Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political paradox'
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Lam, Wai-man, and 林蔚文. "Rediscovering politics in Hong Kong (1949-1979): the paradox of political indifference." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2000. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31241918.
Full textLam, Wai-man. "Rediscovering politics in Hong Kong (1949-1979) the paradox of political indifference /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2000. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B22805485.
Full textMohan, Giles Marcus. "The state and the paradox of decentralisation perspectives from Ghana /." Thesis, Online version, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.357866.
Full textKrause, Peter John Paul. "The political effectiveness of non-state violence : paradox, polarity, and the pursuit of power." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/68930.
Full textCataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 329-339).
When is non-state violence politically effective? Existing scholarship suggests that insurgency and terrorism are generally effective or ineffective based on the analysis of unitary non-state coercers operating solely at the strategic level. Although this approach provides useful insight, a failure to account for the internal dynamics of social movements within which armed groups are embedded obscures many of the most important causes and effects of non-state violence. The structuralist theory of non-state violence holds that the structure of power within social movements explains the greatest variation in both the use of violence by armed groups and its political effectiveness. Armed groups pursue common strategic goals that are characterized by collective action challenges against external enemies, such as the founding of a new state, while they simultaneously engage in zero-sum competition for organizational dominance with internal rivals. The central hypothesis of the structuralist theory is that violence is more likely to be strategically effective when employed by a unipolar social movement with one dominant armed group than by a multipolar social movement with two or more significant armed groups. The secondary hypothesis is that the strongest armed group in a social movement is the most likely to pursue strategic goals, whereas weaker groups in the hierarchy are more likely to pursue organizational goals exclusively, to the detriment of the movement. This theory is tested with a longitudinal analysis of 29 groups in 33 campaigns marked by a mix of violent and nonviolent action within the Palestinian, Irish, Zionist, and Algerian national movements. Analysis of primary sources and extensive interviews with key participants and observers help to demonstrate that the hierarchical position of groups within each of the four movements drove their relative focus towards strategic or organizational objectives as well as their associated use or non-use of violence. Furthermore, violence was more politically effective during periods of unipolarity than during periods of multipolarity within each movement. The structuralist theory of non-state violence thus reveals and explains greater variation in the political effectiveness of non-state violence than previous scholarship.
by Peter John Paul Krause.
Ph.D.
Carr, William J. "The Paradox of political Islam : unity and diversity in the greater Middle East /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1996. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA311140.
Full textSegerlind, Emilia. "Paradox, (para)doxa eller den paradoxala doxan : En abduktiv studie av figuren paradox inom samtida politisk diskurs." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Retorik, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-34845.
Full textRaisi, Alireza. "The Paradox of Participation: Institutions, Social Status, and the Provincial Divide in Iran's Electoral Politics." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1479729200105701.
Full textVan, Dyck Brandon Philip. "The Paradox of Adversity: New Left Party Survival and Collapse in Latin America." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11221.
Full textGovernment
French-Hodson, Ruth Anne. "The paradox of the American state : public-private partnerships in American state-building." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b6729fb6-4d5e-4e90-abe9-4b384f9f2402.
Full textPerez, Monforti Jessica L. "A model minority: the paradox of Cuban American political participation regarding official language policy in Miami-Dade County, Florida." The Ohio State University, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1400070171.
Full textPérez, Monforti Jessica L. "A model minority : the paradox of Cuban American political participation regarding official language policy in Miami-Dade County, Florida /." The Ohio State University, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1486572165278442.
Full textLowe, Ruth E. "Overcoming the minority rights paradox : a new approach to intercultural deliberation." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3683.
Full textZuleta, Paola. "Emergency Powers & Human Rights: Shield or Sword? Analysing the emergency powers paradox in a Southeast Asian context." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-444234.
Full textEl estado de emergencia – la provisión gubernamental a través de la cual se dicta poderes excepcionales pertinentes a una situation de emergencia – es una característica que contempla el sistema jurídico de una mayoría de gobiernos nacionales. La posibilidad de declarar un estado de emergencia, a pesar de ser ocasionalmente necesario, es sin embargo altamente vulnerable ante un probable abuso de autoridad. Dado dicho riesgo, no obstante restricciones establecidas en leyes nacionales e internacionales regulando su uso, las medidas excepcionales adoptadas por algunos países han trascendido la serie de límites y controles contemplados, resultando en violaciones de derechos humanos de carácter inconmensurable y excesivo. Dicha adopción de poderes excepcionales contradice la prerrogativa original de los mismos, es decir, la proteción de derechos humanos fundamentales en caso se presenten graves circumstancias que perturben o amenacen perturbar en forma inminente el orden político, social, económico y ecológico del país en cuestión. Por ende, el estado de emergencia puede ser calificado como una paradoja: simultáneamente actuando como protector y amenaza a los derechos humanos. La presente tesis localiza su punto de inicio en la identificada presupocisión de una estructura estable propia de un estado democrático de derecho para un funcionamento certero de los establecidos controles y límites. A manera de investigar la validez atribuída a dicha presupocisión, el ámbito de analísis concierne el contexto del Sudeste asiático, una región seleccionada dada su observada variedad de niveles de democracia. El estudio, de carácter comparativo, traza continuidades, desarrollos y cambios pertinentes a la aplicación de poderes de emergencia y sus repercusiones en materia de derechos humanos en los casos de Tailandia y las Filipinas entre 1996 y 2021. Además, las motivaciones tras la declaratoria también fueron observadas e investigadas, dado que la identificación de una situación como excepcional es incidentemente el proceso a través de cual el estado de emergencia se construye y se torna usable, lo que a su vez guía la formulación de las medidas de emergencia y consigna una eventual restricción de derechos humanos. Los estados de emergencia observados ilustran como los poderes excepcionales en varias instancias conceden una militarización de la agenda política, lo cual circunscribe un reto en lo que concierne la confianza social, particularmente en contextos como Tailandia y las Filipinas, cuyo legado militar forma la vida política contemporánea. Además, dicho legado forma parte de una dimensión adicional del estado de emergencia, de acuerdo a la cual un sistema político inestable amerita la declaración de un estado de emergencia con el propósito de estabilizar el sistema político y proteger derechos humanos. Sin embargo, al final, el primero termina siendo estabilizado a través de la represión del último. En este contexto, la violación de derechos humanos es más prominente cuando la noción de la excepción se vuelve la norma. De esta manera, frecuentes declaratorias resultan en una reconceptualización de la interacción entre lo político y lo social, así silenciando políticamente a individuos considerados una posible futura amenza. Así, se observó que la implementación de poderes excepcionales produce, representa, y sostiene una sensación de seguridad social en gran parte ficticia.
Freier, De Ferrari Luisa Feline. "A reverse migration paradox? : policy liberalisation and new south-south migration to Latin America." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3455/.
Full textFreeland, Ballantyne Erin. "Sustainability's paradox : community health, climate change and petrocapitalism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.711671.
Full textHalpin, Darren Richard, of Western Sydney Hawkesbury University, Faculty of Environmental Management and Agriculture, and School of Agriculture and Rural Development. "Authenticity and the representative paradox: the political representation of Australian farmers through the NFF family of interest groups." THESIS_FEMA_ARD_Halpin_D.xml, 1999. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/22.
Full textDoctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Halpin, Darren Richard. "Authenticity and the representative paradox : the political representation of Australian farmers through the NFF family of interest groups /." View thesis View thesis, 1999. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20030527.163228/index.html.
Full textBjörnstam, Linnéa, and Jennie K. Larsson. "Individen i det offentliga, familjen i det privata - en jämställdhetspolitisk paradox? : en diskursanalys av regeringens arbetsmarknads- och familjepolitik." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-1503.
Full textThis paper takes it points of departure in a gender equality perspective and the perceived paradox between the governmental labour market policy and family policy. The first policy area has the aim to put people to work, whereas the other introduces a reform, vårdnadsbidraget, that point in the opposite direction. Which are the problem representations within the two policy areas and are the problem representations concordant or contradictive? From a constructivist perspective, langue is closely related to power through defining and ascribing meaning to reality. Drawing on political documents, speeches and articles formulated within the government, this paper analyzes problem representations through the use of discourse analysis and feminist political theory. The main conclusion of this paper is that there are contradictions within the problem representations, both within and between the two policy areas. The most significant contradiction is that gender equality within labour market policy is formulated around the individual, whilst in family politics it is based on the family as a unit.
Hollingsworth, Brian. "Resource Nationalism and Energy Integration in Latin America: The Paradox of Populism." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3790.
Full textHitt, Matthew P. "Judgment-Rationale Inconsistency In The U.S. Supreme Court." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1406124744.
Full textStendahl, Elin. "New Perspectives on the Paradox of Participation : A Theoretical Evaluation of Rational Choice Theory as it Applies to Political Participation." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-431756.
Full textArmendariz, Veronica S. "Paradox Lost: Explaining Cross-National Variation in Case Volume at the European Court of Human Rights." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/41.
Full textHamilton, Clare. "Puerto Rican Statehood and Republican Party Opposition : The Paradox Between the Official Republican Party Platform and Republican Party Representatives." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-38416.
Full textRivera, Quiñones Miguel. "Economic dependency and the political economy of post-neoliberalism in Argentina : the paradox between commodities and progressiveness : the case of the soy complex." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2013. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/47235/.
Full textMohan, Mahdev. "The paradox of victim-centrism : a case study of the civil party process at the Khmer Rouge Tribunal /." Thesis, Scroll list to author, 2009. http://www.law.stanford.edu/publications/dissertations_theses/.
Full textSubmitted to the Stanford Program in International Legal Studies at the Stanford Law School, Stanford University. "April 2009." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 78-82). Abstract available online.
Gschwind, Lutz. "Immigrants' social rights: The new 'paradox of redistribution'? A comparative study on migrant poverty in 15 European welfare states." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-265052.
Full textGöthberg, Rosalind. ""He wouldn't have hurt that many students with a knife" : The Gun Control Paradox, Political Opportunities, and Issue Framing: A case study of the Never Again movement in Parkland, Florida." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-354080.
Full textLindquist, Annica, and Mathias Sköld. "The paradox of municipal cooperation : Municipalities’ organizational culture and its effect on negotiation strategy -The case of Northern Bohuslän." Thesis, Högskolan Väst, Institutionen för ekonomi och it, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hv:diva-3365.
Full textPettersson, Oskar. "Privatisation and the Future of the Swedish Welfare State : An Experimental Study on the Effects of Privatisation on the Swedish Middle Classes’ Support for the Welfare State." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-373907.
Full textMazabraud, Bertrand. "De la juridicité : approche de phénoménologie herméneutique." Thesis, Poitiers, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013POIT5009.
Full textAlthough everyone uses law in their daily life, no one seems to agree on juridicity. To approach juridicity, hermeneutic phenomenology, as practiced by Ricoeur, provides valuable milestones. On the one hand, hermeneutic phenomenology allows a dialogue with the positivist theories with the purpose of better explaining the structure of law, its objects (norms, institutions) and sequencing, though positivism remains incapable of explaining what establishes or authorizes such a structure (I). On the other, juridicity can be approached through its linguistic and hermeneutical modalities. In fact, law is the formulation of priority social meanings which, to be applied must be constantly amended and enriched. Legal hermeneutics is therefore understood as the dialectics between the invention of the fairest solution and its acceptability as per the existing law. However, if the legal reason is better understood, it cannot, on its own, validate the existence of a normative statement. To do that, it also requires the conventional device which enables to say what is law. Thus, whereas normativism leads to a primacy of law, legal hermeneutics lead to the primacy of the judge though the former presupposes the latter and vice versa (II). At the end, Ricoeur's philosophical hermeneutics brings back juridicity to the paradoxes of politics and ethics. Under political paradox, law is the means by which a historic community acquires the ability to decide. It is, thus, endowed with the authority to allow the sustainability of the concert of action which is at the heart of this community's existence. In the eyes of justice, on the other hand, law is understood as the exception that one can oppose to the indefinite solicitude which one owes to one's fellows. Hence the reason for the validity of the established legal statements is based on the tragedy of action, and can be understood as a presumption of moral and political validity (III)
Abed, Amar. "Demokratins Språkbarriär : -En kvantitativ studie om konsekvensen av språkbristen bland utrikesfödda vid nationellt, regionalt och lokalt valdeltagande i Skärholmens valdistrikt." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-402407.
Full textDopgima, Gadinga Amstrong. "European Engagement with Africa : Problems, Potentials and the Way Forward." Thesis, Internationella Handelshögskolan, Högskolan i Jönköping, IHH, Statsvetenskap, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-14157.
Full textCosta, Mirian Gado Fernandes. "Reflexões em torno do paradoxo político de Paul Ricoeur." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2008. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/11778.
Full textPaul Ricoeur was concerned, in his political essays, with a philosophy of action linked to the willingness of human coexistence. In order to understand Politics as an activity based on coexistence, we should recognize concepts such as power, sovereignty, violence, as permanent features in the task of stabilization of life in common. Thus, we should revisit some philosophical works that illustrates this unique capacity of men. This work discusses Paul Ricoeur s political paradox concept, which was first brought to light in 1957, in the article he wrote analyzing the Hungarian Revolution. Focusing on Ricoeur s work, this text intends to clarify the political paradox concept, as well as to explicit political power problems such as its relative autonomy with respect to social-economic relations. The Hungarian events illustrate such problems, but this work also demonstrates how Ricoeur s analyses unfolded into a universal reflection about the political realm. Ricoeur discussed some of Hannah Arendt s papers; according to the later, Politics is the source of meaning for human life and a long-term political project is the only possibility of historical immortality for us, mortals. Some of these discussions brought up at the end of this dissertation, aim to shed light on the reflection about the political paradox and the problematic of power
Paul Ricoeur preocupou-se, em seus textos políticos, com uma filosofia da ação voltada para a vontade de coexistência dos homens. Para entendermos a política como a atividade estabelecida na convivência entre os homens, somos convocados a reconhecer conceitos tais como poder, soberania, violência, como traços permanentes da tarefa de estabilização dessa vida em comum. Para tanto, devemos revisitar as obras filosóficas que reflitam essa capacidade singular dos homens. Este trabalho apresenta reflexões em torno do conceito que Ricoeur chama de paradoxo político , um conceito cunhado e discutido pela primeira vez em 1957, num artigo seminal, referindo-se aos eventos da Revolução Húngara. À luz da filosofia política desse autor francês, busca-se esclarecer o paradoxo político, explicitando os problemas do poder político e sua relativa autonomia em relação ao econômico-social. Os eventos húngaros ilustram a abordagem dos problemas enunciados, mas o trabalho demonstra como, a partir daquele estudo, a reflexão se desdobrou em uma reflexão universal sobre o político. Ricoeur analisou alguns textos de Hannah Arendt, para quem a política é a fonte de significado da vida humana e o projeto político de longa duração é a única medida de imortalidade histórica que é possível a nós, homens mortais. Algumas dessas análises constam no final desta dissertação, e têm o intuito de iluminar a reflexão sobre o paradoxo político e a problemática do poder
Ribeiro, Karla Pinhel. "O paradoxo da lei." Florianópolis, SC, 2007. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/90088.
Full textMade available in DSpace on 2012-10-23T06:02:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 244330.pdf: 327935 bytes, checksum: f62e9fa6dee9ca27e653f9bd76ca5712 (MD5)
A tese principal da dissertação sobre a questão o que é ser humana é contemplada através dos conceitos de biopolítica, estado de exceção e vida nua na história da filosofia política e jurídica de Giorgio Agamben e à formulação da questão sobre o que é o homem na contemporaneidade, sobretudo, no pensamento da filosofia política e jurídica de Giorgio Agamben. O trabalho contempla a tese sobre o conceito de biopolítica no pensamento da filosofia política e jurídica de Giorgio Agamben ser um conceito filosófico ontológico. A fundamentação filosófica da tese (sobre o conceito de biopolítica na filosofia política e jurídica de Giorgio Agamben), parte da contemplação sobre os fundamentos críticos dos principais pressupostos teóricos da filosofia política e jurídica de Giorgio Agamben - os conceitos vida nua e estado de exceção - à contemplação da idéia de uma filosofia da história do direito e da política na contemporaneidade e seus pressupostos filosóficos ontológicos para uma antropologia filosófica contemporânea. The main dissertation's thesis about what is being human contemplates the concept of biopolitics in the contemporary history philosophy of politics and law, researching the main contemporary thesis toward the task in the thought of Giorgio Agamben´s philosophy of politics and law. The main thesis of the work is that the biopolitics´s concept in Giorgio Agamben´s political and juridical thought is a philosophical ontological concept. The philosophical fundaments of the main dissertation's thesis (about the biopolitics´s concept in Giorgio Agamben´s political and juridical philosophy), starts from de contemplation on the critical fundaments of the main theoretical concepts of Giorgio Agamben political e juridical philosophy - bare life and state of exception - to the contemplation of an idea of a philosophical history of law and politics in the present time and its philosophical ontological undergrounds for an contemporary philosophical anthropology.
Woll, Bettina. "The ownership paradox : the politics of development cooperation with Bolivia and Ghana." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/856/.
Full textRamirez, Karen. "Can Changes to Tax Policy Have an Impact on a Shrinking Middle Class? : An explorative and comparative case study of changes to tax policy in Sweden and the United States." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-385750.
Full textGardner, Catherine Patricia. "Increased legislation, decreased control : the paradox of immigration policy and legislation, 1996–2006." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2010. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/490.
Full textGoh, M. P. "The politics of the ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement : the paradox of regionalism." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.599462.
Full textMsiska, Kondwani Albert. "Southern Africa geopolitics : paradoxes and fallacies of development." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.358904.
Full textButvilavičienė, Kristina. "Europos Sąjungos bendrosios žemės ūkio politikos finansinės paramos priemonių įtaka Lietuvos žemės ūkiui 2004-2006 metais." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2008. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2007~D_20080128_111124-97839.
Full textEuropean Union Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) is the outcome of postwar problems such as lack of food and agricultural modernization. Common initiative to establish Common Agricultural Policy was instituted by Rome treaty in 1958. Agricultural policy has become the part of European Union common market. The treaty has also settled main aims of CAP. Later, in accordance to the aims, main principles and means were settled. High European Union budget expenditure on CAP and big cost of food storage were the main reasons to reform Common Agricultural Policy. Common Agricultural Policy has become a welfare policy, which has guaranteed well-established prices of agricultural production and stable farmers’ income. The main goals of the policy reform for 1992 and follow-up reforms were to reduce budget expenditure on CAP, to control the supply of agricultural production by keeping stable farmers’ income, to impel the rural development, food safety and environment protection. The European Agricultural Orientation and Guarantee Fund was established in 1962 to administrate EU budget resources for CAP. The fund is the part of EU budget. Currently the fund is being reformed by dividing it into two separate funds - European Agricultural Guarantee Fund and European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development. This transformation was motivated by growing attention to rural development, which forced to joint structural support and rural development support into one fund. Lithuania, as a member... [to full text]
Huennekens, John Preston. "The Serbian Paradox: The Cost of Integration into the European Union." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/83453.
Full textMaster of Arts
Melikyan, Gevorg. "Paradoxical South Caucasus: Nations, Conflicts and Alliances." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1281673619.
Full textStobart, Luke. "Immigration policy paradoxes in Catalonia, Spain, 1985-2011 : a political economy approach." Thesis, University of Hertfordshire, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2299/17922.
Full textPérez, Bernal Ángeles Ma del Rosario, and María Luisa Bacarlett. "From the Crisis of the Community to the Community of the Crisis. Some Paradoxes of the Being in Common." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú - Departamento de Humanidades, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/112836.
Full textEn el presente artículo se hace un recorrido por la idea de comunidada través de algunos pensadores contemporáneos que han tratado de repensar el estar en común asumiendo algunas de sus paradojas. Para autores como Roberto Esposito, Jean-Luc Nancy y Giorgio Agamben, pensar la comunidad” implica reflexionarla a partir de las paradojas y contrasentidos que contiene, tanto anivel conceptual como a nivel de la realidad cotidiana. La paradoja central que resume tales contrasentidos es la que afirma que la comunidad es realizable solo en la medida en que no lo es. Cercana a la paradoja de Russell, tal aporía nospermite reconocer la diferencia entre una comunidad que se hace cargo de sus contrasentidos e incoherencias, la comunidad de la crisis, y otra que al concebirse en términos unívocos y absolutos, es decir, que no se hace cargo de sus antinomias y contradicciones, nos lleva a lo que hemos llamado crisis de la comunidad.
Aziz, Wülbers Shazia. "The paradox of EU India relations : missed opportunities in politics, economics, development cooperation and culture." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008IEPP0030.
Full textMy work is about studying the intricacies of EU India relations and finding out why in spite of all efforts made by the two sides; India seems to be getting closer to the rest of the world than to Europe. My methodology consists of finding areas of discord between the two and trying to find answers to the reasons for them. To do so, I have used a few theories of International Relations which can explain India’s as well as the European Union’s behaviour and have formulated several hypotheses by conducting case studies and surveys. Theoretical backgroundIn my thesis I have tired to show that Realpolitik is still relevant to India. The country that backs India’s Realpolitik moves is the United States. The European Union on the other hand is a post modern entity and functions more or less as a normative power, at least when it comes to spreading its technical norms and regulations. The norms and regulations represented by the EU are useful in highly technical cooperation but prove a hindrance for effective political cooperation, and to some extent economic cooperation. In addition to that, when it comes to making economic deals with India, which represent high stakes for the European market, it behaves like an economic realist power, where norms are quickly forgotten and achieving economic influence is the most important criteria. My methodology has been a more theory construction approach than a theory testing one. My starting point is the empirical level, which has led me to the conceptual abstract level
Wright, Graham. "Problems, Policies and "Paradoxes|" The Political Implications of American Concerns about Economic Inequality." Thesis, Brandeis Univ., The Heller School for Social Policy and Mgmt, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10191773.
Full textFor the past several decades income and wealth inequality in the United States have increased dramatically, but policies to reduce inequality are often not politically feasible. Many scholars see this state of affairs as a “paradox,” arguing that, in a well-functioning democracy, an increase in economic inequality ought to lead to increased support for redistributive governmental programs aimed at reducing it. Research since 2008 attempts to explain this apparent paradox by arguing that although Americans are acutely concerned about economic inequality the continued lack of government action is due to structural barriers that prevent policy from reflecting the “will of the people.” However, methodological problems cast doubt on these conclusions.
I make use of analytic methods that address these issues and show that, despite the claims of past research, there is no politically meaningful relationship between Americans concerns for inequality and their desire for the government to take action. I first use a form of dynamic factor analysis to develop a measure of national concern for inequality over time and then use this new construct to answer the question which underlies previous work: when Americans become more concerned about inequality, do they subsequently become more supportive of government action? Using an error correction model I find that an increase in national concern for inequality concern does not lead to increased support for more government intervention in the economy.
My results suggest that even when Americans become especially outraged over economic inequality, there is no guarantee that they will flock en mass to liberal parties and policies for answers. During periods of heightened concern for inequality the “will of the people” may in fact be more likely to support reduced government intervention in the economy. I argue that, in order to truly understand the political implications of American views on inequality, researchers and advocates should stop assuming that concern for inequality is necessarily associated with liberal policy views, and start exploring the ways in which different policies and ideological positions can be coupled to the problem of inequality at different times, and for different people.
Zuin, João Carlos Soares. "Sergio Milliet : o paradoxo de um intelectual critico." [s.n.], 1994. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281486.
Full textDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Mestrado
Mestre em Sociologia
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