To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Political paradox.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political paradox'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Political paradox.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Lam, Wai-man, and 林蔚文. "Rediscovering politics in Hong Kong (1949-1979): the paradox of political indifference." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2000. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31241918.
Full text
2
Lam, Wai-man. "Rediscovering politics in Hong Kong (1949-1979) the paradox of political indifference /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2000. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B22805485.
Full text
3
Mohan, Giles Marcus. "The state and the paradox of decentralisation perspectives from Ghana /." Thesis, Online version, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.357866.
Full text
4
Krause, Peter John Paul. "The political effectiveness of non-state violence : paradox, polarity, and the pursuit of power." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/68930.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2011.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 329-339).
When is non-state violence politically effective? Existing scholarship suggests that insurgency and terrorism are generally effective or ineffective based on the analysis of unitary non-state coercers operating solely at the strategic level. Although this approach provides useful insight, a failure to account for the internal dynamics of social movements within which armed groups are embedded obscures many of the most important causes and effects of non-state violence. The structuralist theory of non-state violence holds that the structure of power within social movements explains the greatest variation in both the use of violence by armed groups and its political effectiveness. Armed groups pursue common strategic goals that are characterized by collective action challenges against external enemies, such as the founding of a new state, while they simultaneously engage in zero-sum competition for organizational dominance with internal rivals. The central hypothesis of the structuralist theory is that violence is more likely to be strategically effective when employed by a unipolar social movement with one dominant armed group than by a multipolar social movement with two or more significant armed groups. The secondary hypothesis is that the strongest armed group in a social movement is the most likely to pursue strategic goals, whereas weaker groups in the hierarchy are more likely to pursue organizational goals exclusively, to the detriment of the movement. This theory is tested with a longitudinal analysis of 29 groups in 33 campaigns marked by a mix of violent and nonviolent action within the Palestinian, Irish, Zionist, and Algerian national movements. Analysis of primary sources and extensive interviews with key participants and observers help to demonstrate that the hierarchical position of groups within each of the four movements drove their relative focus towards strategic or organizational objectives as well as their associated use or non-use of violence. Furthermore, violence was more politically effective during periods of unipolarity than during periods of multipolarity within each movement. The structuralist theory of non-state violence thus reveals and explains greater variation in the political effectiveness of non-state violence than previous scholarship.
by Peter John Paul Krause.
Ph.D.
5
Carr, William J. "The Paradox of political Islam : unity and diversity in the greater Middle East /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1996. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA311140.
Full text
6
Segerlind, Emilia. "Paradox, (para)doxa eller den paradoxala doxan : En abduktiv studie av figuren paradox inom samtida politisk diskurs." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Retorik, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-34845.
Full textAbstract:
This retroductive study aims to examine in what way paradoxes figure in contemporary political discourse, and what political effects arise therefrom. To this end, the study will address an extreme example – Swedish right-wing nationalism - which often is accused of being paradoxical; for example, when right-wing nationalistic discourse – often explicitly anti-feminist – begins to appropriate a feminist analysis in order to engage in contemporary political events. Such was the case when news of what happened in Cologne on New Year’s 2015/2016 reached Sweden. An important theoretical framework for this study is Michael Billig’s Ideological Dilemmas, and his theories on common sense and intellectual- versus lived ideology. According to Billig ‘doxa’ constitutes various contradictory values, and in this way, doxa is inherently paradoxical. Therefore, in order to understand and define the figure paradox, first we need to investigate how our own liberal doxa operate paradoxically, and what are both the rhetorical and political implications of the paradoxes constitutive of liberal common sense. The analysis of this study suggests that liberal discourse has, to a certain degree, facilitated the growth and effectiveness of right-wing nationalist discourse that has drawn on cultural differences as a permissible ground for a debate surrounding the future of western liberal principles and the defence of women’s rights.
7
Raisi, Alireza. "The Paradox of Participation: Institutions, Social Status, and the Provincial Divide in Iran's Electoral Politics." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1479729200105701.
Full text
8
Van, Dyck Brandon Philip. "The Paradox of Adversity: New Left Party Survival and Collapse in Latin America." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11221.
Full textAbstract:
Political parties are the basic building blocks of representative democracy. They reduce information costs for voters, enhance executive accountability, and contribute to democratic governability by facilitating legislative organization and aggregating the interests of powerful societal groups. Yet we continue to know relatively little about the conditions under which strong parties form. The dominant theories of party-building are mostly based on historical studies of the United States and Western European countries, almost all of which developed stable party systems. Drawing on this literature, a segment of the early scholarship on party-building in third-wave democracies optimistically took "party development" for granted, assuming that parties would follow from democracy, cleavages, or certain electoral rules. Yet party-building outcomes in third-wave democracies fell short of scholars' initial, optimistic expectations. In many third-wave polities, social cleavages, attempts at electoral engineering, and decades of democratic competition did not produce durable parties. On the other hand, in numerous third-wave democracies, new political parties did take root. What accounts for the variation in party-building outcomes observed across the developing world? More generally, under what conditions does party-building succeed?Government
9
French-Hodson, Ruth Anne. "The paradox of the American state : public-private partnerships in American state-building." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b6729fb6-4d5e-4e90-abe9-4b384f9f2402.
Full textAbstract:
From its formation, the American federal government partnered with private organizations to accomplish state goals. With little formal organizational capacity, the American state relied on the resources and credibility of private organizations. This thesis investigates the success of public-private partnerships in American state-building. By looking at alternative enforcement mechanisms, this thesis adds to theories of state-building and private power. The American experience helps us conceive a more nuanced perspective on state formation that recognizes the state’s varying tools rather than focusing solely on the development of formal organizational capacity. The questions driving this thesis are: How can public-private partnerships expand state capacity? Are there systematic differences in the outcomes and purposes of partnerships based on the branch of government – whether legislative, presidential, bureaucratic, or judicial – that mediates the partnership? My case studies examine the use of partnerships in the early state’s interactions with American Indian tribes. The cases put these general questions into more focus by examining if these partnerships expanded state capacity to dictate the terms of engagement and the content of racial orders. When these partnerships expand capacity, I explore the ways in which this state goal is accomplished. However, I remain acutely aware of the potential for partnerships to both fail to build capacity or become merely means to service a private interest.
10
Perez, Monforti Jessica L. "A model minority: the paradox of Cuban American political participation regarding official language policy in Miami-Dade County, Florida." The Ohio State University, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1400070171.
Full text
11
Pérez, Monforti Jessica L. "A model minority : the paradox of Cuban American political participation regarding official language policy in Miami-Dade County, Florida /." The Ohio State University, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1486572165278442.
Full text
12
Lowe, Ruth E. "Overcoming the minority rights paradox : a new approach to intercultural deliberation." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3683.
Full textAbstract:
The minority rights paradox is articulated at the level of political theory, is deployed by liberal democratic institutions, and can be observed in the political discourse of mass communications. Minority groups, it is argued, are paradoxically claiming purported rights that are unsupported by the values upon which the claimants base their claim. On the one hand, minority claims are made on the basis of rights secured by a liberal democracy; on the other hand, the claims undermine the legitimacy of liberal reasoning—the same reasoning that legitimizes the rights on which the claims are made. The self-referential implications of this paradox are as follows: Either the minority claim negates its own justification or the underlying justification renders the claim moot. In either case, the charge of paradox effectively puts an end to the conversation by dismissing minority rights claims before they are properly understood. My aim is to first, come to terms with political dialogues in which the charge of paradox occurs and second, to overcome the stultifying effects of the minority rights paradox through a deliberative approach to negotiating the concept and content of minority rights claims. Evaluating the claims of minorities, I will argue, requires a dialogue that can adapt to the participants in the dialogue—an inclusive deliberative process that gives formal, procedural and substantive recognition to the worldviews of minority cultures in political decision-making.
13
Zuleta, Paola. "Emergency Powers & Human Rights: Shield or Sword? Analysing the emergency powers paradox in a Southeast Asian context." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-444234.
Full textAbstract:
The state of emergency – the governmental provision of imposing exceptional powers applicable to emergencies – is a characteristic shared by a majority of national governments. The possibility to invoke emergency provisions, albeit necessary, is inherently vulnerable to abuse. Despite established restrictions on emergency powers in national and international law, some states have been found to act beyond these limitations, infringing on human rights in an overly disproportionate and excessive fashion. Such an exercise of emergency powers is contrary to their general aim: i.e., to protect essential human rights in the face of a crisis, be it political, social, economic, or a natural disaster. As such, the state of emergency can be seen as a paradox: both a protection of, and threat to human rights. The present thesis, departing from an observed presupposition of existing and stable liberal-democratic structures for the established checks and restrictions to apply, placed the scope of analysis in a Southeast Asian context, a region featuring a broad variety of democracy levels. As such, the undertaken comparative study charted continuities, developments and changes pertaining to the enactment of emergency powers vis-à-vis human rights in Thailand and the Philippines between 1996 and 2021. Moreover, motivations behind the declaration of a state of emergency were also observed, as the identification of a situation as exceptional is incidentally the process through which a state of emergency is constructed and becomes usable, which in turn guides the formulation of emergency measures and their eventual impact on human rights. The observed instances of states of emergency in Thailand and the Philippines illustrate how emergency powers are often followed by a militarisation of the political agenda, and pose a challenge for social trust, especially in contexts such as Thailand and the Philippines, whose legacy of military rule has shaped how political life is enacted in contemporary times. Moreover, said legacy becomes yet another dimension of the state of emergency in that emergency powers are invoked to stabilise the political system so as to protect human rights, but ultimately the former is stabilised through repression of the latter. In this regard, repression of human rights is at its highest when the exception has entered several dimensions of the social fabric, i.e., becoming the norm. Within the framework of the regional War on Drugs and the Covid-19 pandemic, the cases further illustrate not only the intricate links between the juridico-political vis-à-vis repressive and restrictive consequences, but also how they interact in a context of perpetual emergency. As such, the frequent invocation of emergency powers in the observed contexts encouraged the exercise of discretionary power through a reconceptualisation of the interaction between the political and the social, rending certain individuals, deemed a potential future threat, politically mute, overpowered by the sovereign decision. In this way, the implementation of emergency provisions were found to produce, portray, and maintain a largely fictional sense of security in the society.El estado de emergencia – la provisión gubernamental a través de la cual se dicta poderes excepcionales pertinentes a una situation de emergencia – es una característica que contempla el sistema jurídico de una mayoría de gobiernos nacionales. La posibilidad de declarar un estado de emergencia, a pesar de ser ocasionalmente necesario, es sin embargo altamente vulnerable ante un probable abuso de autoridad. Dado dicho riesgo, no obstante restricciones establecidas en leyes nacionales e internacionales regulando su uso, las medidas excepcionales adoptadas por algunos países han trascendido la serie de límites y controles contemplados, resultando en violaciones de derechos humanos de carácter inconmensurable y excesivo. Dicha adopción de poderes excepcionales contradice la prerrogativa original de los mismos, es decir, la proteción de derechos humanos fundamentales en caso se presenten graves circumstancias que perturben o amenacen perturbar en forma inminente el orden político, social, económico y ecológico del país en cuestión. Por ende, el estado de emergencia puede ser calificado como una paradoja: simultáneamente actuando como protector y amenaza a los derechos humanos. La presente tesis localiza su punto de inicio en la identificada presupocisión de una estructura estable propia de un estado democrático de derecho para un funcionamento certero de los establecidos controles y límites. A manera de investigar la validez atribuída a dicha presupocisión, el ámbito de analísis concierne el contexto del Sudeste asiático, una región seleccionada dada su observada variedad de niveles de democracia. El estudio, de carácter comparativo, traza continuidades, desarrollos y cambios pertinentes a la aplicación de poderes de emergencia y sus repercusiones en materia de derechos humanos en los casos de Tailandia y las Filipinas entre 1996 y 2021. Además, las motivaciones tras la declaratoria también fueron observadas e investigadas, dado que la identificación de una situación como excepcional es incidentemente el proceso a través de cual el estado de emergencia se construye y se torna usable, lo que a su vez guía la formulación de las medidas de emergencia y consigna una eventual restricción de derechos humanos. Los estados de emergencia observados ilustran como los poderes excepcionales en varias instancias conceden una militarización de la agenda política, lo cual circunscribe un reto en lo que concierne la confianza social, particularmente en contextos como Tailandia y las Filipinas, cuyo legado militar forma la vida política contemporánea. Además, dicho legado forma parte de una dimensión adicional del estado de emergencia, de acuerdo a la cual un sistema político inestable amerita la declaración de un estado de emergencia con el propósito de estabilizar el sistema político y proteger derechos humanos. Sin embargo, al final, el primero termina siendo estabilizado a través de la represión del último. En este contexto, la violación de derechos humanos es más prominente cuando la noción de la excepción se vuelve la norma. De esta manera, frecuentes declaratorias resultan en una reconceptualización de la interacción entre lo político y lo social, así silenciando políticamente a individuos considerados una posible futura amenza. Así, se observó que la implementación de poderes excepcionales produce, representa, y sostiene una sensación de seguridad social en gran parte ficticia.
14
Freier, De Ferrari Luisa Feline. "A reverse migration paradox? : policy liberalisation and new south-south migration to Latin America." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3455/.
Full textAbstract:
In past decades, immigration policies in Latin America developed in stark contrast to other regions. Whereas most countries moved towards more restrictive policies, many Latin American countries liberalised their immigration policy frameworks and recently passed laws that expand individual rights in unprecedented ways. At the same time, migratory movements in Latin America are in flux, one of the most noteworthy recent developments being the increase in extra-continental immigration from Africa, Asia and the Caribbean. This PhD explores a reverse migration paradox inherent in the reciprocal causal relationship between immigration policy liberalisation and new south-south migration. The first paper uses a mixed approach of legal analysis and process tracing to show this paradox in the cases of Argentina, Brazil and Ecuador. It analyses the tension between liberal discourses and policies that invoke the universality of migrants’ rights and free human mobility, on the one hand, and the rejection of recently increasing irregular south–south migration on the other. Using a difference-in-difference design, the second paper tests the impact of Ecuador’s policy of visa freedom of 2008 on previously restricted countries in Asia, Africa and the Caribbean, and shows that immigration from these regions more than doubled. Qualitative findings confirm that visa freedom was the main determinant of migrants’ decision to move to Ecuador and further show great variance of migrant characteristics. The third paper is based on 35 in-depth interviews, which collectively demonstrate that perceived security threats of domestic and international political actors, which led to the partial reintroduction of tourist visa requirements for ten African and Asian countries by 2010, were closely intertwined with racism. Taken together, the three papers have important implications for the study of immigration policies, south-south migration and the securitisation of migration.
15
Freeland, Ballantyne Erin. "Sustainability's paradox : community health, climate change and petrocapitalism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.711671.
Full text
16
Halpin, Darren Richard, of Western Sydney Hawkesbury University, Faculty of Environmental Management and Agriculture, and School of Agriculture and Rural Development. "Authenticity and the representative paradox: the political representation of Australian farmers through the NFF family of interest groups." THESIS_FEMA_ARD_Halpin_D.xml, 1999. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/22.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the political representation of Australian farmers. The NFF family of interest groups is charged with the political representation of farmers in Australia.Given that their state affiliates are the only organisations that farmers can directly join, this study takes the case of the New South Wales Farmers' Association (NSWFA) as its major reference point. A paradox is immediately confronted. On one hand, both the state and commentators refer to the NFF family as an exemplar of a successful modern interest group. However, on the other, the NFF family is being confronted with escalating levels of disillusionment and criticism from its own constituency.Two points of interest are highlighted. Firstly, it is suggested that theoretical frameworks, which assist commentators and researchers to come to the conclusion that the NFF family is 'successful', are not constructed in such a fashion as to throw sufficient light on the paradoxical nature of an existing situation. Secondly, this paradox suggests that the NFF itself must be able to disassociate the contingent relationship between its internal levels of support and external levels of access and influence. These two focal points are explored in this thesis, and the framework used by researchers to understand the actions of Australian farm interest groups are scrutinised. Discussing 'authentic' political representation assists considering the major theme of the 'representative paradox'. It is argued that this paradox is best understood by locating it within a search by farmers for authentic political representation - both through the NFF family and apart from it.Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
17
Halpin, Darren Richard. "Authenticity and the representative paradox : the political representation of Australian farmers through the NFF family of interest groups /." View thesis View thesis, 1999. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20030527.163228/index.html.
Full text
18
Björnstam, Linnéa, and Jennie K. Larsson. "Individen i det offentliga, familjen i det privata - en jämställdhetspolitisk paradox? : en diskursanalys av regeringens arbetsmarknads- och familjepolitik." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-1503.
Full textAbstract:
This paper takes it points of departure in a gender equality perspective and the perceived paradox between the governmental labour market policy and family policy. The first policy area has the aim to put people to work, whereas the other introduces a reform, vårdnadsbidraget, that point in the opposite direction. Which are the problem representations within the two policy areas and are the problem representations concordant or contradictive? From a constructivist perspective, langue is closely related to power through defining and ascribing meaning to reality. Drawing on political documents, speeches and articles formulated within the government, this paper analyzes problem representations through the use of discourse analysis and feminist political theory. The main conclusion of this paper is that there are contradictions within the problem representations, both within and between the two policy areas. The most significant contradiction is that gender equality within labour market policy is formulated around the individual, whilst in family politics it is based on the family as a unit.
19
Hollingsworth, Brian. "Resource Nationalism and Energy Integration in Latin America: The Paradox of Populism." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3790.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation examines the relationship between resource nationalism and energy integration, and uses Bolivia and Brazil as a test case. Essentially, does resource nationalism affect energy integration? The findings nest within more expansive questions on international political economy and export-driven models of development. Why do populist regimes, historically operating under an economic nationalist cum protectionist paradigm, simultaneously pursue policies of economic integration? What is the relationship between resource nationalists and open markets, especially in the hydrocarbons sector? What is the relationship between populists, who are typically resource nationalists, and their decision to choose policies of energy integration?
The most common responses to the above are that resource nationalists pursue protectionist policies in the hydrocarbon sector. This dissertation demonstrates that once in power, resource nationalists do not always pursue protectionist policies in the hydrocarbon sector, but instead rely on market forces. Another common response is that populists pursue policies of resource nationalism in the hydrocarbon sector. This dissertation demonstrates that populists do not always pursue policies of resource nationalism in the hydrocarbon sector, but instead choose policies of integration. Policies of integration are compelled by market forces, and at times ironically provide the foundation for resource nationalism to later flourish.
This dissertation develops a case-study of Bolivia and Brazil to assess the relationship between resource nationalism and energy integration. The case is selected based on each country having energy resources or derivative products for exploitation and use, an energy trade relationship between the countries, the presence of government-run natural resource firms in each country, and a specific period where resource nationalism is present. Bolivia and Brazil are important for this study because of their proximity, particularly where the supply of natural gas is concerned. Proximity is of great importance as natural gas infrastructure is concomitant with energy integration, particularly supply.
20
Hitt, Matthew P. "Judgment-Rationale Inconsistency In The U.S. Supreme Court." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1406124744.
Full text
21
Stendahl, Elin. "New Perspectives on the Paradox of Participation : A Theoretical Evaluation of Rational Choice Theory as it Applies to Political Participation." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-431756.
Full textAbstract:
Theory is vital for our scientific understanding of the social world. Building, developing, and evaluating theory are therefore central practices within the social sciences. This study performs an evaluation of rational choice theory within the field of political participation. This is a theoretical framework that has had significant problems reconciling theoretical prediction with empirical findings, causing what is called the paradox of participation. For more than sixty years rational choice theorists have tried to develop new formulations of the theory to avoid this paradox. The purpose of this study is to forward this debate by providing a new perspective on rational choice theory that is purely theoretical. Using the evaluative criteria of falsifiability and leverage, the study finds that a theory using both collective and selective incentives, while also allowing the formulation of the theory to change depending on the form of political participation one wants to explain provides the most promising approach. However, the evaluation does reveal some issues in connection to selective incentives. A potential alternative solution to the paradox is therefore briefly discussed, yet a more thorough exploration of this venue is left to future research.
22
Armendariz, Veronica S. "Paradox Lost: Explaining Cross-National Variation in Case Volume at the European Court of Human Rights." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/41.
Full textAbstract:
Existing research on states and human rights focuses primarily on international treaty ratification, post-treaty rating systems, and ad hoc reports on adherence in individual countries. Additionally, the literature is characterized by disproportionate attention to certain rights to the neglect of others, thereby painting an incomplete and potentially inaccurate picture of a state’s practice and implementation of human rights. Consequently, the extant literature too frequently disregards key domestic and international factors as determinants of cross-national variation in the implementation and protection of human rights, and it instead generates paradoxical claims about human rights and state behavior. With Europe as its empirical focus, this study tests one assertion that state strength relative to societal actors impacts the frequency of cases heard at the European Court of Human Rights. Findings suggest that state strength indeed plays a role in the overall number of cases from member states in the European human rights system.
23
Hamilton, Clare. "Puerto Rican Statehood and Republican Party Opposition : The Paradox Between the Official Republican Party Platform and Republican Party Representatives." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-38416.
Full textAbstract:
In November 2020, Puerto Rico, currently a territory of the United States, held a referendum and the majority voted to become a state of the United States of America. Statehood is decided by the U.S. Congress in Washington, D.C. For the 2020 Presidential Election, the Democratic Party platform expressed support for Puerto Rican statehood. Although the official stance on the Republican Party is to support whatever choice the electorate of Puerto Rico votes on in their referendum, many party leaders and members of the Republican Party have spoken out about their opposition to supporting the statehood of the territory. I will be investigating why these party leaders and general party members are against its statehood by looking at the Republican Party’s ideologically derived positions rooted in conservativism and the electoral incentive perspective to not have Puerto Rico as a state. How do leading Republican Party representatives justify their position against the addition of Puerto Rico as a U.S. state? How can the members of the Republican Party’s position on Puerto Rico statehood be understood by both party incentives and disincentives on expected electoral outcomes? It is noteworthy to look at what causes this paradox between the Republican Party’s official stance on Puerto Rican statehood and party leaders’ open opinions on the matter.
24
Rivera, Quiñones Miguel. "Economic dependency and the political economy of post-neoliberalism in Argentina : the paradox between commodities and progressiveness : the case of the soy complex." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2013. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/47235/.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation investigates the role commodity exports are playing in making the hegemonic policies of Latin America's new progressive governments viable and the repercussions these are having on economic development. At the core of the analysis there is a study of those mechanisms which are making possible Kirchenerism's policies of industrialization, social redistribution and international autonomy viable, and, how these are reliant on reinforcing the commodity exporting economy in the country. Using Argentina as a case study the dissertation argues that this post-neoliberal progressive project is embedded in an essential paradox. This hinges on the way in which a more progressive post-neoliberal organization of capitalism is entrenched in reinforcing Argentina's subordinated integration into global capitalism as a commodity provider - a process which, in turn, is strengthening the country's dependent integration into the international economy. The Argentine soy complex is taken as a case study to provide an empirical base to the argument and provides a site for testing the main hypothesis of this study. The argument revisits the Latin American tradition of dependency theory. It explores to what extent the post-neoliberal political economy in Argentina, even if progressive, is reliant on commodity exports which are strengthening a situation of dependency that is then obstructing the prospects for long term economic development. Chapter 2 explores how the Latin American tradition of dependency can provide a valuable setting to study the political economy of post-neoliberalism in the region. In chapter 3, I argue that a precise look at the current organization of how capital is realized in Argentina can show that the core of the processes of capital accumulation and social reproduction, embraced by Kirchenerism, represents a post-neoliberal rupture. Chapter 4 shows how the key hegemonic policies for Kirchenerism - of industrialization, social redistribution and international autonomy - are possible because of the recent growth of the commodity exporting economy. Chapter 5, establishes how Kirchenerism is reliant on the good performance of the soy complex in order to sustain these policies and, in chapter 6, there is an illustration of how the new situation of dependency hinders economic development prospects by using the soy complex as a case study. The major contribution this dissertation offers is an increased understanding of the political economy of these new progressive governments. In particular, the analysis shows the essential role that commodity exports have had in sustaining the key policies of these projects and also how the sustainability of a more social democratic organization of capitalism is hindering long term prospects for economic development.
25
Mohan, Mahdev. "The paradox of victim-centrism : a case study of the civil party process at the Khmer Rouge Tribunal /." Thesis, Scroll list to author, 2009. http://www.law.stanford.edu/publications/dissertations_theses/.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (J.S.M.)--Stanford University, 2009.Submitted to the Stanford Program in International Legal Studies at the Stanford Law School, Stanford University. "April 2009." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 78-82). Abstract available online.
26
Gschwind, Lutz. "Immigrants' social rights: The new 'paradox of redistribution'? A comparative study on migrant poverty in 15 European welfare states." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-265052.
Full text
27
Göthberg, Rosalind. ""He wouldn't have hurt that many students with a knife" : The Gun Control Paradox, Political Opportunities, and Issue Framing: A case study of the Never Again movement in Parkland, Florida." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-354080.
Full text
28
Lindquist, Annica, and Mathias Sköld. "The paradox of municipal cooperation : Municipalities’ organizational culture and its effect on negotiation strategy -The case of Northern Bohuslän." Thesis, Högskolan Väst, Institutionen för ekonomi och it, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hv:diva-3365.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis aims to study if organizational culture affects the negotiation strategy in negotiation processes between municipalities in Sweden. Our cases are four municipalities involved in the municipal cooperation “Tillväxt Bohuslän”; a project which aims to foster cooperation. The question this thesis seeks to answer is: “Does the cultural attribute of organizational culture (ability for joint action) of the municipalities in ‘Tillväxt Bohuslän’ affect negotiation strategy in a negotiation process?” The municipalities’ ability for joint action has been classified as either strong or weak by a previous study. This thesis uses these already established classifications with the intention to test if they affect which negotiation strategy municipalities use. The negotiation strategy can either be of a competitive or a collaborative nature. The method to collect data about the municipalities’ negotiation strategies is semi-structured interviews with politicians who are actively involved in the negotiation in the municipal cooperation “Tillväxt Bohuslän”. Results from the analysis in this thesis show a zero result; the municipalities’ ability for joint action does not affect which negotiation strategy they use. However, interesting empirical findings are explored.
29
Pettersson, Oskar. "Privatisation and the Future of the Swedish Welfare State : An Experimental Study on the Effects of Privatisation on the Swedish Middle Classes’ Support for the Welfare State." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-373907.
Full textAbstract:
This paper investigates whether privatisation of welfare services increases the Swedish middle classes’ support for the welfare state. This study is situated within an adaptation of the Paradox of Redistribution, according to which privatisation may be a way of accommodating the interests of an increasingly individualistic and autonomous middle class. The support of the middle classes is thought to be crucial, as it provides the resources necessary to maintain a comprehensive welfare state. A survey experiment is used in order to examine the causal link between specific information stimuli regarding to what degree specific welfare services are provided by private actors, and survey respondents’ personal willingness to pay taxes for specific welfare services. The use of information stimuli follows from an assumption of ill-informed respondents. The willingness to pay for specific welfare services serve as a micro-level indicator of welfare state support, with a macro-level indicator serving as a complement. Key evidence is found in the micro-level case of social services, and the overall results are taken to give support for the hypothesis. The paper provides important insights into how Swedish policy makers could reason with regards to the design of welfare services, if they are interested in securing the financing, and in turn, the longevity of a comprehensive welfare state.
30
Mazabraud, Bertrand. "De la juridicité : approche de phénoménologie herméneutique." Thesis, Poitiers, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013POIT5009.
Full textAbstract:
Bien que tout un chacun use du droit au quotidien, nul ne semble parvenir à s'accorder sur la juridicité. Pour approcher celle-ci, la phénoménologie-herméneutique, à la manière dont elle fut pratiquée par Ricoeur, offre de précieux jalons. D'abord, elle invite à entrer en dialogue avec les théories positivistes, afin de mieux expliquer la structure du droit, ses objets (les normes, les institutions), et son ordonnancement. Cependant, le positivisme est incapable d'expliquer ce qui fonde ou autorise une telle structure (I). Ensuite, la juridicité peut être approchée à travers ses modalités linguistiques et herméneutiques. Le droit se manifeste comme la formulation de significations sociales prioritaires qui, pour être appliquées, doivent être en permanence amendées et enrichies. L'herméneutique juridique se comprend comme la dialectique entre l'invention de la solution la plus juste et son acceptabilité par rattachement au droit existant. Toutefois, si la raison judiciaire est mieux comprise, il reste que ce n'est pas cette dernière seule qui valide l'existence d'un énoncé normatif, mais le dispositif conventionnel d'habilitation à dire le droit. Alors que le normativisme aboutissait à un primat de la loi, l'herméneutique judiciaire aboutit à un primat du juge. Or l'un présuppose l'autre et vice-versa (II). Enfin, l'herméneutique philosophique de Ricoeur permet de reconduire la juridicité aux paradoxes du politique et de l'éthique. Au regard du paradoxe politique, le droit s'entend du moyen pour une communauté historique de se doter de la capacité de décider et se trouve autorisé de rendre durable le concert d'action qui fonde ladite communauté. Au regard de la justice, le droit se comprend comme l'exception que le tiers peut opposer à la sollicitude illimitée due au prochain. Par suite, la raison de la validité instituée des énoncés juridiques tiendrait au tragique de l'action, de sorte qu'elle peut se comprendre comme une présomption de validité morale et politique (III)Although everyone uses law in their daily life, no one seems to agree on juridicity. To approach juridicity, hermeneutic phenomenology, as practiced by Ricoeur, provides valuable milestones. On the one hand, hermeneutic phenomenology allows a dialogue with the positivist theories with the purpose of better explaining the structure of law, its objects (norms, institutions) and sequencing, though positivism remains incapable of explaining what establishes or authorizes such a structure (I). On the other, juridicity can be approached through its linguistic and hermeneutical modalities. In fact, law is the formulation of priority social meanings which, to be applied must be constantly amended and enriched. Legal hermeneutics is therefore understood as the dialectics between the invention of the fairest solution and its acceptability as per the existing law. However, if the legal reason is better understood, it cannot, on its own, validate the existence of a normative statement. To do that, it also requires the conventional device which enables to say what is law. Thus, whereas normativism leads to a primacy of law, legal hermeneutics lead to the primacy of the judge though the former presupposes the latter and vice versa (II). At the end, Ricoeur's philosophical hermeneutics brings back juridicity to the paradoxes of politics and ethics. Under political paradox, law is the means by which a historic community acquires the ability to decide. It is, thus, endowed with the authority to allow the sustainability of the concert of action which is at the heart of this community's existence. In the eyes of justice, on the other hand, law is understood as the exception that one can oppose to the indefinite solicitude which one owes to one's fellows. Hence the reason for the validity of the established legal statements is based on the tragedy of action, and can be understood as a presumption of moral and political validity (III)
31
Abed, Amar. "Demokratins Språkbarriär : -En kvantitativ studie om konsekvensen av språkbristen bland utrikesfödda vid nationellt, regionalt och lokalt valdeltagande i Skärholmens valdistrikt." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-402407.
Full textAbstract:
The predicament of rational choice models in politics is seemingly the irrationality of participation in politics activity, in such, by voting. That it is irrational for most of the taxpayers to vote nor to attain education about politics. Some authors propose different approaches to understand why people vote, such as civic duty and civic voluntarism model. This essay examines language barrier and how it affects the voter turnout in Sweden. Furthermore, we observe foreign-born Swedes in Skärholmen region, and ask ourselves: • Should language deficiency lead to lower division? • If those with language shortages still vote, what is important to them? The study shows that people with higher language skills also tend to vote more often than others. And for those who have a lower language skill differs within the group some votes regardless and other abstain. I intend to link my research to existing theories to confront the theories with new empirical knowledge, using a hypothetical-deductive method.
32
Dopgima, Gadinga Amstrong. "European Engagement with Africa : Problems, Potentials and the Way Forward." Thesis, Internationella Handelshögskolan, Högskolan i Jönköping, IHH, Statsvetenskap, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-14157.
Full textAbstract:
This research seeks to evaluate European engagement with Africa looking at the problems, pontentials and way forward. The continent’s treasure chest of varied natural resource endowments, have made it the source of historic, economic and political competition from especially western interests, a trend that has combined dangerously with the region’s poor leadership and democratic profile in impoverishing its masses, escalating lethal conflicts, while upsetting hard earned developments gains, that have been made. About 50 years since the sun of colonial hegemonies set in Africa, the continent’s development prospects continue to stagnate. Even the World Bank moved to describing Africa’s poor as the poorest of the poor in its 2001 development report. One question that continues to beg for answers is why a region so richly endowed with natural and human resources continues to bear the brunt of misery in such dispiriting fashion? The research is built on an exploration of the backward and forward historical continuums of patronizations that have stifled the continent (backward: counting the true cost of the legacies of slavery and colonial exploitation, forward: measuring the real cost of the iniquitous integration of Africa within the global economy and the continent’s role as bread basket for the rest of the world). The research explores the economic rationale for Europe’s engagement with the continent in the political, economic and cultural spheres, casting from a plethora of academic sources drawn from both leftist and right wing publications on the question of European engagement with Africa. In the end, the research has dwelled on some possible policy recommendations which could help this relationship. These recommendations includes the African debt cancellation, using the Chinese Cushion Effectively for Africa’s development and the last but not the least, the reconstitution of African poltical and economic power which if considered, could precipitate a reversal in the trend of most African countries.
33
Costa, Mirian Gado Fernandes. "Reflexões em torno do paradoxo político de Paul Ricoeur." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2008. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/11778.
Full textAbstract:
Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T17:27:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
Mirian Gado Fernandes Costa.pdf: 1148833 bytes, checksum: 46a8a99b18e76a6f2ddb95575b9011a9 (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2008-05-28Paul Ricoeur was concerned, in his political essays, with a philosophy of action linked to the willingness of human coexistence. In order to understand Politics as an activity based on coexistence, we should recognize concepts such as power, sovereignty, violence, as permanent features in the task of stabilization of life in common. Thus, we should revisit some philosophical works that illustrates this unique capacity of men. This work discusses Paul Ricoeur s political paradox concept, which was first brought to light in 1957, in the article he wrote analyzing the Hungarian Revolution. Focusing on Ricoeur s work, this text intends to clarify the political paradox concept, as well as to explicit political power problems such as its relative autonomy with respect to social-economic relations. The Hungarian events illustrate such problems, but this work also demonstrates how Ricoeur s analyses unfolded into a universal reflection about the political realm. Ricoeur discussed some of Hannah Arendt s papers; according to the later, Politics is the source of meaning for human life and a long-term political project is the only possibility of historical immortality for us, mortals. Some of these discussions brought up at the end of this dissertation, aim to shed light on the reflection about the political paradox and the problematic of power
Paul Ricoeur preocupou-se, em seus textos políticos, com uma filosofia da ação voltada para a vontade de coexistência dos homens. Para entendermos a política como a atividade estabelecida na convivência entre os homens, somos convocados a reconhecer conceitos tais como poder, soberania, violência, como traços permanentes da tarefa de estabilização dessa vida em comum. Para tanto, devemos revisitar as obras filosóficas que reflitam essa capacidade singular dos homens. Este trabalho apresenta reflexões em torno do conceito que Ricoeur chama de paradoxo político , um conceito cunhado e discutido pela primeira vez em 1957, num artigo seminal, referindo-se aos eventos da Revolução Húngara. À luz da filosofia política desse autor francês, busca-se esclarecer o paradoxo político, explicitando os problemas do poder político e sua relativa autonomia em relação ao econômico-social. Os eventos húngaros ilustram a abordagem dos problemas enunciados, mas o trabalho demonstra como, a partir daquele estudo, a reflexão se desdobrou em uma reflexão universal sobre o político. Ricoeur analisou alguns textos de Hannah Arendt, para quem a política é a fonte de significado da vida humana e o projeto político de longa duração é a única medida de imortalidade histórica que é possível a nós, homens mortais. Algumas dessas análises constam no final desta dissertação, e têm o intuito de iluminar a reflexão sobre o paradoxo político e a problemática do poder
34
Ribeiro, Karla Pinhel. "O paradoxo da lei." Florianópolis, SC, 2007. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/90088.
Full textAbstract:
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas. Programa de Pós-Graduação em FilosofiaMade available in DSpace on 2012-10-23T06:02:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 244330.pdf: 327935 bytes, checksum: f62e9fa6dee9ca27e653f9bd76ca5712 (MD5)
A tese principal da dissertação sobre a questão o que é ser humana é contemplada através dos conceitos de biopolítica, estado de exceção e vida nua na história da filosofia política e jurídica de Giorgio Agamben e à formulação da questão sobre o que é o homem na contemporaneidade, sobretudo, no pensamento da filosofia política e jurídica de Giorgio Agamben. O trabalho contempla a tese sobre o conceito de biopolítica no pensamento da filosofia política e jurídica de Giorgio Agamben ser um conceito filosófico ontológico. A fundamentação filosófica da tese (sobre o conceito de biopolítica na filosofia política e jurídica de Giorgio Agamben), parte da contemplação sobre os fundamentos críticos dos principais pressupostos teóricos da filosofia política e jurídica de Giorgio Agamben - os conceitos vida nua e estado de exceção - à contemplação da idéia de uma filosofia da história do direito e da política na contemporaneidade e seus pressupostos filosóficos ontológicos para uma antropologia filosófica contemporânea. The main dissertation's thesis about what is being human contemplates the concept of biopolitics in the contemporary history philosophy of politics and law, researching the main contemporary thesis toward the task in the thought of Giorgio Agamben´s philosophy of politics and law. The main thesis of the work is that the biopolitics´s concept in Giorgio Agamben´s political and juridical thought is a philosophical ontological concept. The philosophical fundaments of the main dissertation's thesis (about the biopolitics´s concept in Giorgio Agamben´s political and juridical philosophy), starts from de contemplation on the critical fundaments of the main theoretical concepts of Giorgio Agamben political e juridical philosophy - bare life and state of exception - to the contemplation of an idea of a philosophical history of law and politics in the present time and its philosophical ontological undergrounds for an contemporary philosophical anthropology.
35
Woll, Bettina. "The ownership paradox : the politics of development cooperation with Bolivia and Ghana." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/856/.
Full textAbstract:
Since 1999, multi- and bilateral donor agencies have based their development cooperation with heavily indebted poor countries on the elaboration of poverty reduction strategy papers that should be ‘country-owned’. This thesis explores this concept of ownership and analyses the power relationships between aid donors and recipient governments involved in efforts to promote ownership. It employs a political sociology perspective and draws on institutional theories and theories of organisational change to argue that ownership is a normative, not an analytical concept. Using the two ‘model recipient’ case studies of Bolivia and Ghana, it analyses two different tools of development cooperation: direct budget support mechanisms and the fostering of civil society participation in national policy-making. It places these two cooperation tools in their socio-political context to investigate in how far informal political processes represent factors that determine national politics, and ultimately the likelihood of success of political reform. The empirical research is centred around 140 qualitative semi-structured interviews with donor agency, governments and civil society representatives in both countries. The dominance of ownership questions in current development debates are explained with reference to the historical evolution of development cooperation, particularly the structural adjustment programmes of the 1980s and the criticisms and revisions they evoked. The author argues that two different types of ownership should be distinguished: ‘government’ and ‘national’ ownership. The thesis demonstrates that direct budget support mechanisms are intended to foster government ownership, while the promotion of civil society participation is aimed at fostering national ownership. Donors’ attempt to foster ownership of formalised reform agendas is an almost impossible task because informal political processes largely shape the realm of national politics at the state level and determine the type and degree of societal participation in national policy-making. The thesis concludes by suggesting that international donors, pursuing these policies, risk destabilising representative democratic systems of recipient countries in undesirable ways.
36
Ramirez, Karen. "Can Changes to Tax Policy Have an Impact on a Shrinking Middle Class? : An explorative and comparative case study of changes to tax policy in Sweden and the United States." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-385750.
Full text
37
Gardner, Catherine Patricia. "Increased legislation, decreased control : the paradox of immigration policy and legislation, 1996–2006." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2010. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/490.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis is primarily concerned with the practical formulation and implementation of immigration and asylum policies in the UK between 1996 and 2006. The focus is on these ten years because I contend that it is the legislation and the circumstances, rather than the specific party of government that has been responsible for perpetuating further legislation. This thesis argues that the development of immigration and asylum legislation has created an undeliverable framework for implementation. It examines the difficulties of the decision-making process using a bifurcate approach; there is a macro-view of immigration and asylum trends over the past century presented, focussing on increases in numbers of migrants during recent years. This overview is brought into sharp contrast through an empirical study of the communication of policy to Home Office staff, which provides the basis for micro analysis. This combination of evidence illustrates that the successful implementation of legislation and policy is wholly dependent upon the accurate communication to, and interpretation by, frontline staff. The paradox of this thesis’s title lies in the fact that it is the increase in the volume of legislation and policy, introduced and intended to prevent the use of discretion by caseworkers, that has directly contributed to difficulties in implementation and to the increased use of discretion by caseworkers. The thesis concludes that by seeking to control immigration purely through the enactment of new legislation, rather than enforcing or reviewing existing controls, the government has succeeded in undermining their own legislation. In addition, a lack of institutional memory has resulted in the duplication and unnecessary proliferation of legislation, which in turn has created information overload for implementers and the increased use of bureaucratic discretion. I contend that it is this confusion and the resulting effects of discretion that has lead to the introduction of further legislation.
38
Goh, M. P. "The politics of the ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement : the paradox of regionalism." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.599462.
Full textAbstract:
My thesis examines the motivations of ASEAN in pursuing a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with China as well as the consequences arising from the negotiation of the FTA. Although the ASEAN-China FTA (ACFTA) is still under negotiation, I am primarily concerned with the negotiation of the FTA up till 2004 when ASEAN and China signed the trade in goods chapter. My thesis is situated in the wider question of why ASEAN has been active in pursuing FTAs with external partners. The ACFTA is chosen because it is the first external FTA that ASEAN is involved in as a collective organisation. Furthermore, although none of these ASEAN FTAs have been completed, the one involving China is the most advanced, allowing more data for adequate research. My study is a critique of the popular conflation of FTAs with regionalist projects. I disagree with the functionalistic understanding that negotiating a FTA is the first step towards greater regional integration. Instead, I argue that FTAs could paradoxically undermine regionalist projects. I also explore the related question of what implications ASEAN’s pursuit of FTAs have on its own integration and the wider East Asian region. In essence, the regionalism paradox is that the pursuit of FTAs with external partners by ASEAN is increasingly threatening ASEAN’s own regionalist project. In particular, ASEAN’s own economic integration has been undermined by the better preferences and terms that ASEAN members sometimes give to their external partners compared to the ASEAN members themselves. ASEAN thought that the use of FTAs could draw other partners closer to ASEAN economically and politically. However, this use of FTAs resulted in drawing other partners to only some of the ASEAN members (but not all), leading to ASEAN being less integrated as a region.
39
Msiska, Kondwani Albert. "Southern Africa geopolitics : paradoxes and fallacies of development." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.358904.
Full text
40
Butvilavičienė, Kristina. "Europos Sąjungos bendrosios žemės ūkio politikos finansinės paramos priemonių įtaka Lietuvos žemės ūkiui 2004-2006 metais." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2008. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2007~D_20080128_111124-97839.
Full textAbstract:
Europos Sąjungos bendroji žemės ūkio politika susiformavo kaip bandymas spręsti aktualias pokario maisto stygiaus, ūkių modernizavimo problemas. Bendra valstybių iniciatyva buvo įtvirtinta 1958 m. Romos sutartyje, kurioje agrarinė politika buvo įtraukta į bendrąją rinką. Taip pat buvo suformuluoti bendrieji politikos tikslai, kuriais remiantis vėliau išdėstyti pagrindiniai veikimo principai ir priemonės. Didelės biudžeto išlaidos ir maisto atsargų perteklius paskatino bendrosios žemės ūkio politikos reformą. BŽŪP tapo gerovės valstybe ūkininkams, garantuojanti stabilias kainas bei pajamas. Todėl 1992 m. reforma ir paskui sekančios reformos siekė mažinti biudžeto išlaidas politikai, reguliuoti produkcijos pasiūlą, nemažinant žemdirbių pajamų, skatino kaimo plėtrą, aplinkosaugą.
ES biudžeto lėšoms skirtoms žemės ūkiui administruoti 1962 m. buvo įsteigtas Europos žemės ūkio orientavimo ir garantijų fondas, kaip ES biudžeto sudedamoji dalis. Šiuo metu fondas yra reformuotas į du atskirus fondus – Europos žemės ūkio garantijų fondą ir Europos žemės ūkio fondą kaimo plėtrai. Reformuoti fondą paskatino augantis dėmesys kaimo plėtrai, kuri verčia sujungti struktūrinę paramą ir kaimo plėtros paramą į vieną fondą.
Lietuva, tapusi ES nare, pradėjo įgyvendinti BŽŪP politikos įsipareigojimus bei naudotis ES teikiama parama. Buvo priimti nacionaliniai teisės aktai, reglamentuojantys paramos administravimo institucinę struktūrą, paramos priemones, pagal kurias skirstomos ES lėšos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]European Union Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) is the outcome of postwar problems such as lack of food and agricultural modernization. Common initiative to establish Common Agricultural Policy was instituted by Rome treaty in 1958. Agricultural policy has become the part of European Union common market. The treaty has also settled main aims of CAP. Later, in accordance to the aims, main principles and means were settled. High European Union budget expenditure on CAP and big cost of food storage were the main reasons to reform Common Agricultural Policy. Common Agricultural Policy has become a welfare policy, which has guaranteed well-established prices of agricultural production and stable farmers’ income. The main goals of the policy reform for 1992 and follow-up reforms were to reduce budget expenditure on CAP, to control the supply of agricultural production by keeping stable farmers’ income, to impel the rural development, food safety and environment protection. The European Agricultural Orientation and Guarantee Fund was established in 1962 to administrate EU budget resources for CAP. The fund is the part of EU budget. Currently the fund is being reformed by dividing it into two separate funds - European Agricultural Guarantee Fund and European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development. This transformation was motivated by growing attention to rural development, which forced to joint structural support and rural development support into one fund. Lithuania, as a member... [to full text]
41
Huennekens, John Preston. "The Serbian Paradox: The Cost of Integration into the European Union." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/83453.
Full textAbstract:
This project addresses the Republic of Serbia’s current accession negotiations with the European Union, and asks how the country’s long and often turbulent history affects that dialogue. Using Filip Ejdus’ concept of historical memory and Benedict Anderson’s “imagined community” theory of nationalism, this paper discusses how Serbia has reached a critical moment in its history by pursuing European integration. This contradicts their historical pull towards their longtime ally Russia. What role does historical memory play in these negotiations, and is integration truly possible? Additionally, how is Serbia’s powerful president, Aleksandar Vucic, using the Europeanization process to strengthen his hand domestically?Master of Arts
42
Melikyan, Gevorg. "Paradoxical South Caucasus: Nations, Conflicts and Alliances." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1281673619.
Full text
43
Stobart, Luke. "Immigration policy paradoxes in Catalonia, Spain, 1985-2011 : a political economy approach." Thesis, University of Hertfordshire, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2299/17922.
Full textAbstract:
Before the crisis Catalonia and the rest of Spain received high volumes of immigration - of which much was 'illegal'. This was despite formally strict controls - EU policy - and different governments in Madrid claiming to operate a legal model of migration - leading to identification of a 'policy paradox'. In the same period immigration became problematized, which in Catalonia allowed xenophobic politics to gain popular support - despite being a territory proactive at integrating newcomers. This research aimed to identify the undercurrents of these contradictions and respond to questions on the relative impact of business, state, national and electoral factors. It surveys literature on migration paradoxes and theories, develops an original conceptual framework by critically assessing a range of radical writing, performs quantitative and secondary study of the Catalan, Spanish and European economic and policy contexts (in general and regarding immigration), and analyses findings from interviews with privileged 'insiders' and observers (employers, union leaders, migrant activists and policy advisors). Policy contradictions and the problematization of immigration were identified as rooted firstly in the inherent contradictions of the capitalist state. States must ensure availability of new reserves of labour to guarantee accumulation and make savings by not having to 'socially reproduce' 'imported' labour power. Yet their abstract national and bounded character propels constant nationcraft - a process best performed invisibly and negatively by symbolically and practically excluding migrants from territory, rights and citizenship. Dynamics are further driven by the desire to be seen to preserve the 'rule of law' and guarantee the exclusivity of national 'social contracts'. Nation-building in policymaking was detected by uncovering the national-linguistic considerations behind the controversial drive to devolve immigration powers to Catalonia. Mushrooming irregularity was a result of migrant agency and the restrictive tendencies of the Aznar administration and EU. Despite the Popular Party (and EU) being notably pro-business, tensions emerged with employers who lobbied alongside unions to bring about the liberalisations introduced by the Zapatero government (2004-2011). Employers benefit from the (continued) institutional conditioning of migrant labour and irregular hiring has been tolerated - aided by a relatively informal and insecure labour market. Yet it is a mistake to see high levels irregularity simply as labour policy. The unequal and instrumental nature of European integration meant the Spanish State played a border policing role that threatened its labour needs before the crisis. This led to political 'fudge' based on varying models of irregularity-amnesty-irregularity, and reinforced pro-European and Hispanist migrant recruitment tendencies. Changes in government have reshaped policymaking (and increased or decreased related tensions) but less-democratic influences were identified in interviews and a clear political economy of immigration can be identified.
44
Pérez, Bernal Ángeles Ma del Rosario, and María Luisa Bacarlett. "From the Crisis of the Community to the Community of the Crisis. Some Paradoxes of the Being in Common." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú - Departamento de Humanidades, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/112836.
Full textAbstract:
This paper explores the idea of community through the proposals of some contemporary thinkers who have tried to rethink the concept of being in common assuming some of its paradoxes. For authors like Roberto Esposito, Jean-Luc Nancy and Giorgio Agamben, thinking the community” implies reflecting on it from the paradoxes and contradictions it contains, both conceptually and in terms of everyday reality. The central paradox that sums such contradictions is stating that the community is feasible only to the extent that it is not. Close to Russell’s paradox, such aporia allows us to recognize the difference between the community that takes care of its contradictions and inconsistencies, the community of the crisis, and the one that, conceived in absolute and unequivocal terms, is not responsible for their antinomies and contradictions, and leads to what we call the community crisis.En el presente artículo se hace un recorrido por la idea de comunidada través de algunos pensadores contemporáneos que han tratado de repensar el estar en común asumiendo algunas de sus paradojas. Para autores como Roberto Esposito, Jean-Luc Nancy y Giorgio Agamben, pensar la comunidad” implica reflexionarla a partir de las paradojas y contrasentidos que contiene, tanto anivel conceptual como a nivel de la realidad cotidiana. La paradoja central que resume tales contrasentidos es la que afirma que la comunidad es realizable solo en la medida en que no lo es. Cercana a la paradoja de Russell, tal aporía nospermite reconocer la diferencia entre una comunidad que se hace cargo de sus contrasentidos e incoherencias, la comunidad de la crisis, y otra que al concebirse en términos unívocos y absolutos, es decir, que no se hace cargo de sus antinomias y contradicciones, nos lleva a lo que hemos llamado crisis de la comunidad.
45
Aziz, Wülbers Shazia. "The paradox of EU India relations : missed opportunities in politics, economics, development cooperation and culture." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008IEPP0030.
Full textAbstract:
Mon travail est d’étudier la complexité des relations entre ces deux ensembles et de comprendre pourquoi, malgré tous les efforts faits par les deux côtés, ces relations restent superficielles et pourquoi l'Inde semble se rapprocher du reste du monde mais pas de l’Europe. Ma méthodologie consiste à trouver les domaines de discorde existant entre les deux et à essayer d'en comprendre les raisons. Pour cela, j'ai utilisé quelques théories sur les relations internationales qui peuvent expliquer l'Inde aussi bien que le comportement de l'Union Européenne et j’ai formulé plusieurs hypothèses, basées sur des études de cas et des entretiens. Concept Théorique Dans ma thèse, j’ai essayé de montrer que la 'Realpolitik' est toujours importante dans la politique menée par le gouvernement indien. Cette position est d'ailleurs soutenu par les Etats-Unis. De l’autre côté, l'Union Européenne est une entité post-moderne qui fonctionne plus ou moins comme une puissance normative, au moins quand il s’agit de la diffusion de ses normes et règlements techniques. Les normes et les règlements représentés par l'UE sont utiles pour la coopération technique, mais se révèlent inefficaces dans la coopération politique et économique. Dans les affaires économiques, où il est important de faire des partenariats, l’UE se comporte comme une puissance réaliste économique, où les normes sont rapidement oubliées et la réalisation de l'influence économique est la plus importante. Ma méthodologie a été plus une approche de construction de théorie qu'une évaluation de théorie. Mon point de départ était le niveau empirique, qui m'a mené au niveau abstrait conlMy work is about studying the intricacies of EU India relations and finding out why in spite of all efforts made by the two sides; India seems to be getting closer to the rest of the world than to Europe. My methodology consists of finding areas of discord between the two and trying to find answers to the reasons for them. To do so, I have used a few theories of International Relations which can explain India’s as well as the European Union’s behaviour and have formulated several hypotheses by conducting case studies and surveys. Theoretical backgroundIn my thesis I have tired to show that Realpolitik is still relevant to India. The country that backs India’s Realpolitik moves is the United States. The European Union on the other hand is a post modern entity and functions more or less as a normative power, at least when it comes to spreading its technical norms and regulations. The norms and regulations represented by the EU are useful in highly technical cooperation but prove a hindrance for effective political cooperation, and to some extent economic cooperation. In addition to that, when it comes to making economic deals with India, which represent high stakes for the European market, it behaves like an economic realist power, where norms are quickly forgotten and achieving economic influence is the most important criteria. My methodology has been a more theory construction approach than a theory testing one. My starting point is the empirical level, which has led me to the conceptual abstract level
46
Wright, Graham. "Problems, Policies and "Paradoxes|" The Political Implications of American Concerns about Economic Inequality." Thesis, Brandeis Univ., The Heller School for Social Policy and Mgmt, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10191773.
Full textAbstract:
For the past several decades income and wealth inequality in the United States have increased dramatically, but policies to reduce inequality are often not politically feasible. Many scholars see this state of affairs as a “paradox,” arguing that, in a well-functioning democracy, an increase in economic inequality ought to lead to increased support for redistributive governmental programs aimed at reducing it. Research since 2008 attempts to explain this apparent paradox by arguing that although Americans are acutely concerned about economic inequality the continued lack of government action is due to structural barriers that prevent policy from reflecting the “will of the people.” However, methodological problems cast doubt on these conclusions.
I make use of analytic methods that address these issues and show that, despite the claims of past research, there is no politically meaningful relationship between Americans concerns for inequality and their desire for the government to take action. I first use a form of dynamic factor analysis to develop a measure of national concern for inequality over time and then use this new construct to answer the question which underlies previous work: when Americans become more concerned about inequality, do they subsequently become more supportive of government action? Using an error correction model I find that an increase in national concern for inequality concern does not lead to increased support for more government intervention in the economy.
My results suggest that even when Americans become especially outraged over economic inequality, there is no guarantee that they will flock en mass to liberal parties and policies for answers. During periods of heightened concern for inequality the “will of the people” may in fact be more likely to support reduced government intervention in the economy. I argue that, in order to truly understand the political implications of American views on inequality, researchers and advocates should stop assuming that concern for inequality is necessarily associated with liberal policy views, and start exploring the ways in which different policies and ideological positions can be coupled to the problem of inequality at different times, and for different people.
47
Zuin, João Carlos Soares. "Sergio Milliet : o paradoxo de um intelectual critico." [s.n.], 1994. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281486.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador : Walquiria Gertrudes Domingues Leão RegoDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-18T21:05:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Zuin_JoaoCarlosSoares_M.pdf: 7409373 bytes, checksum: cc27327d6b21d34312eee8475409b5d2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1994
Resumo: Não informado.
Abstract: Not informed.
Mestrado
Mestre em Sociologia
48
Sondell, Malin. "Social housing i Sverige : En paradoxal bostadspolitik?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-352656.
Full textAbstract:
Ett av den svenska politikens viktigaste uppdrag är att trygga allas rätt till bostad. Detta har historiskt sett sökt förverkligas genom en universell bostadspolitik. Denna bostadspolitik har varit i linje med rådande välfärdsmodell utan särskilda lösningar för de med lägst inkomster. De allmännyttiga bostadsföretagen, allmännyttan, som varit ett viktigt medel i denna politik har sedan 2011 fått en förändrad roll och ska enligt ny lag drivas enligt affärsmässiga principer. Som en effekt av detta har allmännyttiga bostadsbolag börjat ställa högre krav på sina bostadssökandes ekonomi, med följd att medborgare med sämre ekonomiska förutsättningar fått det allt svårare att finna bostäder. För att infria rätten till bostad har bostadspolitiken på senare år präglats av allt fler selektiva lösningar för de som har svårt att etablera sig på bostadsmarknaden. Trots detta har det uppfattats finnas ett politiskt motstånd till det selektiva system som på engelska kallas social housing, något som kan anses vara motsägelsefullt då utvecklingen i praktiken kan tolkas gå i den riktningen. Denna uppsats undersöker riksdagspartiernas inställning till social housing med stöd av intervjuer med respektive partis bostadspolitiska talesperson. Vidare prövas om det utifrån denna inställning finns en diskrepans i dagens bostadspolitik där social housing avfärdas explicit men ändå tillämpas i praktiken. Studien visar att det inom svensk politik finns ett starkt motstånd till social housing, vilket anses kunna förklaras utifrån teorier om stigberoende. Samtidigt förs en politik med tydligt selektiva inslag och dagens bostadspolitik kan därför anses vara paradoxal.
49
Patel, Shreyaa Gracey. "Politics and paradox in Tacitus' annales 1-3: a theoretical analysis of peacetime conflict in Tiberian Rome." Thesis, University of London, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.603512.
Full textAbstract:
Analyses of conflict in Tacitus have often been focussed on tbe constitution of the Principate, specifically the loss of libertas which followed from the system of rule by one. This thesis offers a theoretical analysis of conflict in Tacilus, arguing that conflict stems from the wider social and systemic structures ordinarily designed to ensure peace, such as the law, the imperial hierarchy and the mos maiorum. The notion that peacetime policies and procedures became in themselves a source of conflict is here described as the paradox of imperial politics. Chapters I and 2 offer a close reading of the Augustan prologue and the accession of Tiberius, while also introducing the work of Giorgio Agamben on the sovereign exception and Michel Foucault on biopoliti cs, The first chapter argues that a source of epistemological conflict is cultural memory, specifically the knowledge of the violent past of civil war. The second chapter argues that political conflict results from Tiberius' inability to replicate Augustan imperium, which in Tacitus is the power to speak in the name of the law and decide truth . In Chapter 3, and with reference to Jacques Ranciere's conception of democratic violence, hierarchy is revealed as the source of conflict since although it serves to maintain order in the imperial state it equally (and paradoxically) fosters the potential for revolution, In Chapter 4, building on Hannah Arendt's notion of mores and lex, it is argued that systemic conflict (corruption and moral decli ne) stems not from the lack of law or the erosion of prisca vinus but rather, and again paradoxically, from the system of law itself as well as the moderating values encoded in traditional Roman morality. By reading Tacitean conflict as something which is ex traneous to the more obvious sources of political conflict (rising tyranny/maiestas/republican sympathies), but as something which is engrained within the ordering structures of society, this thes is offers new insight into the frailty of imperi al politics as well as a wider understanding of Roman pol itical and social conflict in limes of peace. The thesis also shows that (he contradictory nature of Tacitus' narrative is not merely a reflection of the ambiguous nature of men and government; but it may be read from a wider theoretical perspective, as an attempt to foreground the generative power of paradox, that is, how paradox works to reinforce the power of the imperial regime and the imperial peace.
50
Seierstad, Cathrine. "Exploring the Norwegian paradox of vertical sex segregation : strategies and experiences in politics, academia and company boards." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2011. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/2349.
Full textAbstract:
On all international measures of gender equality Scandinavian countries emerge as more equal with Norway as the most equal of countries. Yet, despite an apparent equality, vertical segregation is resilient in Scandinavian countries. The use of affirmative action (AA) has been offered as a potential way to challenge inequality and occupational sex segregation, yet, as illustrated by Acker (2006b) these strategies often fail. Few studies have investigated women’s experience of gender segregation in Norway, moreover, we know little of the experience of women in occupations influenced by AA strategies. This thesis aims to contribute to understanding the experience of women in the ‘most equal of countries’ and it draws on Acker’s (2006b) ‘inequality regimes’ as an analytical framework. This thesis takes a multilevel approach to explore gendering practices within Norway in three occupational groups; politics, academia and corporate boards of directors to understand the processes underpinning vertical segregation. The rationale for focusing on these three occupational groups lies in the nature of the groups and their use of AA, as well as the different representation of women. The thesis builds on a variety of methods of both a qualitative and quantitative nature and will demonstrate the nature of the interrelationship of structural factors and individual agency in understanding the Norwegian paradox. In particular, 66 in-depth interviews with women employed in senior positions within the three occupational groups form the key method. In addition, the thesis draws on secondary quantitative data to situate women in the three occupational groups and in Norway. Findings reveal that the idea of Norway’s equality is still more of an aspiration than reality as gender inequality regimes are present in politics, academia, and boards of directors, but they take different forms. The thesis finds that Norwegian organisations are not gender neutral; instead they provide a set of institutional conditions that encourage forms of vertical segregation. In particular, the thesis identifies the importance of political strategies, both related to AA as well as welfare for improving equality. Nevertheless, the thesis also acknowledges the complexity of these strategies and the importance of designing country and occupational group specific strategies in order to progress. The thesis uncovers the resilience of gendered social processes in women’s exclusion but also highlights the fewer and more constrained conditions under which ‘woman’ may also have an advantage. Hence, this thesis contributes to the literature on occupational sex segregation and AA.