos em uso a favor de seus empreendimentos. Para tanto, a experiência de trabalho dos cadres depende das garantias encontradas para permanecer e atuar a favor de suas empresas no mercado de TI. A razão por que escolhemos a incubadora Midi Tecnológico segue este postulado. Isso se explica pelas potencialidades de inovação que esses indivíduos deteriam e do ambiente que o caracterizaria a favor dos primeiros anos de suas empresas de TI. Dessa forma, utilizamos a gramática da cidade por projetos, de Boltanski e Chiapelo (2010), para entendermos como os incubados operacionalizam valores e dispositivos flexíveis a favor de suas empresas e de suas empregabilidades como uma experiência moral de suas rotinas de trabalho, as quais são modeladas a partir dos desafios e das inconstâncias do mercado de TI em que estão inscritos. Foram feitas 9 entrevistas com os incubados, dirigidas de forma semiestruturada e seguindo um roteiro pré-estabelecido..
This thesis enrolls itself on the studies of the latest transformations of is designated as the #worlds of labour# and the related surfacing of a correspondent web society. The study focuses at the primer years of start-up IT business, which are incubated at Midi Tecnológico # Santa Catarina, and the strivings of entrepreneurs in this highly unstable market to succeed. The meaning they convey to the challenges faced follows our presumption that we would have a better access of this supposedly new web society through the implementation of new flexible practices and values which are put to test on once they engage in their business. We call these entrepreneurs cadres (BOLTANSKI, 1987). For such purpose, their labour experience in start-ups business incubated depends on guaranties found to stay put and implement their market strategies: we chose the incubator on account of this postulate. Either having accessed the incubator or not do not preclude our interest in recognizing many presented alternatives to engage in this market and to succeed. We interpret the incubated business routines as a means to have access to a complex network of activities which possibly will come to a better idea of how to succeed. Through the theoretical framework named grammar of the cities, by Boltanski and Chiapelo (2010), we can trace theses primer years at the start-up business in accordance with an idea of a flexible work experience as a meaningful one and described at its best characteristics by their challenges to succeed in the IT market
46
Alvarsson, John. "Dagens Nyheters bild av förslaget till konstitution för Europa : En studie av mediernas betydelse för vår bild av viktiga politiska händelser." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-630.
Full textAbstract:
This study deals with Swedish newspapers' portrayals of the Treaty which establishes a Constitution for Europe, which then influenced Swedish newspaper readers. This study connects the areas of both media and politics. What the media states can be expected to shape
public opinion, especially when it comes to foreign policy issues. In order to fullfill the aim of the study, I have constructed two problems which I have answered to in accordance with my data, theoretical framework and research method. My data consists of articles from the largest Swedish morning newspaper Dagens Nyheter. The theoretical framework of this study is a combination of political science, media- and communication science and behaviour science. I have utilized two research methods in this study; a qualitative analysis of content, which transcends into different categories, and a method of quantification of the main actors in the
articles. One of the results that I have discovered in this study is that the image of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe offered to the readers is a fairly positive one.
47
Ansemil, Pérez Miguel. "The Europeanization of the Spanish public sphere: under what circumstances do political actors gain visibility in EU related debates?" Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/672278.
Full textAbstract:
This doctoral thesis explores under what circumstances executive actors, political parties and interest groups gain visibility in EU (European Union) related debates in the Spanish media for the period 2005-2015. The case of Spain allows exploring aspects so far subjected to little empirical investigations. For example, the motivations of Europhile parties’ to pay attention to the EU, to what extent parties use an EU frame to achieve political goals in a multilevel system of government, or the changing patterns of politicization of EU issues in one of the countries more seriously hit by the euro crisis. The analysis relies on the content analysis of 40.000 stories and 354.000 claims of political actors published in El País and El Mundo from 2005 to 2015. The first chapter, devoted to the analysis of executive actors and political parties, corroborates that political actors react to top-down pressures. Executive actors, those with more media visibility, mainly react to the approval of new EU normative and events, such as European Council meetings, while the visibility of political parties is more associated to European parliament elections. Yet, the thesis shows that political actors do not react only to EU processes and events. Even if European integration is not a politicized issue in Spain, the analysis of public debates on EU affairs show that parties use Europe strategically, as part of their competition to each other in the domestic political arena. Results also illustrate that the euro crisis did not redistribute significantly political actors’ visibility in the media. Even if challenger parties were very critical of most decisions adopted to overcome the crisis, their visibility on EU related public debates did not significantly increase during this critical juncture. Finally, even if European integration is not a politicized issue, as far as the EU is associated with domestic political debates, patterns of media political parallelism emerge. For example, the visibility of secessionist Catalan parties in EU related debates only increases parallel to increasing support for independence in El Mundo.
The second chapter, devoted to the analysis of interest groups, corroborates that in this case top-down processes do not play an important role in explaining their visibility in EU related debates. Interest groups do not obtain more media coverage when new normative is discussed at the EU level, not even on those policy areas where the EU has more competences. Yet, stories where new EU regulation in the fields of energy, environment, labor and social issues is discussed, show higher diversity of interest groups
than policy domains of economic nature, which are monopolized by few groups. The analysis also shows that debates related to the European parliament and the European Commission are generally associated with a more pluralistic patterns, involving interest groups of different types, than those where the European Council participate. The visibility of interest groups does not increase neither during the approval of new EU normative, nor when their implementation is discussed at domestic level. Interest groups with a role in the implementation process have no visibility in public debates on European affairs, not even on highly politicized issues. Regarding the impact of the euro crisis, it did raise attention to previously excluded groups in EU related debates, such as labor unions or citizens groups. Yet, important differences exist between El Mundo and El País. The analysis of interest groups further corroborates that the media are not passive actors but may be actively involved in the process of giving some actors more attention in public debates to support their political allies.Aquesta tesi doctoral explora les circumstàncies en les que actors de l'executiu, partits polítics i grups d'interès obtenen visibilitat en els debats relacionats amb la UE (Unió Europea), publicats pels mitjans de comunicació espanyols durant el període 2005-2015. El cas d'Espanya permet explorar aspectes poc investigats des d’un punt de vista empíric fins ara. Per exemple, les motivacions per les quals els partits euròfils presten atenció a la UE, fins a quin punt utilitzen un emmarcat europeu per a aconseguir objectius polítics en un sistema de govern multinivell, o els canvis en els patrons de politització dels assumptes europeus en un dels països més afectats per l'Euro crisi. L'estudi es basa en l'anàlisi del contingut de 40.000 notícies i 354.000 afirmacions d'actors polítics, publicats en El País i El Mundo entre 2005 i 2015. El primer capítol, enfocat en l'anàlisi dels actors de l'executiu i els partits polítics, corrobora que els actors polítics reaccionen a pressions top-down. Els actors de l'executiu, aquells amb més visibilitat mediàtica, reaccionen principalment a l'aprovació de nova normativa i esdeveniments europeus, com, per exemple, reunions del Consell Europeu, mentre que la visibilitat dels partits polítics està més associada amb les eleccions al Parlament Europeu. No obstant això, aquesta tesi mostra que els actors polítics no només reaccionen a processos i esdeveniments europeus. Fins i tot si la integració europea no és un assumpte polititzat a Espanya, l'anàlisi dels debats públics sobre assumptes europeus mostra que els partits utilitzen Europa de manera estratègica, com a part de la competició partidista en l’arena política domèstica. Els resultats il·lustren que l'Euro crisi no va implicar una redistribució significativa de la cobertura mediàtica dels actors polítics. Malgrat els partits challenger van ser molt crítics amb la majoria de les decisions adoptades per a superar la crisi, la seva visibilitat en els debats públics relacionats amb la UE no va augmentar significativament durant aquesta conjuntura crítica. Finalment, la tesi mostra que tot i que la integració europea no és un assumpte polititzat, en la mesura en que la UE s'associa amb debats polítics domèstics, emergeixen patrons de paral·lelisme polític en la cobertura mediàtica. Per exemple, la visibilitat dels partits catalans secessionistes en debats on es fa referència a la UE només augmenta paral·lelament a l'increment del suport a la independència a El Mundo. El segon capítol, centrat en l'anàlisi dels grups d'interès, demostra que els processos top-down no juguen un paper important a l’hora d’explicar la seva visibilitat en els debats relacionats amb la UE. Els grups d'interès no obtenen major cobertura mediàtica quan es debat nova normativa europea, ni tan sols en aquells àmbits en els que la UE té més competències. No obstant això, notícies sobre l'aprovació de nova regulació europea en àmbits com l'energia, el medi ambient, el treball o els assumptes socials mostren una major diversitat de grups d'interès que aquelles sobre assumpres econòmics, monopolitzades per pocs grups. L'anàlisi també mostra que els debats relacionats amb el Parlament Europeu i la Comissió Europea, generalment es troben associats amb patrons més plurals, involucrant diferents grups d'interès, que aquells en els quals participa el Consell Europeu. La visibilitat dels grups d'interès no és elevada durant la discussió de normativa a nivell europeu ni tampoc durant el procés d’implementació a nivell domèstic. Els grups d'interès amb un rol en el procés d'implementació no obtenen visibilitat en els debats públics sobre els assumptes europeus, ni tant sols en assumptes molt polititzats. Respecte a l'impacte de l'Euro crisi, aquesta va augmentar l'atenció a grups prèviament exclosos dels debats sobre la UE, com, per exemple, sindicats i grups de ciutadans. No obstant, existeixen diferències importants entre El País i El Mundo. L'anàlisi sobre els grups d'interès corrobora que els mitjans de comunicació no són actors passius, sinó que participen activament en el procés, donant més cobertura mediàtica a determinats actors amb l’objectiu de donar suport als seus aliats polítics.
Esta tesis doctoral explora las circunstancias en las que actores del ejecutivo, partidos políticos y grupos de interés obtienen visibilidad en los debates relacionados con la UE (Unión Europea), publicados por los medios de comunicación españoles durante el periodo 2005-2015. El caso de España permite explorar aspectos poco investigados desde un punto de vista empírico hasta el momento. Por ejemplo, las motivaciones por las que los partidos eurófilos prestan atención a la UE, hasta qué punto usan un enmarcado europeo para lograr sus objetivos políticos en un sistema de gobierno multinivel, o los cambios en los patrones de politización de los asuntos europeos en uno de los países más afectados por la Euro crisis. El estudio se basa en el análisis del contenido de 40.000 noticias y 354.000 afirmaciones de actores políticos, publicadas en El País y El Mundo entre 2005 y 2015. El primer capítulo, centrado en el análisis de los actores del ejecutivo y los partidos políticos, corrobora que los actores políticos reacciones a presiones top- down. Los actores del ejecutivo, aquellos con más visibilidad mediática, reaccionan principalmente a la aprobación de nueva normativa y eventos europeos, como, por ejemplo, reuniones del Consejo Europeo, mientras que la visibilidad de los partidos políticos está más asociada con las elecciones al Parlamento Europeo. Sin embargo, esta tesis muestra que los actores políticos no sólo reaccionan a estos procesos y eventos europeos. Incluso si la integración europea no es un asunto politizado en España, el análisis de los debates públicos sobre asuntos europeos muestra que los partidos usan Europa de forma estratégica, como parte de la competición partidista en la arena política doméstica. Los resultados también ilustran que la Euro crisis no implicó una redistribución significativa de la cobertura mediática de los actores políticos. A pesar de que los partidos challenger fueron muy críticos con la mayoría de las decisiones adoptadas para superar la crisis, su visibilidad en los debates públicos relacionados con la UE no aumentó significativamente durante esta coyuntura crítica. Finalmente, la tesis muestra que a pesar de que la integración europea no es un asunto politizado, en la medida en que la UE se asocia con debates políticos domésticos, emergen patrones de paralelismo político en la cobertura mediática. Por ejemplo, la visibilidad de los partidos catalanes secesionistas en debates en los que se hace referencia a Europa solo aumenta paralelamente al incremento del apoyo a la independencia en El Mundo. El segundo capítulo, centrado en el análisis de los grupos de interés, demuestra que los procesos top-down no juegan un papel importante para explicar su visibilidad en los debates relacionados con la UE. Los grupos de interés no obtienen mayor cobertura mediática cuando se debate nueva normativa europea, ni siquiera en aquellos ámbitos en los que la UE tiene más competencias. No obstante, noticias sobre la aprobación de nueva regulación europea en ámbitos como la energía, el medio ambiente, el trabajo o los asuntos sociales muestran una mayor diversidad de grupos de interés que aquellas sobre asuntos económicos, monopolizadas por pocos grupos. El análisis también muestra que los debates relacionados con el Parlamento Europeo y la Comisión Europea, generalmente se encuentran asociados con patrones más plurales, involucrando diferentes grupos de interés, que aquellos en los que participa el Consejo Europeo. La visibilidad de los grupos de interés no es elevada durante la discusión de normativa a nivel europeo ni tampoco durante el proceso de implementación a nivel doméstico. Los grupos de interés con un rol en el proceso de implementación no obtienen visibilidad en los debates públicos sobre los asuntos europeos, ni siquiera en asuntos muy politizados. Con respecto al impacto de la Euro crisis, ésta aumentó la atención a grupos previamente excluidos de los debates sobre la UE, como, por ejemplo, sindicatos y grupos de ciudadanos. No obstante, existen diferencias importantes entre El País y El Mundo. El análisis sobre los grupos de interés corrobora que los medios de comunicación no son actores pasivos, sino que participan activamente en el proceso, dando más cobertura mediática a determinados actores con el objetivo de apoyar a sus aliados políticos.
48
Martín, Guart Ramon. "Una visión global de los retos presentes y futuros de las agencias de medios." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/432789.
Full textAbstract:
El ecosistema mediático está experimentando una profunda revolución, originándose nuevos puntos de contacto entre las marcas y los consumidores que transforman los patrones de interacción social. Con el objetivo de reflexionar sobre los desafíos a los que deberá enfrentarse el sector publicitario y, en particular, las agencias de medios en este nuevo contexto, se planteó una investigación que combina técnicas metodológicas cuantitativas con otras cualitativas para recabar la opinión de los profesionales e investigadores expertos en el objeto de estudio con el fin de obtener una visión retrospectiva firme y perfilar su probable evolución en el futuro en una función más prospectiva. En este sentido, es evidente que las agencias de medios tienen que reformular tanto sus estructuras organizativas como los servicios que ofrecen a los anunciantes en un marco donde el modelo tradicional y lineal de la comunicación de masas migra aceleradamente hacia una comunicación reticular y personalizada.The media ecosystem is currently experiencing a strong revolution, enable new points of contact between brands and consumers that transform social interaction patterns. In order to reflect on the challenges facing the advertising sector and, in particular, the media agencies in this new context, research was proposed combining quantitative methodological techniques with qualitative ones to gather the opinion of professionals and researchers who are experts in the object of study in order to obtain a firm retrospective view and to outline its probable evolution in the future in a more prospective way. In this sense, it is clear that media agencies are forced to reformulate both their organizational structures and the services they offer to advertisers in a framework where the traditional and linear model of mass communication migrates rapidly towards a reticular and personalized communication.
49
Awad, Ali A. Y. "Images of the west as portrayed in the political cartoons of the United Kingdom-based Arab media. A survey of the stereotypes and images exchanged between the Arab world and the west with an analysis of the United Kingdom-based Arab media's presentation of the west." Thesis, University of Bradford, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4393.
Full textAbstract:
DESCRIPTION:
The research is divided into five chapters (plus an
introduction and a conclusion) as follows:
INTRODUCTION, in which the work is introduced, the
problem is identified, and the need for the research. is
presented.
CHAPTER ONE: The image of the Arab in the West (from the
old sources up to the present time).
CHAPTER TWO: The Arab view of the West, The development
and the changing approach in viewing the World from pre-
Islamic Arabia including the contemporary schools of
thought in the Arab world.
CHAPTER THREE: Political cartoons as a medium of
communication, their influence and role in opinion
changing and image making.
CHAPTER FOUR: UK-Based Arab Owned Mass Media.
A survey of the newspapers and the magazines
published in the United Kingdom and owned by Arab
personalities, companies, governments and political
parties. That includes the 38 daily, weekly, monthly and
quarterly publications. This chapter studies the attitudes
and presentations of the Arab media in a definite period
of time, in regard to the West. (from Dec. 1987 till
March 1991)
CHAPTER FIVE : The Case Study.
The image of the West in the Arab-owned press through
political cartoons (four London-based daily newspapers).
The findings of the field work, categorising and
analysing the main features and elements of the image.
CONCLUSION: Room for Improvement. Recommendations for
better understanding, presentation and improvement in the
Arab-West International relations and presentations.
The major, original, part of the thesis has been
devoted to surveying the Britain-based Arab press, as
well as an analysis of the coverage of some of these
papers and magazines of the West, using the political
cartoon as indicators of the public perceptions of the
West. The research also makes an attempt to trace the
main outline of the historical development of perceptions
of the West in the Arab mind.
Appendices;
Appendix(A): Arab Political Cartoonists.
Appendix(B): Cartoons of Arabs in the Western Media.
Appendix(C); Cartoons of the West in the Arab Media.
BibliographyHariri Foundation
50
Awad, Ali Abdel-Rahman Younes. "Images of the west as portrayed in the political cartoons of the United Kingdom-based Arab media : a survey of the stereotypes and images exchanged between the Arab world and the west with an analysis of the United Kingdom-based Arab media's presentation of the west." Thesis, University of Bradford, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4393.
Full textAbstract:
DESCRIPTION: The research is divided into five chapters (plus an introduction and a conclusion) as follows: INTRODUCTION, in which the work is introduced, the problem is identified, and the need for the research. is presented. CHAPTER ONE: The image of the Arab in the West (from the old sources up to the present time). CHAPTER TWO: The Arab view of the West, The development and the changing approach in viewing the World from pre- Islamic Arabia including the contemporary schools of thought in the Arab world. CHAPTER THREE: Political cartoons as a medium of communication, their influence and role in opinion changing and image making. CHAPTER FOUR: UK-Based Arab Owned Mass Media. A survey of the newspapers and the magazines published in the United Kingdom and owned by Arab personalities, companies, governments and political parties. That includes the 38 daily, weekly, monthly and quarterly publications. This chapter studies the attitudes and presentations of the Arab media in a definite period of time, in regard to the West. (from Dec. 1987 till March 1991) CHAPTER FIVE : The Case Study. The image of the West in the Arab-owned press through political cartoons (four London-based daily newspapers). The findings of the field work, categorising and analysing the main features and elements of the image. CONCLUSION: Room for Improvement. Recommendations for better understanding, presentation and improvement in the Arab-West International relations and presentations. The major, original, part of the thesis has been devoted to surveying the Britain-based Arab press, as well as an analysis of the coverage of some of these papers and magazines of the West, using the political cartoon as indicators of the public perceptions of the West. The research also makes an attempt to trace the main outline of the historical development of perceptions of the West in the Arab mind. Appendices; Appendix(A): Arab Political Cartoonists. Appendix(B): Cartoons of Arabs in the Western Media. Appendix(C); Cartoons of the West in the Arab Media. Bibliography