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1

Dale-Ferguson, Darryl. "Limiting Evil: The Value of Ideology for the Mitigation of Political Alienation in Ricoeur’s Political Paradox." Études Ricoeuriennes / Ricoeur Studies 5, no. 2 (December 23, 2014): 48–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/errs.2014.258.

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AbstractThis paper uses Paul Ricœur’s analyses of ideology to argue for the mitigation of the possibility of political evil within the political paradox. In explicating the paradox, Ricœur seeks to hold in tension two basic aspects of politics: its benefits and its propensity to evil. This tension, however, should not be viewed as representative of a dualism. The evil of politics notwithstanding, Ricœur encourages us to view the political order as a deeply important part of our shared existence. By thinking past the distorting function of ideology to the legitimating and integrating functions that Ricœur calls more basic than distortion, a mode of thought that is often at the heart of political evil, ideology can be used to mitigate that very evil.Keywords: Ricœur, “The Political Paradox,” Ideology, Political Violence, Justice.RésuméCet article s’appuie sur les analyses ricœuriennes de l’idéologie dans le but de montrer que l’idéologie est susceptible de contribuer à une atténuation du mal politique inhérent au paradoxe politique. Dans son explicitation de ce paradoxe, Ricœur cherche à mettre en relation tensionnelle deux aspects fondamentaux de la politique: ses avantages et ses maux. Cependant, cette tension ne devrait pas être interprétée comme l’expression d’un dualisme. En dépit du mal inhérent au politique, Ricœur nous encourage à voir l’ordre politique comme une partie profondément importante de notre existence partagée. Si l’on régresse en-deçà de la fonction de distorsion de l’idéologie vers ses fonctions légitimantes et integratrices, c’est-à-dire vers ses fonctions les plus fondamentales, il apparaît en effet que l’idéologie, tout en étant souvent au cœur du mal politique, peut néanmoins être utilisée pour atténuer ce mal.Mots-clés: Ricœur, paradoxe politique, ideologie, violence politique, justice.
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2

Goldfarb, Barry E. "The Paradox of Political Philosophy." Ancient Philosophy 24, no. 1 (2004): 211–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil200424115.

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3

Runciman, David. "The Paradox of Political Representation." Journal of Political Philosophy 15, no. 1 (March 2007): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9760.2007.00266.x.

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4

Smilansky, Saul. "The Political-Economic Population-Paradox." International Journal of Applied Philosophy 8, no. 1 (1993): 9–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ijap19938112.

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5

Ayyash, Mark Muhannad. "The paradox of political violence." European Journal of Social Theory 16, no. 3 (March 5, 2013): 342–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368431013476567.

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This article explores the paradoxical relationship between politics and violence in the concept of political violence. By examining the works of prominent theorists, such as Hannah Arendt and Frantz Fanon, the article highlights both the difficulty of separating politics and violence, and the improbability of formulating a harmonious relationship between them. Engaging with some of Michel Foucault’s work on power and violence, the article begins to formulate a theoretical approach that conceptualizes political violence in its inherently paradoxical condition.
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6

Blinder, Alan S. "The Macroeconomic Policy Paradox." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 650, no. 1 (September 25, 2013): 26–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716213493080.

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While objections can be (and have been) raised, the U.S. government’s multifaceted macroeconomic policy responses to the financial crisis after September 2008 appear to have been quite effective. Yet, politically, they are more reviled than admired. The paradox is that economic success—in the sense of averting much worse outcomes—turned into political failure. This article asks why.
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Klímová, Viktorie, and Vladimír Žítek. "Innovation Paradox in the Czech Republic: Economic Theory and Political Reality." Politická ekonomie 63, no. 2 (April 1, 2015): 147–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/j.polek.994.

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8

Paterson, Lindsay. "The Paradox of Scottish Political Culture." Scottish Affairs 23, no. 3 (August 2014): 291–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2014.0029.

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Scottish political culture adhered to a form of universalism from the Enlightenment until quite recently. In that sense, it denied its own distinctiveness, asserting as part of the very definition of the nation that national distinctiveness ought to be subsumed into liberal principles that are applicable everywhere and at all times. These universalistic ideas changed as society changed, and became more truly universal with the advent of universal democracy and the end of Empire. They are one reason why Scotland remained attached to the British union, and indeed Britain itself came to embody the concept of universalism from the middle of the eighteenth century until well after the middle of the twentieth. Recent Scottish political assertion has, however, moved away from this self-confident universalism. The article discusses the implications for the current debate about Scottish independence of both the longer history and the recent change.
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Fisch, Menachem. "The Tragic Paradox of Political Zionism." Telos 2020, no. 192 (2020): 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3817/0920192029.

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10

Grodin, Michaela Paasche. "Chaucer’s Clerk’s Tale as Political Paradox." Studies in the Age of Chaucer 11, no. 1 (1989): 63–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sac.1989.0004.

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11

Michael, Magali Cornier. "The Political Paradox within Don DeLillo'sLibra." Critique: Studies in Contemporary Fiction 35, no. 3 (April 1994): 146–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00111619.1994.9936473.

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12

Everson, Michelle. "the stubborn paradox of political order." European Political Science 6, no. 4 (November 12, 2007): 367–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.eps.2210169.

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13

Ihori, Toshihiro, and C. C. Yang. "Laffer paradox, Leviathan, and political contest." Public Choice 151, no. 1-2 (November 3, 2010): 137–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-010-9737-z.

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14

Ditto, Peter H., and Andrew J. Mastronarde. "The paradox of the political maverick." Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 45, no. 1 (January 2009): 295–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp.2008.10.002.

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15

Beardsworth, Richard. "Our political moment: political responsibility and leadership in a globalized, fragmented age." International Relations 32, no. 4 (December 2018): 391–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117818808563.

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National interest and national security need to be reconfigured so as to accommodate a state’s response to global threats and challenges. This requires in turn addressing the following paradox: the pooling and ceding of sovereignty must be made in the very name of national sovereignty. The article maintains that it is one of the foremost challenges of political responsibility and political leadership today to assume this paradox and thereby align national and global interests and practices. The alignment can, it is suggested, effectively oppose sovereigntism and nationalism, on one hand, and abstract global governance, on the other. To promote this alignment, the article advances a renewed understanding of state responsibility to citizenship under conditions of globalization.
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16

HONIG, BONNIE. "Between Decision and Deliberation: Political Paradox in Democratic Theory." American Political Science Review 101, no. 1 (February 2007): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055407070098.

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Deliberative democratic theorists (in this essay, Seyla Benhabib and Jurgen Habermas) seek to resolve, manage, or transcend paradoxes of democratic legitimation or constitutional democracy. Other democratic theorists, such as Chantal Mouffe, embrace such paradoxes and affirm their irreducibility. Deliberativists call that position “decisionism.” This essay examines the promise and limits of these various efforts by way of a third paradox: Rousseau's paradox of politics, whose many workings are traced through Book II, Chapter 7 of theSocial Contract. This last paradox cannot be resolved, transcended, managed, or even affirmed as an irreducible binary conflict. The paradox of politics names not a clash between two logics or norms but a vicious circle of chicken-and-egg (which comes first—good people or good law?). It has the happy effect of reorienting democratic theory: toward the material conditions of political practice, the unavoidable will of the people who are also always a multitude, and the not only regulative but also productive powers of law.
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Gold, Marina. "The Swiss Paradox." Social Analysis 63, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 22–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/sa.2019.630103.

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The Swiss system of direct democracy is in many ways paradoxical. The federal structure counteracts the formation of centralizing state hierarchies and protects the egalitarian representation of local political interests. Simultaneously, local political structures can have hierarchical and exclusionary effects, especially when democratic processes are turned into values. This article considers the tensions between egalitarian and hierarchical values in Swiss democratic structures in the wake of the rise of anti-foreigner and anti-EU passions harnessed by extreme right-wing parties. These tensions are heightened in the context of global processes that are transforming the structures of the state, as corporate power undermines state apparatuses with the potential to subvert democratic practices.
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MCDONAGH, EILEEN. "Political Citizenship and Democratization: The Gender Paradox." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 535–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305540200031x.

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This research challenges models of democratization that claim liberal principles affirming the equality of rights-bearing individuals equably enhance the political inclusion of groups marginalized by race, class, or gender. While such explanations may suffice for race and class, this study's quantitative cross-national analysis of women's contemporary officeholding patterns establishes that gender presents a counter case whereby women's political citizenship is enhanced, first, by government institutions that paradoxically affirm both individual equality and kinship group difference and, second, by state policies that paradoxically affirm both individual equality and women's group difference. These findings challenge assumptions about the relationship between political citizenship and democratization, demonstrate how women's political inclusion as voters and officeholders is strengthened not by either a “sameness” principle (asserting women's equality to men as individuals) or a “difference” principle (asserting women's group difference from men) but rather by the paradoxical combination of both, and provide new views for assessing multiculturalism prospects within democratic states.
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19

Horton, Billy D. "Book Review: Policy Paradox and Political Reason." Humanity & Society 13, no. 1 (February 1989): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016059768901300116.

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20

Geva-May, Iris. "Terminating public programs: An American political paradox." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 18, no. 1 (1999): 199–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1520-6688(199924)18:1<199::aid-pam18>3.0.co;2-8.

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21

al Attar, Mohsen. "TWAIL: a Paradox within a Paradox." International Community Law Review 22, no. 2 (May 29, 2020): 163–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12341426.

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Abstract What insight do critical perspectives bring to international legal theory? In the following article, I answer this question through an examination of Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL). Troubled by geopolitical imbalance in the enterprise of international law, a group of critically minded scholars sought to expand the scope of legal scholarship. They would do so by growing a scholarly community sensitive to Third World concerns in their engagement with international law. Movements are known to collapse just as quickly as they sprout and it is testament to TWAIL’s force that, twenty years on, it is still gaining momentum. Self-described as a theory, method, sensibility, movement, and, as per the moniker, approach, TWAIL’s place in legal theory remains ambiguous. Drawing on a range of TWAIL scholars as well as journeymen commentators, I investigate, first, how its scholars represent TWAIL’s theoretical credentials and, second, where its contribution fits in the field.
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22

Wasisto, Aryo. "Corruption as a Valence: The Paradox of Electorate Punishment of Political Parties in Indonesia." International Journal of Psychosocial Rehabilitation 24, no. 3 (February 28, 2020): 2380–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.37200/ijpr/v24i3/pr201886.

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23

Ellard, John. "Euthanasia: The Final Paradox." Australasian Psychiatry 15, no. 5 (October 2007): 365–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10398560701441679.

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Objective: The aim of this paper is to consider the history of human beings killing one another and reflect upon their reasons. Has it ever been altruistic? Method: Important examples of large episodes of killing, such as wars, the Crusades, the Inquisition and genocides were examined. Results: Reasons are always advanced for killing large numbers of people who did not want to die. They were not based on logic nor on altruism but on moralities constructed from religious and political beliefs. Those who wanted to die because of unrelievable pain involved in the process of dying from an incurable illness are always preserved against their wishes. Once more, the reasons were usually religious and/or politically supported. Conclusion: The belief that it is acceptable to kill those who do not want to die but unacceptable to kill those who want to die provides a curious paradox.
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24

Baldassarri, Delia, and Peter Bearman. "Dynamics of Political Polarization." American Sociological Review 72, no. 5 (October 2007): 784–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240707200507.

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This article accounts for two puzzling paradoxes. The first paradox is the simultaneous absence and presence of attitude polarization—the fact that global attitude polarization is relatively rare, even though pundits describe it as common. The second paradox is the simultaneous presence and absence of social polarization—the fact that while individuals experience attitude homogeneity in their interpersonal networks, their networks are characterized by attitude heterogeneity. These paradoxes give rise to numerous scholarly arguments. By developing a formal model of interpersonal influence over attitudes in a context where individuals hold simultaneous positions on multiple issues, we show why these arguments are not mutually exclusive and how they meaningfully refer to the same social setting. The results from this model provide a single parsimonious account for both paradoxes. The framework we develop may be generalized to a wider array of problems, including classic problems in collective action.
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25

i Giner, Josepa Cucó. "Proximal Paradox." European Journal of Social Theory 3, no. 3 (August 2000): 313–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13684310022224822.

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26

Gruenwald, Oskar. "The Globalization Paradox." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 20, no. 1 (2008): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2008201/21.

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Globalization offers a comprehensive framework for addressing prospects for the peaceful evolution of people and societies in the Third Millennium, Global markets, trade and communications, along with science and technology, now drive social, economic, and political development, modernization, and cultural change. Globalization thus holds great promise of extending economic prosperity throughout the world. Paradoxically, globalization can also deepen the divisions between rich and poor nations, contribute to the revolution of rising expectations in the Third World, and exacerbate frustrations caused by the accelerated pace of socio-economic and political development and cultural change. The contemporary resurgence of religion reflects crisis of modemity--the loss of traditional anchoring of social, cultural, and ethical mores, self- and group identification and meaning. The key to a peaceful, democratic globalization is a successful modernization strategy which seeks to reconcile and conjoin the best elements of modernity and tradition, the individual and community, freedom and order, secularism and religion, democracy and authority.
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27

Nečas, Jiří. "Petersburg paradox and equal taxation." Politická ekonomie 54, no. 1 (February 1, 2006): 56–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/j.polek.546.

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28

Schram, Sanford F. "A New Paradox: Political Science in an Age of Political Denial." Perspectives on Politics 13, no. 2 (June 2015): 427–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592715000146.

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29

Sandbrook, Chris, Fred Nelson, William M. Adams, and Arun Agrawal. "Carbon, forests and the REDD paradox." Oryx 44, no. 3 (July 2010): 330–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0030605310000475.

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AbstractThe institutional arrangements governing forests will be a critical factor in reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation (REDD) as part of the global effort to mitigate climate change. A growing body of empirical research demonstrates how local forest governance can be as, if not more, effective than centralized state-based regimes. Local forest governance can secure improvements in multiple forest outcomes such as biomass and carbon storage and livelihoods contributions for the poor, and it can do so at lower cost than is possible through centralized governance. Many national governments have implicitly recognized these findings in their pursuit of decentralized forest governance and in strengthening local rights and capacities to use and manage forests. However, such reforms are often politically resisted, particularly where the value of forest resources is high and central government bodies are able to capture the majority of benefits. Ongoing negotiations related to the design and delivery of REDD policy and practice must take into account both the importance of local forest governance arrangements and the political–economic barriers to devolving secure rights over forests to local communities. These political dimensions of forest tenure and policy create a paradox for REDD: increasing the value of forest resources through global carbon markets without attending to local governance and rights will create political incentives towards centralized governance, which could lead to greater forest loss and lower forest-related benefits for the poor.
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Ramberg, Bennett. "Preemption paradox." Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 62, no. 4 (July 1, 2006): 48–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2968/062004012.

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31

Brown, Michael. "Hospice and the Spatial Paradoxes of Terminal Care." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 35, no. 5 (May 2003): 833–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a35121.

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The purpose of my paper is to offer an understanding of home hospice from a perspective of political geography. Informed by critical political theories of care, and recent work on the geographies of public and private spheres, I explore one set of consequences of the spatial shift towards home death in metropolitan Seattle, Washington. Terminal hospice care done in the home creates an especially paradoxical home space. By blurring public–private boundaries, hospice care produces a political geography of home interpretable through four spatial paradoxes: a normative paradox of home being a good and bad place to die, a territorial paradox of control itself changing the home, a constitutive paradox between heart and welfare politics, and a relational paradox between autonomy and dependency. The implications for political and health geography, as well as political theory and hospice work itself are discussed as a consequence of recognizing these spatial paradoxes.
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Jeha, Ilda. "Paradox of the Mission of Albanian Political Parties." European Journal of Social Sciences 1, no. 1 (July 17, 2018): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejss.v1i1.p64-69.

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33

Fatien, Pauline, Dima Louis, and Gazi Islam Islam. "Contextualizing Paradox Management: The Political Role of Coaching." Academy of Management Proceedings 2020, no. 1 (August 2020): 12805. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2020.12805abstract.

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34

Pabst, A. "The Politics of Paradox: Metaphysics Beyond "Political Ontology"." Telos 2012, no. 161 (December 1, 2012): 99–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3817/1212161099.

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Bawden, Garth. "The Structural Paradox: Moche Culture as Political Ideology." Latin American Antiquity 6, no. 3 (September 1995): 255–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/971675.

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In this article I demonstrate the utility of an historical study of social change by examining the development of political authority on the Peruvian north coast during the Moche period through its symbols of power. We too often equate the material record with “archaeological culture,” assume that it reflects broad cultural reality, and interpret it by reference to general evolutionary models. Here I reassess Moche society within its historic context by examining the relationship between underlying social structure and short-term processes that shaped Moche political formation, and reach very different conclusions. I see the “diagnostic” Moche material record primarily as the symbolic manifestation of a distinctive political ideology whose character was historically constituted in an ongoing cultural tradition. Aspiring rulers used ideology to manipulate cultural principles in their interests and thus mediate the paradox between exclusive power and holistic Andean social structure which created the dynamic for change. A historic study allows us to identify the symbolic and ritual mechanisms that socially constituted Moche ideology, and reveals a pattern of diversity in time and space that was the product of differential choice by local rulers, a pattern that cannot be seen within a theoretical approach that emphasizes general evolutionary or materialist factors.
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Covin, David. "Symposium Introduction: The Paradox of Black Political Leadership." Souls 10, no. 1 (March 17, 2008): 20–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10999940801978593.

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37

Cohen-Vogel, Lora. "Civic Education and the Paradox of Political Participation." Peabody Journal of Education 94, no. 1 (January 2019): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0161956x.2019.1553583.

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38

Levinson, Meira. "Liberalism, Pluralism, and Political Education: Paradox or paradigm?" Oxford Review of Education 25, no. 1-2 (March 1999): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/030549899104116.

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39

Doran, Michael Scott. "The Saudi Paradox." Foreign Affairs 83, no. 1 (2004): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033827.

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40

Gleysteen, William H., and Alan D. Romberg. "Korea: Asian Paradox." Foreign Affairs 65, no. 5 (1987): 1037. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043200.

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41

Bergeron, Henri, Patrick Castel, and Abigail C. Saguy. "A FRENCH PARADOX?" French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 2 (July 1, 2019): 110–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370205.

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The French news media has framed “obesity” largely as a product of corporate greed and social inequality. Yet, France has—like other nations including the United States—adopted policies that focus on changing individual-level behavior. This article identifies several factors—including food industry lobbying, the Ministry of Agriculture’s rivalry with the Ministry of Health and alliance with the food industry, and competition with other policy goals—that favored the development of individual-level policy approaches to obesity in France at the expense of social-structural ones. This case points to the need to more systematically document inconsistencies and consistencies between social problem framing and policies. It also shows that national culture is multivalent and internally contradictory, fueling political and social struggles over which version of national culture will prevail at any given moment.
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Gottdiener, Mark, and David L. Sjoquist. "The Atlanta Paradox." Contemporary Sociology 31, no. 5 (September 2002): 513. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3090019.

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43

Fish, M. Steven, and Neil A. Abrams. "The Polarization Paradox." Journal of Democracy 31, no. 2 (2020): 182–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2020.0030.

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Blair, Harry. "The Bangladesh Paradox." Journal of Democracy 31, no. 4 (2020): 138–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2020.0061.

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45

Cashmore, Ellis. "America's paradox." Ethnic and Racial Studies 20, no. 1 (January 1, 1997): 195–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.1997.9993954.

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46

Datta, Lois-ellin. "Paradox Lost and Paradox Regained." American Journal of Evaluation 34, no. 2 (May 6, 2013): 254–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1098214013478143.

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RÄIKKÄ, JUHA. "Political Reforms, People’s Expectations, and Justice." WISDOM 1, no. 1 (December 1, 2013): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/wisdom.v1i1.24.

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The topic of the present paper derives from Henry Sidgwick (1838-1900), and is sometimes labeled as the “paradox of conservative justice”. In The Methods of Ethics (1st edition, 1874) Sidgwick asks whether political reforms that have a morally desirable goal could justifiably be rejected simply on the grounds that realizing them would spoil the life plans of those who believe that the future would be like the past. The paradox is that “ideal justice” demands us to make reforms but “conservative justice” requires respecting people’s reasonable expectations, although making reforms seems to imply that those expectations will not be respected. The question seems to be about a moral dilemma. The government has an obligation to improve society and correct existing injustices, but surely it has also an obligation not to disappoint people’s natural expectations, partly created by the government itself. When the circumstances are such that correcting injustices happens to disappoint people’s reasonable expectations, the government simply cannot comply with both of its obligations.
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48

Klíma, Ivan. "Crime and paradox." Index on Censorship 17, no. 5 (May 1988): 44–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228808534425.

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49

Hlaváček, Jiří, and Michal Hlaváček. "St Petersburg paradox and cardinal utility function." Politická ekonomie 52, no. 1 (February 1, 2004): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/j.polek.449.

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50

al-Kader, Anis 'Abd. "Confessional Paradox." Journal of Palestine Studies 18, no. 4 (1989): 144–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537509.

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