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Boulding, Carew Elizabeth. "Protest, voting and political change the effects of NGOs on politics in developing democracies /." Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2007. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3258708.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2007.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed June 4, 2007). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 184-197).
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Zhou, Hang. "Saving Nu Jiang : embedded political opportunity for Chinese NGOs under globalization /." View abstract or full-text, 2006. http://library.ust.hk/cgi/db/thesis.pl?SOSC%202006%20ZHOU.
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Kim, Young Ho. "When do NGOs make differences in world politics? : an analysis of the U.S. NGO policy advocacy for international environmental treaties /." The Ohio State University, 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/50265574.html.
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Maldonado, Martin A. "The politics of poverty non governmental organizations (NGOs) as intermediaries in affordable housing programs in Argentina /." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0041069.
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van, Vliet Lisette. "Debt-for-Nature Swaps : transnational environmental politics in a changing global political economy or NGOs, LDCs and IOUs." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/128737.
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Debt-for-nature swaps are a new phenomenon in world politics. Initiated as a response
to third world debt problems and the urgent need for environmental protection, debt-for-nature
swaps represent a very interesting development in the areas of international finance,
international negotiation and international roles for non-state actors. To date, at least nineteen
swaps have taken place, and according to some observers, they fit a niche that will exist for
some time to come.
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Nqaba, Patronella Pinky. "NGOs and the depoliticisation of development : the case of GADRA education in Grahamstown." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017865.
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Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have been criticised for depoliticising development through focusing on alleviating suffering rather than on addressing the root causes of poverty and underdevelopment. This research explores whether and how NGOs can act in ways that do not depoliticise development. The research focuses on education NGOs and in particular on the NGO GADRA education in Grahamstown, South Africa, to provide insights into ways in which politically conscious leadership of NGOs attempt to deal with the contradictions that are inherent in this field of work. This research provides a brief history of the South African Education system as a means to set a basis for the discussion of the role of education NGOs in the country. Furthermore it looks at the work that is done by GADRA education in the Grahamstown community. The thesis makes the argument that education NGOs can act in ways that do not depoliticise development because by providing access to education for people who are structurally excluded from education, they contribute to shifting power. This research found that although the leadership of GADRA Education acknowledge that they are confronted with great challenges in terms of how to bring about changes in the education system, they are hopeful that advocating for quality education will bring about the potential for the disruption of power relations as they exist between the state organs and the public.
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Lai, Lai-man Florence, and 黎麗文. "An analysis of NGO's policy advocacy under Hong Kong's political landscape: a case study of Hong KongUnison." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2012. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B50258114.
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What is civil society? This term is no longer new to Hong Kong people in the past 10 years. Nowadays we learn about the conflicts between the HKSARG and civil society groups from time to time given the increasingly weak governance under Hong Kong’s political landscape. A new type of nonprofits (NGOs) formed after 2000 in Hong Kong is closely related to the development of civil society.
This paper attempts to argue that the state-nonprofit relationship in Hong Kong can be classified as statist-corporatist, a term used by Lee (2005a) with reference to Salamon, Sokolowski, and Anheier’s Social Origins Theory (2000). The “statist” character refers to the authoritarianism undertaken by the government to grip the control of nonprofits in order to consolidate its ruling; on the other hand, the “corporatist” character is displayed by its consistently generous support to social welfare through funding the non-government service providers. This paper further argues that with the rise of civil society, the non-profit regime also displays a “liberal” character, a term used in Lee and Liu (2011), which has been taking shape in the past 10 years. Under the liberal regime, there is a sizeable civil society comprising smaller individual nonprofits with state financing only one of the possible funding sources.
Then, how are the NGOs or civil society groups performing under the liberal regime with respect to their relationship with the state? The majority of these nonprofits work on policy advocacy to fight against the government. The current study will use the case of Hong Kong Unison, an influential nonprofit serving ethnic minorities, to demonstrate how a self-funded NGO, deficient in financial support from the government, carries out advocacy works to call for policy change to suit the need of ethnic residents in the areas of education, employment, and race discrimination. It is found that its size, composition and financing are evident to the features of a liberal regime. Furthermore, with reference to Lee and Liu’s (2011) paper on factors influencing network formation among Hong Kong nonprofits, the present study seeks to explore how this policy advocacy NGO makes use of networking as an effective strategy to form alliance with like-minded parties, given its limited resources. The interactions with different parties such as politicians, government officials, private donors, ethnic minority community, human rights groups, and the media have been discussed.
What is civil society? This term is no longer new to Hong Kong people in the past 10 years. Nowadays we learn about the conflicts between the HKSARG and civil society groups from time to time given the increasingly weak governance under Hong Kong’s political landscape. A new type of nonprofits (NGOs) formed after 2000 in Hong Kong is closely related to the development of civil society.
This paper attempts to argue that the state-nonprofit relationship in Hong Kong can be classified as statist-corporatist, a term used by Lee (2005a) with reference to Salamon, Sokolowski, and Anheier’s Social Origins Theory (2000). The “statist” character refers to the authoritarianism undertaken by the government to grip the control of nonprofits in order to consolidate its ruling; on the other hand, the “corporatist” character is displayed by its consistently generous support to social welfare through funding the non-government service providers. This paper further argues that with the rise of civil society, the non-profit regime also displays a “liberal” character, a term used in Lee and Liu (2011), which has been taking shape in the past 10 years. Under the liberal regime, there is a sizeable civil society comprising smaller individual nonprofits with state financing only one of the possible funding sources.
Then, how are the NGOs or civil society groups performing under the liberal regime with respect to their relationship with the state? The majority of these nonprofits work on policy advocacy to fight against the government. The current study will use the case of Hong Kong Unison, an influential nonprofit serving ethnic minorities, to demonstrate how a self-funded NGO, deficient in financial support from the government, carries out advocacy works to call for policy change to suit the need of ethnic residents in the areas of education, employment, and race discrimination. It is found that its size, composition and financing are evident to the features of a liberal regime. Furthermore, with reference to Lee and Liu’s (2011) paper on factors influencing network formation among Hong Kong nonprofits, the present study seeks to explore how this policy advocacy NGO makes use of networking as an effective strategy to form alliance with like-minded parties, given its limited resources. The interactions with different parties such as politicians, government officials, private donors, ethnic minority community, human rights groups, and the media have been discussed.
The present study has certain limitations. However, it is meaningful as it provides insights into the state-nonprofit relationship as the society evolves. It argues that the tension between the government and policy advocacy NGOs cannot be resolved if Hong Kong is not to run democratisation as promised by the Beijing Central Government1. Recommendations are made to call for further research on the development of policy advocacy NGOs following the establishment of the Fourth Term Government of the HKSAR on 1 July 2012.published_or_final_version
Politics and Public Administration
Master
Master of Public Administration
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Moyo, Phoebe Michelle Zibusiso Sandi. "An assessment of community participation in Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) development projects in Zimbabwe: the case of Bulilima and Mangwe Districts, Matabeleland South." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1007232.
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Since the mid 1970s there has been an increasing effort to adopt community participation as a necessary instrument for people driven development. NGOs and governments have come to use this participatory approach not only to empower local people, but also to give them a platform to plan and implement their own development projects. However in Zimbabwe, the government has failed to fund most projects and it has created a gap for NGOs to provide most, if not all services in rural communities. NGOs have been seen as better institutions to facilitate development projects and to engage local people to actively participate in development issues. Community participation is a central component in development projects as the projects respond to the people’s needs and that local people are in full control and ownership of these projects. This study is an assessment of community participation in NGO development projects in Zimbabwe. The study investigates the extent of community participation in development projects and it is guided by the Participatory Development (PD) theory. Research findings reveal that community participation is minimal in development projects of Bulilima and Mangwe districts in Zimbabwe. Local people are just passive participants of the development projects who are told what to do. The local people’s contributions and influences are sidelined in the planning and decision-making processes; instead these are made by the rural elite who plan and make decisions on behalf of the local people. It is the view of this study that the purpose of community participation is to create opportunities for local people to participate in planning, decision making, implementation, allocation and distribution of resources. The development projects should be responsive to the people’s needs. Similarly, participatory development just like community participation is a process whereby communities are given the opportunity to determine their future in terms of their needs and resources. In this regard, it is relevant that rural communities actively participate in planning, decision making, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of development projects. By so doing, the projects become not only successful but also sustainable.
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Cusiter, Mark. "Expatriate development workers : an evaluation of the process and outcome of sociocultural adjustment." Thesis, University of Northampton, 2009. http://nectar.northampton.ac.uk/2208/.
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Previous research on expatriation has focused principally on managers in multi-national corporations. However, there is an acknowledged need to disaggregate the expatriate population in order to recognise the different contexts in which expatriation takes place. This thesis focuses on expatriation within the context of international development, evaluating the process and outcome of sociocultural adjustment in individual development workers. Development workers are an important type of expatriate to study. Their ability to adjust effectively to host cultures is increasingly important as NGOs face growing competition for funds alongside greater calls for accountability and increased demand for their services. Moreover, development work is theoretically challenging as a result of close contact with host nationals, a greater degree of cultural distance between home and host cultures, and the witnessing of poverty and inequity. A mixed method approach was employed in this thesis. Semi-structured interviews were used to evaluate the sociocultural adjustment experiences of expatriate development workers together with reflections on the contribution of their sending organisations. A postal survey was subsequently used to examine recruitment, selection and cross-cultural training practices in a broader sample of UK-based NGOs. This thesis makes its contribution by evaluating sociocultural adjustment in an under-researched expatriation context that is argued to be especially challenging both for the sending organisations and the individual expatriates. The findings identify a number of specific challenges, and provide a rich insight into the way in which these combine to influence the sociocultural adjustment of expatriate development workers and the adjustment outcomes that they achieve. Despite being a challenging context, the development workers in this study had all reached positive adjustment outcomes. The role of sending organisations was also examined, which indicated that recruitment, selection and cross-cultural training practices were shaped by pragmatic considerations. This was evidenced by an emphasis on recruitment sources and selection criteria that sought to identify qualified and experienced individuals with minimal training needs. Cross-cultural training focused on the provision of project and organisational inductions, supporting this interpretation. The findings led to the proposal of a model of sociocultural adjustment in expatriate development workers. The model emphasises the need to balance the use of other expatriates as a support mechanism with the effect of this on the individual’s relationship with host nationals. The model also identifies several factors that can simultaneously create tensions between expatriates and host nationals whilst driving the expatriate to seek support from other expatriates.
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Smith, Laurel Catherine. "MEDIATING INDIGENOUS IDENTITY: VIDEO, ADVOCACY, AND KNOWLEDGE IN OAXACA, MEXICO." Lexington, Ky. : [University of Kentucky Libraries], 2005. http://lib.uky.edu/ETD/ukygeog2005d00327/etd.pdf.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Kentucky, 2005.Title from document title page (viewed on November 2, 2005). Document formatted into pages; contains v, 419 p. Includes abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 380-417).
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Saaiman, Hurchele. "Evaluating the role of non governmental organisations in global governance : case studies of two campaigns." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52832.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This is a study of the growmg importance of Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) in global governance. Global governance is defined as a complex and dynamic process that deals with issues that go beyond the capacity of national governments, that is distinguished from global government because of an absence of a central authority that can ensure compliance and the presence of a wide range of actors including non-state actors. The theory of Complex Multilateralism captures the role of NGOs and NGO coalitions well. Using this theory as a theoretical framework, this study focuses on two recent transnational NGO campaigns (The International Campaign to Ban Landmines [fCBL) and the NGOs against Arms Trade) to determine why some NGO campaigns are more successful than others. The theory of Complex Multilateralism in combination with extensive information on different types of NGOs and their activities on national and international levels, makes it possible to identify criteria that can determine success. These criteria are: a realistic goal, the issue area (type, number, salience and techniques used to frame the issue), government and intergovernmental organisation (lGO) commitment, access to IGOs, extensive expertise, effective use of the media, effective use of information technology, activity variance, leadership, persuasive and influential spokespersons, membership and funds. These criteria are described, defined and then applied to the above-mentioned transnational NGO campaigns. The main finding was that the ICBL was the more successful of the two campaigns because it had more of the criteria for success. In this case the most important reasons for success is: a realistic goal, the focus on a single issue and the effective framing of the issue, significant government commitment as well as good leadership. Although, the criteria that were developed can hardly be universalised, they do provide a useful starting point for further research into this important field in International Studies.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie werkstuk bestudeer die toenemende belangrikheid van Nie-Regerings Organisasies (NROs) in "global governance" Laasgenoemde konsep word gedefinieer as 'n komplekse en dinamiese proses wat behels die hantering van vraagstukke wat buite die beheer is van 'n enkele staat, wat onderskei word van 'n wereld regering as gevolg van die afwesigheid van sentrale gesag en die aanwesigheid van 'n wye reeks van akteurs of rolbekleers insluitente nie-staatlike rolbekleers. Komplekse Multilateralisme bied 'n goeie teoretiese begrip van die rol van NROs en NRO koalisies in hierdie proses. Hierdie studie maak gebruik van Komplekse Multilateralisme as 'n teoretiese raamwerk om te fokus op twee onlangse transnasionale NRO veldtogte ( Die internasionale veldtog om landmyne te verban en die NROs teen wapenhandel) en sodoende te bepaal hoekom sekere NRO veldtogte meer geslaag is as ander. Reedsgenoemde teorie in kombinasie met inligting oor verskillende tipes NROs en hul aktiwiteite op nasionale en internasionale vlakke maak dit moontlik om kriteria vir 'n suksesvolle NRO veldtog te identifiseer. Hierdie kriteria bestaan uit die volgende: 'n realistiese doel, die aard van die vraagstuk (tipe, hoeveelheid, "salience", en tegnieke wat gebruik is om die vraagstuk te formuleer, toewyding van regerings en tussen-regerings-organisasies, toegang tot tussenregerings -organisasies, veelsydige kundigheid, effektiewe gebruik van die media, effektiewe gebruik van inligtingstegnologie, verskeidenheid van aktiwiteite, leierskap, oorredende en invloedryke segspersone, lidmaatskap en fondse. Die bevinding is dat die internasionale veldtog om landmyne te verban die meer geslaagde veldtog is. Die belangriskste redes hiervoor is: 'n realistiese doel, die fokus op enkele vraagstukke en die effektiewe formulering van die vraagstuk, die toegewydheid van baie regerings, sowel as goeie leierskap. Alhoewel die kriteria wat in die studie ontwikkel is nie veralgemeen kan word nie dien dit as 'n nuttige basis vir vedere navorsing oor hierdie belangrike tema in die veld van Internasionale Studie.
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Slamat, Anastasia Nicole. "NGOs as linkages between grassroots women and the state : prospects for state feminism in South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/80228.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The core question that is addressed by this research is whether, and to what extent South African women’s NGOs contribute to enhancing state feminism through their ability to articulate and mobilise the strategic interests of women at grassroots level to appear on the national agenda, through the channels provided by the National Gender Machinery (structures of the state). A literature review was conducted that draws on the work of predominantly feminist authors in order to locate this research in previous scholarly knowledge that is relevant to the purpose of this study. The literature review includes elaboration of concepts like state feminism, women’s interests, agenda setting, civil society, and linkages between the women’s movement and the National Gender Machinery (NGM). A theoretical framework developed by Stetson and Mazur (1995), which aims at measuring whether gender machineries facilitate an increase in gender equality within the state, is used. The framework utilises two dimensions in order to investigate the level of state feminism within a country, i.e. state capacity, which investigates to what extent gender machineries influence and inform policy that is feminist and gender friendly; and state-society relations, which investigates the extent to which gender machineries provide opportunities for organised civil society actors (women’s organisations) to engage and access policy making and contribute to policy influence. In order to examine the levels of state capacity present in South Africa with regard to gender equality, current patterns of politics (a concept used by Stetson and Mazur) are considered. This is done in order to evaluate whether the political context is conducive to the passing and implementation of policy that is of a feminist nature. A qualitative study of the experience of four South African women’s NGOs, using face-to-face interviews specially designed for this purpose, was undertaken. The NGOs were interviewed in order to ascertain the status of state-society linkages, and whether the state provides access to civil society actors to inform policy making and implementation from a gender-friendly perspective that is reflective of grassroots women’s interests. The NGOs interviewed are the New Women’s Movement (NWM), the Women’s Legal Centre, the Black Sash and the International Labour Research and Information Group (ILRIG). The findings of the fieldwork are analysed according to the framework of Stetson and Mazur (1995) in order to formulate a response to the research question. Findings include the presence of state capacity that is hostile to gender issues, with minimal (unreceptive) efforts to engage society actors in a flourishing state-society relationship. The provision of unreceptive and inconsistent space provided by the state, the lack of commitment to gender by women working within the state, and the state of “decline” that many South African NGOs are facing, have led to a “blockage” in the articulation of gender issues by NGOs that emanates from grassroots level to inform policy making, and contributes to the institutionalisation of state feminism. The national levels have therefore been largely out of touch with the interests of women at grassroots level as a result of minimal engagement and communication through the (dysfunctional) NGM. The state has spoken on behalf of, and decided on behalf of, women what is best for them and their livelihoods. Instead of being a gateway to the institutionalisation of state feminism, the state has acted as a patriarchal entity and has, to a very large extent, further entrenched gender inequality and the hardships faced by ordinary South African women at grassroots level.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die kernvraag wat deur hierdie navorsing aangespreek word is of, en tot watter mate, Suid-Afrikaanse vroue se nie-regeringsorganisasies (NRO’s) bydra tot die verbreding van staatsfeminisme deur hul vermoë om die strategiese belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak te artikuleer sodat dit op die nasionale agenda deur die kanale wat deur die Nasionale Gender Masjinerie (NGM) (strukture in die staat) verskaf word, verskyn. ’n Literatuurstudie, wat die werk van hoofsaaklik feministiese outeurs aanhaal, is onderneem om hierdie navorsing binne vorige akademiese kennis wat relevant is tot die doel van hierdie studie, te plaas. Dit sluit bespreking van konsepte soos staatsfeminisme, vrouebelange, agenda-skepping, burgerlike samelewing, en verhoudings tussen die vrouebeweging en die NGM in. ’n Teoretiese raamwerk wat deur Stetson en Mazur (1995) ontwikkel is, wat ten doel het om vas te stel of gendermasjinerie ’n toename in geslagsgelykheid binne die staat fasiliteer, word gebruik. Die raamwerk gebruik twee dimensies om die vlak van staatsfeminisme in ’n land te ondersoek, naamlik staatskapsiteit, wat ondersoek tot watter mate gendermasjinerie beleid wat feministies en gender-vriendelik is, beïnvloed en inlig; en staat-samelewing verhoudinge, wat ondersoek instel na die mate waartoe gendermasjinerie geleenthede bied vir akteurs vanuit die georganiseerde burgerlike samelewing om toegang te kry tot en deel te neem aan die beleidmakings- en -implementeringsproses. Om die vlakke van staatskapasiteit t.o.v. geslagsgelykheid in Suid-Afrika te ontleed, word kontemporêre politieke patrone (’n konsep wat deur Stetson en Mazur gebruik word) gebruik. Dit word gedoen om vas te stel of die politieke konteks gunstig is vir die goedkeuring en implementering van beleid van ’n feministiese aard. ’n Kwalitatiewe studie van die ervaring van vier Suid-Afrikaanse NRO’s met behulp van aangesig-tot-aangesig onderhoude wat spesiaal vir hierdie doel ontwerp is, is onderneem. Die onderhoude is met die NRO’s gevoer om die status van staat-samelewing verhoudings vas te stel, en om te bepaal of die staat toegang verleen aan akteurs vanuit die burgerlike samelewing om beleidmakings- en -implementeringsprosesse vanuit ’n gender-vriendelike perspektief, wat die belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak reflekteer, te informeer. Die NRO’s waarmee onderhoude gevoer is, is die New Women’s Movement (NWM), die Women’s Legal Centre, die Black Sash en die International Labour Research and Information Group (ILRIG). Die bevindinge is volgens die raamwerk van Stetson en Mazur (1995) geanaliseer ten einde ’n antwoord op die navorsingsvraag te bied. Die bevindinge sluit in die aanwesigheid van staatskapasiteit wat vyandig gesind is teenoor gendersake, met minimale (nie-ontvanklike) pogings om akteurs vanuit die samelewing betrokke te kry in ’n florerende staat-samelewing verhouding. Die voorsiening van ’n nie-ontvanklike en nie-konsekwente ruimte deur die staat, die gebrek aan toewyding tot gendersake deur vroue wat binne die staat werk, en die toestand van agteruitgang wat baie Suid-Afrikaanse NRO’s in die gesig staar, het gelei tot ’n “blokkasie” in die artikulering van gendersake deur NRO’s, wat hul oorsprong het vanaf die voetsoolvlak om beleidmaking te informeer, en by te dra tot die institusionalisering van staatsfeminisme. Die nasionale vlak is dus baie uit voeling met die belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak a.g.v. minimale betrokkenheid en kommunikasie deur die (disfunksionele) NGM. Die staat praat en besluit namens vroue oor wat die beste vir hulle en hul bestaanswyses is. In stede van ’n poort te wees tot die institusionalisering van staatsfeminisme, tree die staat op as ’n patriargale entiteit en dra dit grootliks daartoe by om gender-ongelykheid en die swaarkry van gewone Suid-Afrikaanse vroue op voetsoolvlak verder te verskans.
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Binette, Aja Jacqueline. "Positions of Authority And Influence In Environmental Nongovernmental Organizations' Networks: An Examination of Network Structure and Participation at UN Climate Change Summits." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2018. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/513885.
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Political SciencePh.D.
Which environmental non-governmental organizations (ENGOs) are positioned to be the most influential in climate negotiations? The structure of the environmental movement has undergone significant change over the development of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). Since its inception there has been significant engagement by ENGOs with the yearly Conference of the Parties (COPs). In this tripartite project, I use an original dataset of relationship ties between ENGOs to construct a series of networks using social network analysis. Specifically, I examine network structures prior to three watershed moments in the history of the UNFCCC, the Kyoto, Copenhagen, and Paris COPs. Based on social network theory, an ENGO’s structural position can be viewed as a reflection of an ENGO’s perceived power, authority, and influence. I also study ENGO participation at COPs at these three distinct time points. In part one of this project, I describe how the structure of the environmental movement has changed over time in conjunction with the perceived success and failures of the UNFCCC process, leading to a bifurcated environmental movement. Additionally, I find that the ENGOs occupying central positions may have greater influence than other less central ENGOs, because they are more likely to serve on state delegations at the UNFCCC. In part two, I examine the role of alliance-based organizations in the larger environmental movement. Specifically, I describe how the ENGO network structure between alliance, policy and science-based organizations has changed over the history of the UNFCCC. The results suggest that alliance-based organizations occupy pivotal positions within the network, showing the potential for alliance-based organizations to help facilitate the representation of diverse viewpoints at international negotiations. In part three, I examine the relationships between ENGOs and human-centric organizations at the three distinct time points and find that despite an increased presence of ENGOs connected to human-centric organizations at the yearly COPs over time, there is still very little interconnectedness between these two movements. I also examine regions with the most ENGO/human-centric organizational connections and find Euro-centric dominance. In general, this is discussed as a missed opportunity. These findings have far reaching implications for the prospects of the UNFCCC developing, and states adopting, effective climate change policy that has the support of the environmental movement.
Temple University--Theses
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Knight, Kayla Christine. "Development NGOs : understanding participatory methods, accountability and effectiveness of World Vision in Zimbabwe with specific reference to Umzingwane District." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013135.
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Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs) have occupied a prominent role in the development of rural Zimbabwe since the time of its independence in 1980. NGO work in Zimbabwe currently takes place within the context of a tense and fluid political climate, an economy struggling to recover from crisis, international skepticism toward long-term donor investment in development, and global expectations about the methodologies and accountability measures carried out in intervention-based development work. In the light of the participatory methodologies and empowerment-based development frameworks that dominate the current global expectations for work within the NGO sector, this thesis focuses on the work of one particular NGO working in Zimbabwe, namely, World Vision. The main objective of the thesis is to understand and explain the participatory methods, accountability and effectiveness of World Vision in Zimbabwe (with particular reference to Umzingwane District) and, in doing so, to deepen the theoretical understanding of NGOs as constituting a particular organizational form. World Vision is a large-scale international NGO that has a pronounced presence in Zimbabwe and it is specifically active in Umzingwane District in Matabeleland South Province. The thesis argues that NGOs exist within a complex and tense condition entailing continuous responses to pressures from donors and states that structure their survival. Ultimately, in maneuvering through such pressures, NGOs tend to choose directions which best enable their own sustainability, often at the cost of the deep participatory forms that may heighten the legitimacy of their roles. World Vision Zimbabwe responds to donor trends, national and local expectations of the state and its own organizational expectations by building local government capacity in order to maintain the longevity and measureable outputs of its projects. In doing so, it redefines the concept of participation in pursuing efficient and practical approaches to ‘getting things done’. This compromises deep participatory methodologies and, in essence, alters the practices involved in participatory forms in order to maintain World Vision’s own organizational sustainability and presence in Zimbabwe.
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Baltodano, Egner Charlotte. "The process of transforming human rights practices in Latin America : NGOs and their quest to develop international human rights norms." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=78200.
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International lawyers are increasingly interested in studying NGOs ("NGOs") and their influence on state behavior, but few have studied the impact that domestic NGOs can have on transforming and generating international norms. This paper explores the links between Latin American NGOs and their aim of changing international norms into more effective instruments against systematic violations of human rights by states. I will aim to articulate the stages of the processes that NGOs go through to change state behavior.I decided to write about NGOs and changes to human rights norms because I have dedicated most of my life to trying to eliminate human rights violations in Latin America. To the detractors that insist that such attempts are futile, I would respond that every effort one can contribute to the human rights movement is one step towards the goal of transforming beliefs and principles into real changes to state practices.
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Nanami, Akiko. "Showing Japan's Face or Creating Powerful Challengers? Are NGOs really partners to the government in Japan's foreign aid?" Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Political Science and Communication, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/949.
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This thesis is exploring interactions of Japanese NGOs to be influential in official foreign aid from outside of the exclusive Japanese decision-making process. Three case studies have been undertaken to examine how Japanese NGOs have developed or adopted various means to exert influence on the government. Japanese NGOs have emerged as powerful actors in foreign aid under a policy of "Kao no Mieru Enjyo (visible Japanese aid)" in the 1990s following some domestic incidents and an international trend in development. However, the Japanese government has maintained a hostile attitude toward NGOs despite its official claim of regarding NGOs as 'partners'. The government's awkward reaction to NGOs comes from Japan's traditional idea of extreme respect for the government and looking down on citizenry. This traditional political culture of "Kan Son Min Pi (supremacy of bureaucracy)" has dominated Japan and that has made the government hostile to powerful outsiders such as NGOs, which may threaten their supremacy. The exclusive decision-making system, "the Iron Triangle", has also contributed to distance NGOs from the government. By this means, an atmosphere between NGOs and the government in Japan has been far from 'partnership'. Against this hostile environment, Japanese NGOs have developed and adopted interactions to exert influence. Various means have been used by each NGO in accordance with each speciality and operation field. The thesis has focused on three areas of Japan's foreign aid - development, anti-personnel landmines and environment - and undertaken three case studies. Four NGOs have been analysed - Japan International Volunteer Center (JVC), Japanese Campaign to Ban Landmines (JCBL), Greenpeace Japan and Friends of the Earth (FoE) Japan. Some NGOs have developed their own interactions and others have been adopted from international partners and authorities. On a whole, they have all crafted these interactions to suit the Japanese political culture. Among several interactions, building international networks and personal relationships with powerful individuals such as politicians have appeared to be most useful. These two interactions work effectively on Japan's reactive and highly personalised aspects of politics, which is reactive to external pressure (Gai-atsu) and rely heavily on the personality and ability of individual leaders. The case studies reveal that Japanese NGOs have exerted influence effectively by making use of these valuable interactions. However, Japanese NGOs are at a crossroad because of high turn-over of staff and a focus-shifting in Japan's foreign policy to sending Self-Defence Forces (SDF) overseas. NGOs also need to obtain solid financial source which is getting difficult after a downturn in the Japanese economy. These will be the issues that Japanese NGOs need to tackle soon in order to be true 'partner'.
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Zungu, Patricia Thandiwe. "An examination of the extent of participation by non-governmental organisations (NGO's) in the legislative process of the KwaZulu-Natal legislature." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/26071.
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This study entails an examination of the extent of participation by non-governmental organisations (NGO’s) in the legislative process of the KwaZulu-Natal Legislature (KZN legislature). It aims to explore how far these NGO’s have taken advantage of the new South African policy based on transparency, openness and accountability. It is hypothesized that organised groups such as these have been very involved in government decision-making processes, since the start of the new democratic South Africa in 1994. This study, however, proves that there is minimal public participation and especially NGO participation in the KZN Legislature in particular and in government in general. It further uncovers various problems experienced by these NGO’s in trying to participate in the legislative process. The legislature’s inaccessibility was seen as one of the major inhibiting factors. Apathy and lack of interest in the legislative process were also identified as a problem amongst these NGO’s. This study has raised many issues that both the NGO sector and the KZN Legislature itself have to address in order that our newly founded democracy can be truly nurtured. This study is divided into two parts. The first part explores literature on democracy, that enables the policy making process and civil society to help give a clear indication on what various authors think should be the input of civil society in the policy making process of any democratic country. The second part looks at the South African situation and the findings of this study.Dissertation (MA (Political Policy Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2007.
Political Sciences
unrestricted
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Ní, Mhórdha Máire. "Knowing best? : an ethnographic exploration of the politics and practices of an international NGO in Senegal." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6930.
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This thesis explores the social and political relations of an international non-governmental organisation (NGO) based in Senegal. NGOs and international development have been the subject of research from a number of different perspectives, including the politics (and anti-politics) of development, post-development, structural violence and the ‘everyday lives' of NGO participants and workers (Ferguson 1990; Escobar 1995; Farmer 2004; Bornstein 2005; Hilhorst 2003). The present study builds on this scholarship through an ethnographic exploration of the networks of people involved with Tostan, an American NGO based in Senegal whose developmental objective is to engender social change among rural groups in Senegal (particularly those that practice female genital cutting), using a human rights education framework. Through identification and scrutiny of the organisation's macro- and micro-level social relations, I critically examine how ‘development' operates as a cultural and political process. I focus analytically on conceptions of knowledge and ignorance, particularly the ways in which these constructions are acted upon and utilised by different actors within the organisation. I argue that, as an NGO (and thus a ‘moral actor,' Guilhot 2005: 6) within the contemporary donor-driven development industry, a key preoccupation for Tostan as an organisation is the management of perception, or a concern for the ‘spectacle of development' (Allen 2013). Flowing from this argument is the assertion that the activities carried out by actors at every level of the organisation to produce and re-produce particular narratives through strategic knowing and unknowing are as significant (if not more so) as the formal programmatic activities implemented by the organisation ‘on the ground.' As David Mosse argues, development involves not only social work, but also the conceptual work of ‘enrolment, persuasion, agreement and argument that lies behind the consensus and coherence necessary to sustain authoritative narratives and networks for the continued support of policy' (Mosse 2005: 34). As I argue here, NGO actors work to (re)produce, project and protect particular narratives, through the strategic exercise of knowledge and ignorance, in order to access or consolidate positions of power within the politics of aid. Drawing on critical theories of development and human rights (e.g. Sachs 1992; Escobar 1991, 1995; Guilhot 2005, inter alia), within a political context succinctly described by Ellen Foley (2010: 9) as ‘the neoliberalization of just about everything,' I explore how actors across the organisation are linked in a web of cultural and political presuppositions, values, and motivations.
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Schroeder, Jacquelyn Ann. "NGO-State Relations: Freedom House Status and Cooperation Versus Conflict." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1358101658.
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Aneja, Urvashi. "Contesting the humanitarian regime in political emergencies : international NGO policies and practices in Sri Lanka & Afghanistan, 1990-2010." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:305234b5-d2dd-4675-bb70-d7345f06813a.
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The legal humanitarian regime, set out in the Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocols, strives to alleviate human suffering through the provision of emergency goods and services, such as food supplies, water, temporary shelter, and medical treatment. This thesis examines how international non-government organizations (INGOs) contribute to the contestation of this regime in political emergencies, the effects of this contestation, and the factors driving INGO contestation. The thesis develops an analytical framework for understanding the nature and functioning of the legal humanitarian regime, and argues that INGO contestation occurs through the two processes of regime interpretation and regime implementation. It then goes on to identify the substantive content and effects of contestation, and the factors driving INGO contestation of the regime, through a detailed study of the policies and practices of CARE, Médecins Sans Frontiers, Oxfam, and World Vision, in Afghanistan and Sri Lanka, from 1990-2010. The thesis argues that contestation has constitutive effects, as it re-defines the meaning of the formal humanitarian regime, and the underlying rules and norms that specify the regime’s function, scope, and operating principles. Contestation also has causal effects, as it can make INGOs participants in the conflict, eroding thereby the basis on which they negotiate access and their ability to respond to humanitarian needs, and the security of their staff. It has also facilitated the subordination of humanitarian assistance by donor states and combatants to their political and security objectives. INGO identity - expressed in terms of the constituent rules and norms that define INGO membership, their mandate and goals, and the manner in which they distinguish themselves from other actors - is argued to be a necessary factor for explaining INGO contestation. The focus on identity highlights the agency of INGOs in shaping the humanitarian regime and demonstrates that INGOs are not simply at the mercy of more powerful actors or external constraints.
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Rammutle, Radithebe. "Foreign aid and NGO-state relations in South Africa : post-1994 developments." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53429.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates the impact of foreign aid on the relations between Non- Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and the state in South Africa since 1994. There are three different ways in which NGOs can interact with the state and public policy: viz. they can support and help to implement policies, attempt to reform policies, or oppose them. During apartheid, the nature of NGO-state relations was characterised by political confrontation and distrust. NGOs primarily served as organisations of opposition to the state's exclusivist and dehumanising policies. Many NGOs, however, also provided developmental and social services to communities who were neglected by the apartheid state. After the first democratic election in 1994, the role of NGOs underwent a significant process of change. Various factors contributed to this change. This study, however, primarily focuses on the role of foreign aid and its effect on NGO activities in South Africa, post-1994. This study relied on secondary data sources (both qualitative and quantitative) available in the area of NGO state relations. The study also focused on two major donor agencies in South Africa: European Union (EU) and United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Analysis of data reveals that, since 1994 much of the funding that was previously directly channeled to civil society now goes to the state, which distributes it to targetted NGOs. As a result many NOOs have collapsed because of a shortage of financial resources to sustain their work. Secondly, since 1994 the rationale and purpose behind international donor policies has been to advance the New Policy Agenda (NPA), which is aimed at promoting free market-orientated reforms and the consolidation of liberal democracy. As a result, foreign aid donors have endorsed the liberal economic policies, which are set out in the government's macroeconomic strategy, viz. Growth, Employment, and Redistribution (GEAR). Thus, both government and donors have prioritised NGOs who are involved in service delivery rather than those that are likely to challenge and oppose liberal market policies. They have also shown preference to NGOs that are more concerned with the norms and practices of procedural democracy as opposed to those that are concerned with issues of participatory and social democracy. This has resulted in constraining the overtly political and advocacy role, which characterised NGOs during the apartheid era. International donors, via government disbursement institutions such as the National Development Agency (NDA), have also constrained the work of NGOs by insisting on numerous managerial related requirements that have been made conditional for the receiving of financial support. Many small, informal, rural community based organisation that lack the required administrative capacity have, as a result, been facing serious financial crises. Subsequently, NGO-state relations, since 1994, have become less adversarial and confrontational. Most NGOs, complement and support the state's social services delivery programmes and also serve as organisations which help shape the norms and practices of procedural democracy. The study concludes, that the persistent inequality, poverty and unemployment which is associated with the GEAR macroeconomic policy and endorsed by international donor agencies, will lead to the resurgence of advocacy NGOs. Furthermore, in order to resuscitate their role and to ensure their vitality as organisations, which promote participatory democracy, it is essential to focus on strategies, which can effectively challenge the current funding environment to NGOs. These include, building the administrative capacity of both the NDA and NGOs, ensuring NDA independence, and ensuring recognition by funding institutions of the importance of advocacy NGOs in the consolidation of economic democracy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die impak van buitelandse hulp op die verhoudinge tussen Nie-Regeringsorganisasies (NRO'S) en die staat sedert 1994. Daar is drie verskillende wyses waarop NRO's interaksie kan bewerkstellig met die staat en met openbare beleid, naamlik, hulle kan help om beleid te implementeer, hulle kan help om beleid te verander, of hulle kan beleid teenstaan. Tydens apartheid, is die aard van NRO - staat verhoudings gekenmerk deur konfrontasie en wantroue. Die NRO's het primêr gedien as organisasies van opposrsie teen die staat se eksklusiwistiese en onmenslikingsbeleid. Talle NRO's het egter ook ontwikkelings- en sosiale dienste voorsien aan gemeenskappe wat afgeskeep is deur die apartheidstaat. Na die eerste demokratiese verkiesing in 1994, het die rol van NRO's 'n beduidende proses van verandering ondergaan. 'n Verskeidenheid faktore het bygedra tot hierdie verandering. Hierdie studie fokus egter primêr op die rol van buitelandse hulp en die uitwerking daarvan op NRO's se aktiwiteite in Suid-Afrika na 1994. Hierdie studie het staatgemaak op sekondêre bronne (kwalitatief sowel as kwantitatief) in die gebied van NRO's - staat verhoudinge. Die studie fokus ook op twee belangrike donateur agentskappe in Suid-Afrika: die Europese Unie (EU) en die Verenigde State Agentskap vir Internasionale Ontwikkeling (VSAlO). 'n Analise van die data toon aan dat, sedert 1994, heelwat van die befondsing wat voorheen direk gekanaliseer is aan die openbare gemeenskap, nou na die staat gaan, wat dit versprei na geteikende NRO's. Gevolglik het talle NRO's ineengestort vanweë 'n tekort aan finansiële bronne om hulle werk vol te hou. Tweedens, sedert 1994 was dit die rasionaal en doelstelling van internasionale donateurskapsbeleid om die Nuwe Beleid Agenda (NBA) te bevorder, wat as doelstelling het die bevordering van vrye mark-georiënteerde hervormings en die konsolidasie van 'n liberale demokrasie. Gevolglik het buitelandse hulp donateurs liberale ekonomiese beleidvorming onderskryfwat uiteengesit word in die regering se makro-ekonomiese strategie, nl. Groei, Werkverskaffing en Herverdeling (GEAR). Dus het sowel die regering as donateurs prioriteit gegee aan NRO's wat betrokke is in dienslewering, eerder as dié wat geneig is om liberale markbeleid teen te staan. Hulle het ook voorkeur gegee aan NRO's wat meer besorg is oor die norme en praktyke van 'n prosedurele demokrasie in teenstelling met dié wat besorgd is oor die vraagstukke van 'n deelnemende en sosiale demokrasie. Dit het die resultaat gehad dat die openlike politiese en kampvegtersrol wat kenmerkend van die NRO's was gedurende die apartheidsera, beperk is. Internasionale donateurs het, Vla regerings-instellings soos die Nasionale Ontwikkelingsagentskap (NOA), ook die werk van NRO's beperk deur die aandrang op talle bestuursverwante vereistes wat as voorwaarde gestel is vir die ontvangs van finansiële ondersteuning. Talle klein, informele landelike gemeenskaps-gebaseerde organisasies wat die vereiste administratiewe kapasiteit kort, het gevolglik ernstige finansiële krisisse begin ondervind. Daaropvolgend, het NRO-staat verhoudinge sedert 1994 minder konfronterend begin raak. Die meeste NRO's ondersteun die staat se diensleweringsprogramme en dien ook as organisasies wat help om die norme en praktyke van 'n prosedurale demokrasie te vorm. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat die voortdurende ongelykheid, armoede en werkloosheid wat geassosieer word met die makro-ekonomiese beleid van die regering se program vir Groei, Werkskepping en Herverdeling (GEAR) sal lei tot In nuwe opkoms van kampvegter NRO's. Voorts, ten einde hulle rol te stimuleer en hulle lewenskragtigheid as organisasies te verseker, kan ons die huidige befondsingsomgewing van NRO's doeltreffend uitdaag. Dit sluit in die bou van die administratiewe kapasiteit van beide die NOA en NRO's, die versekering van NOA onafhanklikheid, en die versekering van die erkenning deur befondsingsinstellings van die belangrikheid van kampvegter NRO's in die konsolidasie van 'n ekonomiese demokrasie.
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Hodgin, Gregory. "United Nations Peacekeeping and Non-State Actors: A Theoretical and Empirical Analysis of the Conditions Required for Cooperation." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/27.
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This paper attempts to determine the theoretical requirements for a non-state actor to give peacekeepers to a Member state of the United Nations, who would in turn give those peacekeepers to the United Nations. The paper examines two case studies, specifically the contract between Blackwater and the United States Department of State and the SHIRBRIG series of treaties. The paper finds that there is some overlap between a Member state’s needs and a non-state actor’s needs and that there is a theoretical possibility of the donation stated above taking place.
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JÃnior, Carlos Augusto de Oliveira. "Non-governmental organizations - NGOs as an investment professional." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2006. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=3607.
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The Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) progressively expand and assume a relevant role in contemporary society. With NGOs expansion in Brazil and the rest of the world, also increases people interest to enter this universe, motivated by a strong sense of dedication to social causes, as well as to achieve personal and professional
recognition through the exercise of a labor that could make sense to him or her. On the other hand, NGOs expansion brings some challenges, among them the adoption
of managerial practices and procedures aiming to attract, develop and retain competent and dedicated professionals, in order to achieve effective results in its actions, especially in a context of intensive competition for financial resources. This study aims to investigate whether NGOs represent opportunity for professional
investment, and was based on theoretical analysis of concepts such as people hiring, keeping and resigning, in the perspective of people employed with them and in
NGOs own perspective, through a critical-reflexive approach of human management subsystems, eventually adopted. This is an explanatory and descriptive research,
managed through a multiple case study, subsided by 12 (twelve) interviews and 19 (nineteen) questionnaires answered by managers and collaborators of 3 (three) most
prominent NGO in Brazilian state of CearÃ. Data were treated qualitatively employing quantitative instruments. The research allowed to evidence that surveyed
organizations assign importance to human management, nevertheless not adopting structured practices in order to promote the collaborators permanence, discerning
that hiring and permanence of them proceeds from the desire of professional qualification, of joining in these organizations an space of identification with the social
causes that he/she protect and believe, and by the work environment (organizational climate) provided.As organizaÃÃes nÃo governamentais - ONGs cada vez mais se expandem e assumem papel relevante na sociedade contemporÃnea. Com o crescimento das ONGs no contexto brasileiro e mundial aumenta tambÃm o interesses das pessoas de ingressarem no universo de trabalho das ONGs, pressupÃe-se, movidas por um forte senso de dedicaÃÃo a causas sociais, mas tambÃm de obter reconhecimento pessoal e profissional pelo exercÃcio de um trabalho que lhes faÃa sentido. Por outro lado, a expansÃo das ONGs traz alguns desafios, dentre esses, a necessidade de adotarem prÃticas e procedimentos de gestÃo que visem a atrair, desenvolver e reter profissionais competentes e mobilizados, com fins a obter resultados efetivos em suas aÃÃes, sobretudo num contexto de intensa concorrÃncia por recursos financeiros. O presente estudo tem por objetivo investigar se as ONGs constituem espaÃo de investimento profissional, partindo-se da anÃlise teÃrica na perspectiva das pessoas que atuam nas ONGs e das organizaÃÃes, na qual se englobam conceitos sobre ingresso, permanÃncia e evasÃo de pessoas, mediante a anÃlise dos subsistemas de gestÃo de pessoas eventualmente adotados. Esta pesquisa se caracteriza como exploratÃria e descritiva, por meio de estudo de caso mÃltiplo, e valeu-se da aplicaÃÃo de 12 (doze) entrevistas e 19 (dezenove)questionÃrios, aplicados junto aos gestores e colaboradores, respectivamente, de 3 (trÃs) das maiores ONGs do Estado do CearÃ. As informaÃÃes foram tratadas qualitativamente com emprego de instrumentos quantitativos. A pesquisa permitiu constatar que as organizaÃÃes estudadas atribuem importÃncia à gestÃo de pessoas, entretanto nÃo adotam prÃticas estruturadas que visem a promover a permanÃncia de seus colaboradores, percebendo-se que o ingresso e permanÃncia desses colaboradores ocorrem a partir do desejo de se capacitarem profissionalmente, de encontrarem nessas organizaÃÃes um espaÃo de identificaÃÃo com as causas sociais que defendem e nos quais acreditam, e pelo ambiente de trabalho (clima organizacional) proporcionado.
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Bergkvist, Andersson Magda. "Domestic Organisations and Multi-Level Policy : An interview study of Swedish environmental non-governmental organisations influencing climate policy in a multi-level context." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-385475.
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Dang, Linh H. "Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and Development: An Illustration of Foreign NGOs in Vietnam." Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1243905289.
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Nguyen, Thi Kieu Vien. "Emerging local NGOs in Vietnam : strengths, limitations and prospects /." St. Lucia, Qld, 2002. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe16773.pdf.
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Salehin, Mohammad Musfequs. "Development, state and religious non-governmental organizations in Bangladesh." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/10513.
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This project investigates the relationship between religion, the state, development and Religious NGOs (RNGOs) in general and Islamic NGOs in particular in Bangladesh. Based on fieldwork with three Islamic NGOs, and carried out in Bangladesh over the period of July 2010 to February 2011, this research attempts to answer five specific research questions. This research uses qualitative interviews, focus group discussions, and participant observation to collect data from beneficiaries and non-beneficiaries of Islamic NGOs (including beneficiaries of secular NGOs), NGO officials and local key informants in three districts in Bangladesh. A new form of ‘governmentality’—a pious or sacralised governmentality, as this research argues, emerged in the context of hegemonic neoliberal governmentality. This new form of governmentality is revealed through the practices and programs of the Islamic NGOs, for example, through their practice of ‘entrepreneurial Homo economicus’. Thus Islamic NGOs also changed the ideological structures shaping the lives of rural women through an Islamic version of ‘women empowerment’ and the enhancement of Muslim women’s agency. Although an Islamic ideological construct informs the programs and activities of Islamic NGOs, these NGOs are having a crisis in their Islamic identity due to their alleged connections with Islamists, war-crimes and subsequent state surveillance. Yet, this research argues that in the context of the perceived ‘coercive’ practices of secular NGOs Islamic NGOs have the potential to emerge as an alternative development practice in Bangladesh.
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Yang, Xuehui. "Labor NGOs : labor movement agencies in China." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2016. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/600.
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Prevailing literature on Chinese labor non-governmental organizations (NGOs), which focuses largely on their relations with the authoritarian state and strategies for survival, mainly views that these labor groups, in order to survive, tend to confine their work to social service provisions and legal consultations that are permitted, or, at least, not prohibited, by the state. Hence, they hardly become the agencies of social change to build a labor movement in China. However, based my observations between 2013-2015 in the Guangdong Province, I argue that a small group of labor NGOs have stepped beyond their supposed roles and become labor movement agencies in China; they actively assist and organize striking workers to negotiate with employers, and have hatched several informal labor groups in industrial zones. To explain this new development of labor NGOs in China, first, I argue that the state exerts its control on labor NGOs through a differentiated process, which creates a certain space for movement-oriented labor NGOs to survive. On the one hand, the state's need for NGOs in relieving its social welfare obligations gives them a chance to "disguise" as an ostensible social service provider by employing strategies. One the other hand, the different functions, power bases and vested interests of labor NGO-related state organstrade unions, public and national security agencies, and civil affairs bureaususually lead to less coordinated efforts in containing these groups. Second, the movement-oriented labor NGOs are able to develop strong ties to workers and facilitate labor organizing. During workers' collective struggles, they organize training to enhance workers' right consciousness and transmit the idea of collective bargaining to them; they also help elect and train worker representatives, offer tactics to them, and are even present on bargaining tables on workers' behalf. By hatching informal labor groups, these labor groups network and educate workers in communities to build solidarity, and encourage them to run group activities and learn self-organization skills. Particularly, worker-turned NGO activists, who previously experienced labor disputes and with leadership skills, notably facilitate these activities due to their deep understanding of workers' circumstance and demands, and profound knowledge of their language and labor dispute settlement. This research demonstrates that, although movement-oriented labor NGOs are probably transitional forms in China and not able to replace genuine trade unions, they have taken up some roles that trade unions were supposed to play, significantly contributing to improving the organizational capacity of Chinese workers.
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Yang, Xuehui. "Labor NGOs: labor movment agencies in China." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2016. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/338.
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Prevailing literature on Chinese labor non-governmental organizations (NGOs), which focuses largely on their relations with the authoritarian state and strategies for survival, mainly views that these labor groups, in order to survive, tend to confine their work to social service provisions and legal consultations that are permitted, or, at least, not prohibited, by the state. Hence, they hardly become the agencies of social change to build a labor movement in China. However, based my observations between 2013-2015 in the Guangdong Province, I argue that a small group of labor NGOs have stepped beyond their supposed roles and become labor movement agencies in China; they actively assist and organize striking workers to negotiate with employers, and have hatched several informal labor groups in industrial zones. To explain this new development of labor NGOs in China, first, I argue that the state exerts its control on labor NGOs through a differentiated process, which creates a certain space for movement-oriented labor NGOs to survive. On the one hand, the state's need for NGOs in relieving its social welfare obligations gives them a chance to "disguise" as an ostensible social service provider by employing strategies. One the other hand, the different functions, power bases and vested interests of labor NGO-related state organstrade unions, public and national security agencies, and civil affairs bureaususually lead to less coordinated efforts in containing these groups. Second, the movement-oriented labor NGOs are able to develop strong ties to workers and facilitate labor organizing. During workers' collective struggles, they organize training to enhance workers' right consciousness and transmit the idea of collective bargaining to them; they also help elect and train worker representatives, offer tactics to them, and are even present on bargaining tables on workers' behalf. By hatching informal labor groups, these labor groups network and educate workers in communities to build solidarity, and encourage them to run group activities and learn self-organization skills. Particularly, worker-turned NGO activists, who previously experienced labor disputes and with leadership skills, notably facilitate these activities due to their deep understanding of workers' circumstance and demands, and profound knowledge of their language and labor dispute settlement. This research demonstrates that, although movement-oriented labor NGOs are probably transitional forms in China and not able to replace genuine trade unions, they have taken up some roles that trade unions were supposed to play, significantly contributing to improving the organizational capacity of Chinese workers.
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Kennedy, Kathleen M. "Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and tourism : a partnership for poverty reduction in developing countries /." Abstract Full Text (HTML) Full Text (PDF), 2008. http://eprints.ccsu.edu/archive/00000494/02/1950FT.htm.
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Thesis (M.S.) -- Central Connecticut State University, 2008.Thesis advisor: D'Arcy Dornan "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in Geography." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 158-161). Also available via the World Wide Web.
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Lam, Wai-shan Jovi. "An analysis of the role of non-government organizations (NGOs) in the implementation of the employees retraining policy in Hong Kong." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1999. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B21038107.
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Sharma, (Ghimirey) Gopal. "Non-governmental organisations and empowerment of women : a study on some selected NGOs of darjeeling district of West Bengal." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1393.
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Li, Beiliu, and Ying Wang. "Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) working with social welfare in China : characteristics, difficulties, possibilities." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Avdelningen för socialt arbete och psykologi, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-11412.
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Non-governmental organizations play an increasingly important role in society today. The purpose of this study was to investigate the characteristics, difficulties, and possibilities for NGOs working with social welfare in China. This paper presents data by using qualitative method and analyzes it with the social ecological perspective. The results of this study show that top-down NGOs like the one studied in this paper are experimental organizations which are established according to China's social environment in order to undertake the welfare services ordered by the government. In this way the government legalizes the working of NGOs. However, the result is that, on the one hand, NGOs help government to promote the quality of public services, and on the other, relying on the government becames an obstruction of NGOs development.
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Taylor, Jennifer. "Exploring Pediatric Healthcare Initiatives of Non-Governmental Organizations in Low-and Middle-Income Countries." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/40670.
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Objective: To explore and describe how healthcare non-governmental organizations provide and evaluate programs and services that result in positive and sustainable health outcomes in children and adolescents living in low-and middle-income countries and to better understand the role of nursing within these organizations.
Scoping Review: A scoping review informed by the Arksey & O’Malley framework was completed to explore the research on the delivery of pediatric health services by non-governmental organizations in low-and middle-income countries.
Qualitative Study: Semi-structured interviews were conducted to share the voices and experiences of stakeholders working in the field of NGO practice to provide clarity, further insight and depth to the results from the scoping review and broaden the understanding of the role of nursing on this topic.
Conclusions: Despite variability in practice and a multitude of competing priorities, outcome evaluation is growing within the field of pediatric NGO practice, and progress is being made towards evaluation of broader health outcomes besides unidimensional health indicators or outputs. Nurses can play a significant role in improving pediatric NGO program development and evaluation practices and are well positioned to be global health leaders who can influence policy and practice for the achievement of positive and sustainable health outcomes in children and adolescents in low-and middle-income countries.
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Shawa, Salma Aown. "Building 'civil society' in Palestine 1993-1998 : four case studies of Palestinian non-governmental organizations." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367560.
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This thesis looks in depth at the efforts of Palestinian NGOs to build 'civil society' during the period after the transfer of power from Israeli occupation to Palestinian National Authority (PNA) in 1993 till 1998. The process of building civil society is shown in the thesis to be understood differently by NGOs, the PNA and international donors in the functions that it involves and the position that NGOs ought to occupy within the Palestinian community. Drawing on the civil society literature, a working definition of the process of building civil society is developed for the purposes of the study which emphasises three dimensions: (i) NGO efforts to gain public influence either by influencing public debate, rights and duties or public policies; (ii) NGO attempts to strengthen community solidarity and (iii) NGO work to promote democratic organisational practices within their own organisations. A set of four NGO case studies was collected and the data analysed with reference to social theory literature, drawing in particular on Bourdieu's concepts of habitus, field and capital. It was found that a set of internal and external obstacles limited NGO efforts to build civil society. These included lack of support from the PNA, the continuation of Israeli occupation in different forms and lack of interest in the community. These obstacles reduced the ability of NGOs to realise this role effectively. Of the three dimensions of the process of building civil society it was only the second one - that of strengthening community solidarity - that NGOs focused on as a way of combating the difficult economic circumstances that Palestinian Territories were experiencing. The thesis concludes that Palestinian NGOs had the potential to build civil society but they needed more appropriate external and internal circumstances to be entrusted with carrying out this role.
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McCusker, Monique. "The politics and micro-politics of professionalization : an ethnographic study of a professional NGO and its interface with the state." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/1447.
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Sundberg, Juanita R. "Conservation encounters : NGOs, local people, and changing cultural landscapes /." Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.
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Saungweme, Maxwell. "Factors influencing financial sustainability of local NGOs : the case of Zimbabwe." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97293.
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Thesis (MDF)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Local non-governmental organisations play an important role in the development processes of Zimbabwe. However, they face an uncertain future, as they depend on volatile external donor funding which leaves them financially unsustainable. This research sought to determine whether local non-governmental organisations in Zimbabwe were sustainable, and to analyse the main factors that influenced their financial sustainability. Through a mixed methods research design including literature review, secondary data analysis and a survey using a structured questionnaire, this research revealed that local non-governmental organisations in Zimbabwe were financially unsustainable. A regression analysis was employed to determine the relationships between the different factors and financial sustainability. The research focused on four factors of financial sustainability of local non-governmental organisations: sound financial management practices, income diversification, own income generation, and good donor relationship management practices. Data used for the research was from 2009 to 2013. The survey of 52 local non-governmental organisations spread throughout Zimbabwe provided primary data for the research. The research confirmed findings of others that local non-governmental organisations in Zimbabwe were not financially sustainable and depended on external donor funds. The research revealed that most local non-governmental organisations were funded entirely by external donors, had no reserve funds, were not generating own income, and depended on average on about three donors. This meant that if the external donors pulled out these organisations would cease operations. The research revealed that on average donor dependency ratios for Zimbabwean non-governmental organisations were above 93 percent, while survival ratios were very low with 22 days being the maximum. These results meant that if external donors completely pulled out their funding, local non-governmental organisations would operate for at most 22 days before closing down. The research also revealed that most local non-governmental organisations in Zimbabwe were not leveraging their assets to generate income, and most were not engaged in own income generating activities while their funding sources were not diversified enough to be regarded sustainable. The government of Zimbabwe was not funding local non-governmental organisations and local donors were scant. The regression analysis ascertained that sound financial management practices had the largest influence on financial sustainability of local non-governmental organisations in Zimbabwe, followed by income diversification, then own income generation and good donor relationship management. The research recommends that international donors should provide local non-governmental organisations with some unrestricted income to support start-up of social entrepreneurship activities and small businesses to ensure the financial sustainability of the programmes they fund. The government of Zimbabwe must view local non-governmental organisations as partners that complement its work and are therefore deserving of government funding. Non-governmental organisations need to change their mind-set, start social entrepreneurship and small business activities, and refrain from just seeing external donors as their main source of funding. Networks of non-governmental organisations must fundraise to train and enhance the capacity of their member organisations in running social enterprises and small businesses, and hire staff with expertise in running profit-making activities to complement their non-profit work.
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Roy, Raili. "“Jagoron: Awakening” to Gender in Non Governmental Organizations in Contemporary Bengal." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1356033850.
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Chui, Hiu-kwan Cheryl, and 徐曉君. "Child welfare NGOs in China : implications for state-society relations." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/206334.
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The civil society perspective and the corporatist perspective have thus far dominated studies on state-society relations in the Chinese context. While these paradigms are insightful, their unidirectional and rigid natures may no longer adequately describe the complex nature of evolving state-society relations in China. As such, Joel S. Migdal’s State-in-Society framework is adopted as the theoretical premise of this study. Allowing for more fluidity, the State-in-Society theory serves as an alternative approach towards examining interactions between the state and nonprofits and between the state and society. The concept of social control within the framework is examined in further detail. Descriptive multiple case study was used as a method of inquiry, followed by thematic analysis.
Findings generally corroborate with the logic of social control, with compliance, participation and legitimacy being the incremental stages with which both nonprofits and the state seek to attain from each other and from the public. It was found that the state employ strategies including co-optation, procedural validation and hijacking scholarship to gain participation whereas moral reinforcement, rhetoric validation, and image consolidation are used to attain legitimacy. Ironically, nonprofits employ similar strategies in an attempt to change the state’s behaviour. Vilification and shaming are used to gain compliance, while resource appropriation and preemptive engagement are employed to attain participation. Moral reinforcement, image consolidation, individual credibility and persistence were found to be critical factors in bolstering organizational legitimacy. Furthermore, findings generally support the claim that nonprofits operating in rural areas enjoy greater autonomy than those active in urban areas. Even so, state-society relations is highly localized and therefore overgeneralization should be avoided.
In addition to contributing to the discourse on state-society relations, this study seeks to identify the role of nongovernmental organizations in orphan care provision in China. Along with content analysis and field observations, 10 in-depth cases are presented to illustrate existing obstacles pertaining to orphan care provision. Identified barriers are subsequently compartmentalized into five main categories: knowledge level, policy level, cultural level, organizational level, and state-NGO relations.
Given the distinct welfare system extant between rural and urban areas, findings indicate that orphans in rural areas are disproportionately disadvantaged compared to those residing in cities. This may be due to the relatively weak economic and human resources that often characterize rural China. One important observation is the growing tendency for local governments to regard nongovernmental organizations as critical service partners. However, the sustainability of this service model is questionable, especially when the state claims to carry primary responsibility over citizen welfare. The legal ambiguity concerning the registration and governance of nonprofits also jeopardizes future undertakings. Nevertheless, it is strategically and rationally sensible for local governments to ally with nonprofits insofar as there are deficiencies in the former’s capacity to deliver social services for disadvantaged children. This study concludes by discussing policy implications on China’s third sector and social development.published_or_final_version
Social Work and Social Administration
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy
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Mačiukaitė-Žvinienė, Saulė. "Non-Governmental Organizations in the Baltic States: Impact on Democracy." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2008. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2008~D_20080306_132157-21946.
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Problem Statement. Anyone trying to analyze the dimensions of the impact of non-governmental organizations on democracy in the Baltic States comparatively faces a double dilemma: on the one hand, dimensions should be conceptualized and integrated into a range of theories and, on the other hand, the characteristics of the system in these countries both referring to historical reality and theoretical exceptions have to be taken into sufficient considerations. The latter constructs the following problem statement – the impact of non-governmental organizations on democracy can be regarded from approach of social sciences as a comprehensive interconnection, on which could be based theoretical outputs and which can be analyzed empirically applying qualitative and quantitative measures and meta-analysis. The problem statement has been used to guide the thesis by principle research questions: 1. What are the chances of support of non-governmental organizations to democracy?; 2. Which are the factors contributing most to the development of democracy in the Baltic States referring to the role of non-governmental organizations, and what are the differences among the countries? 3. What is the quality of the impact of relations between non-governmental organizations and democracy in the Baltic States, and what are the differences among the countries?
The answers to these questions are definitely neither simple nor straight forward. They depend on the method of analysis and also on the... [to full text]Temos aktualumas Demokratijos plėtros sąlygomis Rytų ir Centrinėje Europoje vienu svarbiausiu tyrimo objektu žlugus Sovietų Sąjungai tampa demokratija. Skirtingų šalių mokslininkai atlieka lyginamuosius tyrimus, remdamiesi gausiais statistikos duomenimis ir originalių tyrimų rezultatais, ir taip formuluoja išvadas, pabrėždami efektyvios demokratijos plėtros galimybes. Tačiau daugiausia tyrimų apima Lenkiją, Čekiją, Slovakiją, Vengrijos Respubliką ar net Rusijos Federaciją, bet maža jų dalis yra siejama su Baltijos šalimis. Pažymėtina ir tai, kad nėra pakankamai analizuojamos demokratijos ir pilietinės visuomenės sąsajos bei nevyriausybinių organizacijų, kaip pilietinės visuomenės elemento, įtakos demokratijai identifikavimo dimensijos. Skirtingų šalių mokslininkai (A. Uhlin, T. Vanhanen, L. Diamond, D. Held, R. Dahl ir kiti) teigia, kad svarbiausia demokratijos prielaida yra pilietinės visuomenės gebėjimas mobilizuotis. Pabrėžiama, kad nėra taip svarbu užtikrinti, kad kiekvienas pilietis aktyviai dalyvautų politiniame procese, tačiau kiekvienas turi turėti tokią galimybę (A. Uhlin, 2004). Praktinėje veikloje pastebima, kad pilietinei visuomenei siekiant dalyvauti politinėje, socialinėje, ekonominėje ar kultūrinėje arenoje būtina pasitelkti nevyriausybines organizacijas, kurių veikla padeda įgyvendinti pilietinės visuomenės idėjas, tačiau šioje disertacijoje nagrinėjama ne nevyriausybinių organizacijų veikla, o tik jų sąsajos su demokratija. Vis dėlto nepaisant gana gausių... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]
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Quinn, Rapin. "NGOs, peasants and the state transformation and intervention in rural Thailand, 1970-1990 /." Canberra : Australian National University, 1997. http://thesis.anu.edu.au/public/adt-ANU20060227.084102/index.html.
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Tsui, Wai-hang, and 崔偉恆. "Civil society in China: an analysis of NGOs on the Mainland." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2004. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31228379.
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Wilhide, Nicolette M. "NGOs as agents of historical change a comparative study of violence against women in Argentina and Brazil /." Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2007. https://eidr.wvu.edu/etd/documentdata.eTD?documentid=5177.
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Thesis (M.A.)--West Virginia University, 2007.Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains iv, 58 p. : ill. (some col.). Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 52-58).
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Tang, Jie. "The actual and potential roles played by Chinese NGOs in human rights promotion and protection in China." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2005. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B36901155.
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Bodja, Sebilu. "A critical perspective on community empowerment: the cases of selected NGOs in Ethiopia." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_2920_1181913991.
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Empowerment is a catchword that has recently entered current development debate. Development is largely perceived as a process of building capacities hence empowering people to be able to handle their affairs. As such it is a concept highly espoused by prominent development actors and mainly Non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The study attempted to examine the theoretical and empirical aspects of community empowerment from a critical perspective by surveying activities of three NGOs in Ethiopia. A recent framework developed by a working group of the World Bank for measuring and structuring analysis was used for analyzing findings. Conceptualization and practices of empowerment seem to be at a nascent stage and tools for measuring it as well
that is what the findings of the study indicate. Despite the rhetoric surrounding the concept, the experience of surveyed NGOs also shows disparities between theory and practice.
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Lee, Melanie Wai Yi. "Towards a richer understanding of NGOs in Hong Kong : a market orientation perspective." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2013. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/582.
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This qualitative study was designed to develop a deeper understanding of market orientation among NGOs in Hong Kong. Although there have been many academic studies of market orientation, its theory and practice as well as its relationship with performance, there has never previously been a systematic analysis of that theme in the context of NGOs, and in particular in the unique context of Hong Kong. Previous research has established that systematic maintenance of a market orientation correlates with better performance among business organizations. There have also been studies addressing how organizations can become more market oriented, its antecedents and consequences, as well as its relationship with leadership, entrepreneurship and innovation. But little scholarly work has considered market orientation in NGOs, a category of organizations that is growing in numbers and social significance. The managers of 5 quite different Hong Kong NGOs were interviewed, and the interview transcripts were analyzed to identify themes related to market orientation and its application in their organizations. Ten important antecedents to a market orientation were identified from the transcripts. These were distilled into 3 factors which together largely explained the varying degrees of market orientation in the organizations studied. Senior management factors, organizational and institutional factors, as well as structural and system factors were all found to predict an NGO's market orientation. One important finding is that an NGO's fund-raising model moderates in the relationship between the organization's market orientation and its antecedents. A model is proposed that explains what antecedents are important, how they relate to market orientation and why fund raising affects the relationship. For NGOs, market orientation is understood less as a rational-actor model aimed at achieving organizational efficiency and performance, but rather as an explanation of how to appear legitimate in the eyes of donors. There appears to be a big impact of resource dependency on how the NGOs pursue market orientation. While all of the NGOs studied considered themselves market-oriented, they in fact had varied interpretations of market orientation depending on their fund-raising models. The more centralized an NGO' s source of funds, the greater the likelihood that its interpretation of market orientation is adjusted for legitimization in the eyes of its donors.
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Ma, Hung-tao Helene. "The impact of managerial reform on social service NGOs." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2007. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B38645798.
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Kilemi, Sarah Mwakiuna. "Efficiency and sustainability of non-governmental organisation (NGOs) with reference to women led NGOs in Kenya /." Aachen : Shaker, 2005. http://www.gbv.de/dms/zbw/497625865.pdf.
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Mui, Tat-ming. "The corporate governance of NGOs in social welfare sector in Hong Kong after 2000." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2007. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B38637054.
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