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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political participation – Philippines – Iloilo

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Academic literature on the topic 'Political participation – Philippines – Iloilo'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Political participation – Philippines – Iloilo"

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GonNamkung and 조윤주. "Philippines Kinship Politics and Women's Political Participation." Women's Studies Review 25, no. 1 (June 2008): 61–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.18341/wsr.2008.25.1.61.

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Samad, Paridah Abd. "Disruptions of Political Participation in the Philippines." Pacific Focus 5, no. 2 (February 13, 2008): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1976-5118.1990.tb00132.x.

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Oducado, Ryan Michael Flores, and Julie Anne Faye Sobrepeña Palma. "Nurses’ Awareness and Participation in Mandatory Continuing Professional Development in the Philippines: A Pilot Survey." Jurnal Ners dan Kebidanan (Journal of Ners and Midwifery) 7, no. 1 (April 5, 2020): 135–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.26699/jnk.v7i1.art.p135-142.

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Introduction: Mandatory Continuing Professional Development (CPD) in the Philippines is relatively new. The purpose of the study was to determine nurses’ awareness and participation in CPD in the Philippines. Methods: This descriptive survey was conducted among nurses (n=30) in a private hospital in Iloilo City. A researcher-made survey tool was used to gather data. Data were analyzed using descriptive statistics and Mann-Whitney U to test for differences between variables. Results: Results indicated that were nurses were generally aware of the CPD law and its implementing rules and regulations (IRR). However, while nurses understood the concept of CPD and the renewal requirements of the CPD Act, more than half were not aware of learning activities under Self-Directed Learning and that nurses can earn CPD credit units through online CPD programs. Almost half were unaware that excess CPD cannot be carried over to the next three-year period, and more than one-third were unaware that only completed post baccalaureate degree programs can be used to earn CPD credit units. There were no significant differences in the awareness of nurses when grouped according to sex, age, civil status, position, salary, and length of work experience. Seminars and workshops were the most common CPD activities participated by nurses in the last 12 months. Conclusion: Addressing the common information gaps regarding the CPD law identified in this study may assist in increasing nurses’ support in the implementation of the mandatory CPD among nurses.

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Velasco, Djorina. "Marginalized Groups and Political Participation: Perspectives from the Philippines." Development 50, no. 1 (March 2007): 117–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.development.1100342.

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Cayamodin, Jamel Rombo. "The Dynamics of Meranao Political Participation in Southern Philippines: An Analysis Using Milbrath’s Hierarchy of Political Involvement." Insaniyat: Journal of Islam and Humanities 5, no. 2 (May 31, 2021): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/insaniyat.v5i2.17770.

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The study analyzes the dynamics of political participation of the largest Muslim ethnolinguistic group in the Philippines – the Meranao. Using Milbrath’s hierarchy of political involvement, the researcher examines the nature of Meranaos’ political processes and the role played by demographic and socioeconomic factors including gender, place of origin, age, income, education, and occupation on the nature of their political participation. The study adopted quantitative approach whereby survey method is the primary technique during the collection of data. There were 315 respondents who took part in the five-month survey period in the two districts of the province of Lanao del Sur in Southern Philippines. The research question is summed up on how do Meranaos participate in Philippine politics vis-a-vis Milbrath’s Hierarchy of Political Involvement, and how do social stratification in the Meranao society influence their political participation. The study found that the nature of Meranaos’ political participation is not up to democratic setup as they are confined only to spectatorial level, while rarely participating in transitional and gladiatorial levels. In the same manner, there were no significant impacts of demographic and socioeconomic factors on political participation. The effects were only found in individual formative items at a lesser extent. The study recommends the massive information drive on the status and significant roles of political institutions in the Meranao society in order to entice higher political participation. Extension of this study to other Muslim ethnolinguistic groups and communities in the Philippines is essential.

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Hall, Rosalie Arcala. "Politics in the Frontline: Local Civil-Military Interactions in Communist Counterinsurgency Operations in the Philippines." Philippine Political Science Journal 27, no. 1 (December 21, 2006): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-02701001.

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This article examines the interaction of local army units and town/village leaders in several communist frontline communities in Southern Iloilo, in the light of changes in the national government’s policy response after 1986. Civil-military engagement in the frontline is asymmetrical and premised on different understandings of the nature and assessment of the communist threat. For soldiers, the communists are embedded in the community, and pose a serious threat. Local leaders downplay the rebel threat and view the communists as outsiders, but express a nuanced view of the different roles locals play in the communist movement and factional affiliation of rebels in their area. Except for paramilitary formation, the military devises all counterinsurgency programs while civilian leaders and the police are confined to implementation. The Municipal Peace and Order Councils do not serve as institutional means for local civilian leaders to oversee military operations, but rather as venues for local commands to obtain logistical support. Civil-military interface on human rights concerns has become less confrontational and oriented towards soldiers carrying firearms in public, abuse of local generosity particularly in quartering and food provision, and complaints procedure for minor infractions.

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7

Dee, Francis Joseph A. "Predictors of participation in protest in the Philippines." Philippine Political Science Journal 39, no. 3 (September 2, 2018): 155–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01154451.2018.1565641.

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Austin, Rebecca L., and James F. Eder. "Environmentalism, Development, and Participation on Palawan Island, Philippines." Society & Natural Resources 20, no. 4 (February 13, 2007): 363–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08941920601161379.

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Teehankee, Julio C. "Party.Politics.Ph: Internet Campaigning in the Philippines." Philippine Political Science Journal 31, no. 1 (December 21, 2010): 87–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-03101004.

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This article is an initial assessment of Internet utilization by political parties in the Philippines. The phenomenal growth in the use of Information Communication Technologies (ICTs) in the country is not lost to political parties, candidates, and campaign managers. Online websites offer an opportunity for political parties to strengthen linkages with citizens and voters through information provision, transparency, interactivity, and networking. The article conducted a content analysis of the websites of five mainstream political parties and twelve party list organizations represented in the 14th Congress. It appraised the online presence of these parties and assessed the level of use of the Internet as a tool for internal party administration, online electoral campaigns, voters’ participation and organization.

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Goodell, Grace. "The importance of political participation for sustained capitalist development." European Journal of Sociology 26, no. 1 (May 1985): 93–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600004355.

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The problem facing most of the Third World today is no longer how to launch development, but rather how to sustain it. Consider the colossal disappointments, after 150 years of independence, of Brazil, Mexico, Uruguay, Colombia, Venezuela, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Peru — and the debacle of Argentina. Recall the historic leadership which set Egypt, Thailand, and Turkey on their drives to modernization fully a century ago: now, nearly stagnant. Contrast the economic promise inherited from the colonial period and the determination and unbounded elan inspired by independence with today's languor in India, Kenya, and Malaysia, the listlessness of Zimbabwe, Indonesia, The Philippines, and North Africa: indeed, the failures of Ghana and Nigeria. The issue is no longer how to assure political stability — but even with stability, how to foster steady development whose gains will accrue and whose momentum can be sustained.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political participation – Philippines – Iloilo"

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Fernandez, Pepito R. "Understanding participatory development in Barangay Lumangan, Miagao, Iloilo, Philippines." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ29492.pdf.

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Mahoney, Smith Melissa. "Civic Dignity and Meaningful Political Participation." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cgu_etd/111.

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This dissertation looks at how enhanced political participation opportunities can increase individual liberty and improve public-sector reform efforts. It blends political theory with contemporary concerns for individual well-being and government accountability. To do this, several research methodologies are used, including normative, qualitative process-tracing, and quantitative analysis. First, the dissertation draws insights from ancient and modern political philosophy and the political thought and example of Jane Addams in 19th Century Chicago. It begins with Josiah Ober’s work on civic dignity, which he defines as “equal high standing” among citizens, marked by “non-infantilization and non-humiliation.” This definition is a useful starting point but somehow seems thin for a concept of such import. In exploring the wisdom of Tocqueville’s “schools” of democracy and Jane Addams’ notion of fellowship, I expand the definition of civic dignity to include “having a sense of ownership.” In other words, being dignified as a citizen in a self-governing political community should include having a seat at the proverbial table where one can speak and be heard. This means that political participation opportunities would ideally carry low transaction costs while maximizing the substance that can be contributed. Through Addams’ experience at Hull House, the settlement house she co-founded, I highlight how these opportunities for meaningful political participation are indispensable to individual civic dignity, and by extension, individual liberty and well-being. Second, civic dignity is viewed through a different lens, namely the role it can play when incorporated successfully into policy design and implementation. Arguably, a self- governing political community’s greatest asset is the collective knowledge and lived experience of its citizens. But current political participation mechanisms and policy designs do not do a good job leveraging that resource, and many individuals may find themselves unofficially shut out. Using process-tracing methodology, a case study explores resettlement projects targeting the urban poor in Mandaue City, the Philippines. The case study results demonstrate that deepening democracy (by incorporating civic dignity into the policy design and implementation) not only benefits individual liberty, but can also produce better outcomes and contribute to anti-corruption efforts. Taking civic dignity into account during policy design and implementation is not merely a “feel good” option; it is a strategic option that allows the political community to leverage local knowledge by enlisting the participation of those individuals or groups closest to the problem or challenge at hand. While this finding is not entirely novel, it is far from standard practice. Domestically and internationally, the coercive force of government and/or the “tyranny of experts” is too often the default approach for policy design and implementation. Third, the theoretical and practical explorations of civic dignity are used to construct a measure for civic dignity. In a data driven world, reliable and valid measurement is key, and if the concept of civic dignity is going to gain currency, then validating a scale to capture it is essential. Through Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA), survey items are examined to determine which items map onto the latent factors that comprise civic dignity. A 22-item four-factor solution that maps onto the four components of civic dignity is presented. The newly minted Civic Dignity Scale is then compared against measures from political science and psychology literature that are theoretically related but distinct from civic dignity, such as political efficacy and self-determination, to test for construct validity. Spearman correlations yield reassuring results, showing statistically significant strong positive correlations as hypothesized. Finally, the relationship between the Civic Dignity Scale and political participation is analyzed for further construct validity. A Poisson regression model shows that for every one unit increase in an individual’s civic dignity, the likelihood that one would participate in political activities also increases. While a confirmation factor analysis is needed for further scale validation, the EFA and subsequent analyses do codify and deepen our understanding of civic dignity. In the future, a fully validated Civic Dignity Scale would enable reformers like Addams and those in Mandaue City to legitimize and track their efforts empirically.

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Langran, Irene Victoria. "Empowerment and the limits of change NGOs and health decentralization in the Philippines /." 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/53965260.html.

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Books on the topic "Political participation – Philippines – Iloilo"

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Buendia, Emmanuel Evangelista. Democratizing governance in the Philippines: Redefining and measuring the state of people's participation in governance. Quezon City: Center for Leadership, Citizenship and Democracy, National College of Public Administration and Governance, University of the Philippines, 2005.

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Institute for Popular Democracy (Philippines), ed. Citizen participation in local governance: Experiences from Thailand, Indonesia, and the Philippines. Manila, Philippines: Published by the Institute for Popular Democracy (IPD) for Logolink Southeast Asia, 2004.

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3

North-South Institute (Ottawa, Ont.), ed. The rocky road to democracy: A case study of the Philippines. Ottawa: North-South Institute = Institut Nord-Sud, 1992.

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4

Valdehuesa, Manuel E. A nation of zombies: Powerless grassroots, clueless elite, and the cycle of corruption in the Philippines. Cagayan de Oro City, Philippines: Capitol University Press, 2009.

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5

Campaigning for democracy: Grassroots citizenship movements, less-than-democratic elections, and regime transition in the Philippines. Quezon City, Philippines: Institute for Popular Democracy, 2000.

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6

Lacson, Alexander L. 12 little things every Filipino can do to help our country. Quezon City, Philippines: Alay Pinoy Pub. House, 2005.

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7

The politics of NGOs in South-East Asia: Participation and protest in the Philippines. London: Routledge, 1998.

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8

In the name of civil society: From free election movements to people power in the Philippines. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2006.

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9

Kerkvliet, Benedict J. Everyday politics in the Philippines: Class and status relations in a Central Luzon village. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 2012.

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Kerkvliet, Benedict J. Everyday politics in the Philippines: Class and status relations in a Central Luzon village. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political participation – Philippines – Iloilo"

1

"The Arroyo Government and “Civil Society” Participation in the Philippines: Neoliberalism, Political Alliances, and Succession." In Neoliberalism and Conflict In Asia After 9/11, 188–209. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315878959-16.

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"Challenging museum sustainability: governance, community participation and the ﬁckle political climate in southern Luzon (Philippines) towns." In Museum as Process, 264–79. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315766935-21.

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3

Manrique, Cecilia G., and Gabriel G. Manrique. "Social Media's Role in Alleviating Political Corruption and Scandals." In Political Scandal, Corruption, and Legitimacy in the Age of Social Media, 205–22. IGI Global, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-2019-1.ch009.

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This chapter is an attempt to show how the use of social media in one country, the Republic of the Philippines, has grown and has been used to encourage political awareness and participation among the Filipino masses. The country is ranked among the most technologically savvy in the world but ironically is also considered one of the most corrupt countries as well. The authors believe that, as a result of the showings Filipinos have made when called upon via social media to oust corrupt officials, there is a method whereby such knowledge can be harnessed for the good thus alleviating scandals and ultimately corruption in the country. This research points to the direction the country, and various other countries in the world in similar situations, may take in order to combat corruption through greater citizen participation.

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Manrique, Cecilia G., and Gabriel G. Manrique. "Social Media's Role in Alleviating Political Corruption and Scandals." In Social Media Marketing, 1560–72. IGI Global, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-5637-4.ch073.

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This chapter is an attempt to show how the use of social media in one country, the Republic of the Philippines, has grown and has been used to encourage political awareness and participation among the Filipino masses. The country is ranked among the most technologically savvy in the world but ironically is also considered one of the most corrupt countries as well. The authors believe that, as a result of the showings Filipinos have made when called upon via social media to oust corrupt officials, there is a method whereby such knowledge can be harnessed for the good thus alleviating scandals and ultimately corruption in the country. This research points to the direction the country, and various other countries in the world in similar situations, may take in order to combat corruption through greater citizen participation.

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Ona, Sherwin E., and Ma Beth S. Concepcion. "Building Performance Competencies in Open Government." In Optimizing E-Participation Initiatives Through Social Media, 176–207. IGI Global, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-5326-7.ch008.

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Open government initiatives around the world have encouraged governments to be more transparent and accessible while its partners have found new venues to further participate and collaborate. However, realities on the ground have begun to show the complexities of openness, raising questions on how these initiatives could be sustained. In the Philippines, most of the open government-open government data (OG-OGD) programs are considered top-down. This means that almost all of the activities are initiated by the national government and are often funded by multilateral agencies such as the World Bank. However, due to the changes in political priorities, the future of these programs remains uncertain. Current experiences further highlight the importance of institutionalization as one of the ingredients to sustain these initiatives; thus, the authors believe that building capacities play an important part in such an endeavor. As such, this chapter presents an initial set of OG-OGD performance competencies for local government executives and their civil society partners.

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