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1
GonNamkung and 조윤주. "Philippines Kinship Politics and Women's Political Participation." Women's Studies Review 25, no. 1 (June 2008): 61–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.18341/wsr.2008.25.1.61.
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Samad, Paridah Abd. "Disruptions of Political Participation in the Philippines." Pacific Focus 5, no. 2 (February 13, 2008): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1976-5118.1990.tb00132.x.
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Oducado, Ryan Michael Flores, and Julie Anne Faye Sobrepeña Palma. "Nurses’ Awareness and Participation in Mandatory Continuing Professional Development in the Philippines: A Pilot Survey." Jurnal Ners dan Kebidanan (Journal of Ners and Midwifery) 7, no. 1 (April 5, 2020): 135–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.26699/jnk.v7i1.art.p135-142.
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Introduction: Mandatory Continuing Professional Development (CPD) in the Philippines is relatively new. The purpose of the study was to determine nurses’ awareness and participation in CPD in the Philippines. Methods: This descriptive survey was conducted among nurses (n=30) in a private hospital in Iloilo City. A researcher-made survey tool was used to gather data. Data were analyzed using descriptive statistics and Mann-Whitney U to test for differences between variables. Results: Results indicated that were nurses were generally aware of the CPD law and its implementing rules and regulations (IRR). However, while nurses understood the concept of CPD and the renewal requirements of the CPD Act, more than half were not aware of learning activities under Self-Directed Learning and that nurses can earn CPD credit units through online CPD programs. Almost half were unaware that excess CPD cannot be carried over to the next three-year period, and more than one-third were unaware that only completed post baccalaureate degree programs can be used to earn CPD credit units. There were no significant differences in the awareness of nurses when grouped according to sex, age, civil status, position, salary, and length of work experience. Seminars and workshops were the most common CPD activities participated by nurses in the last 12 months. Conclusion: Addressing the common information gaps regarding the CPD law identified in this study may assist in increasing nurses’ support in the implementation of the mandatory CPD among nurses.
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Velasco, Djorina. "Marginalized Groups and Political Participation: Perspectives from the Philippines." Development 50, no. 1 (March 2007): 117–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.development.1100342.
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Cayamodin, Jamel Rombo. "The Dynamics of Meranao Political Participation in Southern Philippines: An Analysis Using Milbrath’s Hierarchy of Political Involvement." Insaniyat: Journal of Islam and Humanities 5, no. 2 (May 31, 2021): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/insaniyat.v5i2.17770.
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The study analyzes the dynamics of political participation of the largest Muslim ethnolinguistic group in the Philippines – the Meranao. Using Milbrath’s hierarchy of political involvement, the researcher examines the nature of Meranaos’ political processes and the role played by demographic and socioeconomic factors including gender, place of origin, age, income, education, and occupation on the nature of their political participation. The study adopted quantitative approach whereby survey method is the primary technique during the collection of data. There were 315 respondents who took part in the five-month survey period in the two districts of the province of Lanao del Sur in Southern Philippines. The research question is summed up on how do Meranaos participate in Philippine politics vis-a-vis Milbrath’s Hierarchy of Political Involvement, and how do social stratification in the Meranao society influence their political participation. The study found that the nature of Meranaos’ political participation is not up to democratic setup as they are confined only to spectatorial level, while rarely participating in transitional and gladiatorial levels. In the same manner, there were no significant impacts of demographic and socioeconomic factors on political participation. The effects were only found in individual formative items at a lesser extent. The study recommends the massive information drive on the status and significant roles of political institutions in the Meranao society in order to entice higher political participation. Extension of this study to other Muslim ethnolinguistic groups and communities in the Philippines is essential.
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Hall, Rosalie Arcala. "Politics in the Frontline: Local Civil-Military Interactions in Communist Counterinsurgency Operations in the Philippines." Philippine Political Science Journal 27, no. 1 (December 21, 2006): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-02701001.
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This article examines the interaction of local army units and town/village leaders in several communist frontline communities in Southern Iloilo, in the light of changes in the national government’s policy response after 1986. Civil-military engagement in the frontline is asymmetrical and premised on different understandings of the nature and assessment of the communist threat. For soldiers, the communists are embedded in the community, and pose a serious threat. Local leaders downplay the rebel threat and view the communists as outsiders, but express a nuanced view of the different roles locals play in the communist movement and factional affiliation of rebels in their area. Except for paramilitary formation, the military devises all counterinsurgency programs while civilian leaders and the police are confined to implementation. The Municipal Peace and Order Councils do not serve as institutional means for local civilian leaders to oversee military operations, but rather as venues for local commands to obtain logistical support. Civil-military interface on human rights concerns has become less confrontational and oriented towards soldiers carrying firearms in public, abuse of local generosity particularly in quartering and food provision, and complaints procedure for minor infractions.
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Dee, Francis Joseph A. "Predictors of participation in protest in the Philippines." Philippine Political Science Journal 39, no. 3 (September 2, 2018): 155–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01154451.2018.1565641.
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Austin, Rebecca L., and James F. Eder. "Environmentalism, Development, and Participation on Palawan Island, Philippines." Society & Natural Resources 20, no. 4 (February 13, 2007): 363–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08941920601161379.
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Teehankee, Julio C. "Party.Politics.Ph: Internet Campaigning in the Philippines." Philippine Political Science Journal 31, no. 1 (December 21, 2010): 87–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-03101004.
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This article is an initial assessment of Internet utilization by political parties in the Philippines. The phenomenal growth in the use of Information Communication Technologies (ICTs) in the country is not lost to political parties, candidates, and campaign managers. Online websites offer an opportunity for political parties to strengthen linkages with citizens and voters through information provision, transparency, interactivity, and networking. The article conducted a content analysis of the websites of five mainstream political parties and twelve party list organizations represented in the 14th Congress. It appraised the online presence of these parties and assessed the level of use of the Internet as a tool for internal party administration, online electoral campaigns, voters’ participation and organization.
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Goodell, Grace. "The importance of political participation for sustained capitalist development." European Journal of Sociology 26, no. 1 (May 1985): 93–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600004355.
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The problem facing most of the Third World today is no longer how to launch development, but rather how to sustain it. Consider the colossal disappointments, after 150 years of independence, of Brazil, Mexico, Uruguay, Colombia, Venezuela, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Peru — and the debacle of Argentina. Recall the historic leadership which set Egypt, Thailand, and Turkey on their drives to modernization fully a century ago: now, nearly stagnant. Contrast the economic promise inherited from the colonial period and the determination and unbounded elan inspired by independence with today's languor in India, Kenya, and Malaysia, the listlessness of Zimbabwe, Indonesia, The Philippines, and North Africa: indeed, the failures of Ghana and Nigeria. The issue is no longer how to assure political stability — but even with stability, how to foster steady development whose gains will accrue and whose momentum can be sustained.
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Zapata, Alodia. "Women’s leadership and political participation: Fair access to political spheres in the Province of Bulacan, Philippines." African Educational Research Journal 6, no. 4 (December 28, 2018): 334–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.30918/aerj.64.18.102.
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KyoungKyo Seo. "Popular Understanding of Democracy and Political Participation: Thailand and the Philippines in Comparative Perspectives." JOURNAL OF KOREAN ASSOCIATION OF THAI STUDIES 20, no. 2 (February 2014): 369–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.22473/kats.2014.20.2.012.
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Huffman, Benjamin David. "E-Participation in the Philippines: A Capabilities Approach to Socially Inclusive Governance." JeDEM - eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government 9, no. 2 (December 18, 2017): 24–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.29379/jedem.v9i2.461.
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Information and Communication Technologies have the potential to transform the political landscape by engaging citizens in the governance process. Whether citizens find value in utilizing these technologies is contentious. This article examines the capabilities affecting citizen’s opportunities to achieve value through e-Participation in order to establish a framework that can foster these conditions. Previous e-Participation models have failed to capture this quintessence ideal, instead opting to take an access based approach to socially inclusive governance. The Philippines was selected for investigation based on its aggressive push to improve information and communication infrastructure, e-Government services and most notably, e-Participation. The main findings of this article show that Web 2.0 technologies such as Facebook have proven to be strong civic technologies for fostering e-Democracy but the government’s effort to deepen democracy through e-Participation has yet to materialize into value to the common citizen. This is due to inadequately written policies and paper freedoms not translating into real ones. This article breaks way from the traditional access based model for e-Participation by presenting a normative framework which draws on the existential capabilities of citizens. Cultivating e-Participation in such a way can empower citizens and strengthen the state through a deepening of democracy.
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Ku, Samuel C. Y., and Wen-Hsuan Hsiao. "Chinese Political Participation in Peninsula Malaysia: Under the Shadow of Malay Supremacy." Translocal Chinese: East Asian Perspectives 14, no. 2 (January 6, 2021): 183–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24522015-14020002.
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Abstract With more than thirty ethnic groups, Malaysia is renowned for its multiculturalism and ethnic diversity. Unlike in Indonesia and the Philippines, where ethnic Chinese are rarely given the opportunity to serve in the central government. Therefore, political parties focus on ethnic needs and issues. Therefore, it is important to gain a greater understanding of the degree to which ethnic Malaysian Chinese are participating in these elections and what sort of political powers their political parties maintain. Aside from the introduction and conclusion, the paper is divided into three sections. The first part investigates the geographic areas that represent different ethnicities across Malaysia and the regions. The second section examines how much political influence the ethnic Chinese Malaysians maintain. The last section analyzes how ethnic Chinese Malaysian’s political participation has evolved over the years.
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Ku, Samuel C. Y., and Wen-Hsuan Hsiao. "Chinese Political Participation in Peninsula Malaysia: Under the Shadow of Malay Supremacy." Translocal Chinese: East Asian Perspectives 14, no. 2 (January 6, 2021): 183–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24522015-14020002.
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Abstract With more than thirty ethnic groups, Malaysia is renowned for its multiculturalism and ethnic diversity. Unlike in Indonesia and the Philippines, where ethnic Chinese are rarely given the opportunity to serve in the central government. Therefore, political parties focus on ethnic needs and issues. Therefore, it is important to gain a greater understanding of the degree to which ethnic Malaysian Chinese are participating in these elections and what sort of political powers their political parties maintain. Aside from the introduction and conclusion, the paper is divided into three sections. The first part investigates the geographic areas that represent different ethnicities across Malaysia and the regions. The second section examines how much political influence the ethnic Chinese Malaysians maintain. The last section analyzes how ethnic Chinese Malaysian’s political participation has evolved over the years.
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Gochoco-Bautista, Maria Socorro. "The Philippine Economy in the Face of External Shocks." Asian Economic Papers 8, no. 3 (October 2009): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep.2009.8.3.87.
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The Philippines has a unique economic history relative to its neighbors. It is less open to trade and has been unable to attain and sustain high rates of growth. Today, globalization and participation in the global economy primarily means the export of labor rather than goods. The Philippines' reliance on remittances from its cadre of overseas Filipino workers has become the main pillar of its growth and development strategy. Going into the period of the global crisis, the Philippines had robust growth relative to its historical average and a strengthened banking system. The effects on the real sector intensified in the last quarter of 2008. While there are continuing attempts to use expansionary monetary and fiscal policy to spur the economy, the ability of the Philippines to pursue such expansionary policies may be limited by the still relatively high inflation and the government's historically weak fiscal position. Although it appears that the Philippines will muddle through and survive the current global crisis, it will continue to face the daunting task of effectively leveraging for long-term growth and development.
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Dreisbach, Jeconiah Louis. "Performing Politics: Dissent of the Mass Movement Against Neoliberal Policies in the Philippines." Idealogy Journal 4, no. 1 (April 19, 2019): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24191/idealogy.v4i1.127.
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Nationalist and democratic mass movements consistently resist the implementation of neoliberal policies by the Philippine government. The government’s affirmation to the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA), inclusion of the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA), and the hosting of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Summit in 2015 and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Summit in 2017, among others, have all been dealt with protests by tens of thousands of militant activists. In these demonstrations, activists convert major roads into public spaces wherein not only dissent against imperialist globalization, privatization, and issues alike are expressed, but also it made an opportunity for them to further educate the people about how the said issues affect their personal and everyday lives. This paper combined Habermas' concept of a public sphere, Lefebvre's concept of public space, and Foucault's concept of micropolitics as a form of resistance in setting a basis to establish that political participation at resistance is a form of performance. A performative look on political participation will not only give a better meaning on political works but also deepens the understanding of one on discourses and resistances.
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Curato, Nicole, and Septrin John Calamba. "Surviving Disasters by Suppressing Political Storms: Participation as Knowledge Transfer in Community-Based Disaster Governance." Critical Sociology 46, no. 2 (October 1, 2018): 241–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920518796167.
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The small island of San Francisco, Cebu in the Philippines has gained global recognition for its community-based disaster management program. By institutionalizing the purok system—a sub-village level of organization—citizens are empowered to plan and implement disaster preparedness programs that fit their specific needs and geographical context.We interrogate the logics that underpin this prize-winning governance innovation. We find that San Francisco—the island where all survive even after the most devastating of disasters—functions through the modality of participation as knowledge transfer. It is underpinned the ethos of solidarity over conflict and takes place in a predetermined rather than citizen-driven space for participatory politics. We situate our arguments in the recent literature on public participation to understand the precise character of participatory politics in the field of disaster response.
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Prilles, Wilfredo. "Kaantabay Sa Kauswagan: Empowering the Urban Poor in Naga City, Philippines." Open House International 30, no. 4 (December 1, 2005): 56–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ohi-04-2005-b0013.
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Initiated in 1989, the KsK programme (literally Partners in Development) shows how a tri-partite approach of pooling resources and capabilities of private landowners, city and central government and the poor can be used to improve urban living conditions. Strong political will and an enlightened perception of the poor has enabled a city government to reduce poverty, manage urbanisation and improve quality of life in urban areas. Eighty-one per cent of the 7,400 low-income houses have been improved to date. Strong community participation has been a vital factor in achieving this success.
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Ferolin, Maria Cecilia, and Glenn Fernandez. "Youth Participation in Post-Terrorist Attack Recovery: A Case Study in Southern Philippines." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 34, s1 (May 2019): s14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x19000475.
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Introduction:In the southern Philippines, human-induced disasters, such as terrorist attacks, have caused unprecedented damage to the economic, social, and political life of the attacked and nearby areas. More gruesome is the direct impacts to human life and wellbeing. This study focuses on the 2017 Marawi armed siege, the longest urban battle in the Philippines. The 154-day siege took a heavy toll, including 1,132 deaths among militants, soldiers, police, and civilians, and caused the displacement of some 400,000 local inhabitants. The city is in total ruins leaving its economic center as “Ground 0.” The aftermath of the siege demands major interventions to address physical and economic damages, but more importantly, to ameliorate the human impacts caused by the brutalities of war. The displaced peoples need to recover from health impacts – psychological trauma, as well as social, environmental, and cultural. The Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR) 2015-2030 states that DRR requires society-wide engagement. Everyone, regardless of their age, gender, ethnicity, religion, or socio-economic position, should be involved in thinking, planning, and deciding about DRR. Studies on youth participation in disaster recovery are still scarce.Aim:This current research aims to help fill this gap and to contribute to providing the much-needed evidence base for the formulation and implementation of future policies to enable and improve youth participation in post-disaster initiatives in the Philippines.Results:Initial findings reveal that the following are crucial factors for youth mobilization: (1.) avenues for volunteering, (2.) access to adequate resources and support including information, funds, manpower, and social capital, (3.) opportunities for the youth to participate in the form of events or activities, (4.) legal mandate for youth participation in local, national, and international policies and frameworks. The study also looked at barriers or challenges to youth participation and their motivations.
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Curry, Mark Stevenson. "Civil Society Fragmentation and Agrarian Reform: Focus on CARPER in the Philippines." International Studies Review 14, no. 1 (October 15, 2013): 57–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01401003.
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Civil society fragmentation may have significant implications for rural development initiatives, such as agrarian reform program implementation. This paper assesses the issue by looking at civil society participation and cleavages in the enactment of the 2009 Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program Extension with Reforms (CARPER) in the Philippines. CARPER was promoted by a coalition of social and political movements, including the Catholic Church and peasant and farmer groups aligned with centre-left political organizations. It was however opposed by two discordant groups: the leftist national democratic bloc of people’s organizations and legislators, and conservative landlords. A Gramscian framework is adapted to describe the hegemonic relations affecting three engaged organizations from the civil society spectrum and to assess potential convergences among them.
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Frederico, Margarita M., Clifford J. Picton, Steven Muncy, Luis Ma Ongsiapco, Celia Santos, and Vladimir Hernandez. "Building community following displacement due to armed conflict." International Social Work 50, no. 2 (March 2007): 171–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872807073964.
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English Facilitating participation with people displaced due to internal armed conflict is a core challenge in community building. The case study presented in this article identifies the elements of a community-building approach which achieved sustainable outcomes for individuals and communities in Mindanao, Philippines where hundreds of thousands of people were displaced during armed conflict between 2000 and 2003. French Inciter la participation de personnes dé placées à la suite d'un conflit intérieur armé pour reconstruire la communauté représente un dé fi de taille. La présente étude de cas identifie les éléments d'une approche de développement communautaire qui a obtenu des ré sultats durables aupre` s de personnes et de communautés de Mindanao aux Philippines où des centaines de milliers de personnes furent dé placées durant les conflits, entre 2000 et 2003. Spanish Un reto central en la creació n de una comunidad es el facilitar la participación de la gente que ha sido desplazada a causa del conflicto interno armado. El caso aquí presentado identifica los componentes de la tarea de crear comunidad. Un caso que ha dado resultados duraderos para individuos y comunidades en Mindanao (Filipinas), donde cientos de miles de personas fueron desplazadas durante los conflictos habidos entre el 2000 y el 2003.
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Viajar, Verna Dinah Q. "Implications of Economic Globalization on Labor Market Policies: A Comparative study of the Philippines and Indonesia." Philippine Political Science Journal 30, no. 1 (December 16, 2009): 89–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-03001004.
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This essay examines the implications of economic globalization on the labor markets in the Philippines and Indonesia. Today’s economic globalization characterized by liberalization of the market, privatization of state-owned enterprises, and minimal government intervention in the economy, results in job losses, retrenchments and irregular employment and rising wage differentials among workers. Both countries follow liberal economic policies that have constrained the state’s response in terms of labor market policies to mitigate the negative impact of economic globalization. Free market proponents consider as labor rigidities the state’s policy interventions in the labor market and the participation of trade unions. Labor flexibility and the free interplay of labor supply and demand are the ones valued in the liberalized labor market. Though constrained and weakened to address the economic restructuring brought about by globalization, the labor movements in the Philippines and Indonesia continue to find ways to develop new unionisms and strategies to organize themselves as social movements.
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de Brun, Suzanne, and Ray H. Elling. "Cuba and the Philippines: Contrasting Cases in World-System Analysis." International Journal of Health Services 17, no. 4 (October 1987): 681–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/r7hk-hkcq-2pad-hqn2.
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Cuba and the Philippines are countries with broad similarities in historical background yet sharp divergences in political economic developments and relations to the capitalist world-system in recent times. U.S. economic and political interests dominated both countries during the first half of the 20th century. The changes generated by the Cuban revolution resulted in the end of U.S. power in Cuba in 1959. The Philippines, however, remain profoundly dependent on the United States. The approach taken in this article contrasts these countries, asking what the results of their divergent paths are in terms of health and health services. The ability of Cuba and the Philippines to support the primary health care (PHC) approach by fostering socioeconomic justice, authentic citizen participation, and a regionalized health system is examined. It is clear that the last 25 years of socialist-oriented development in Cuba reversed the negative effects of the previous market economy by providing improved social and health services. The success of the political economy and the fully regionalized health system, supportive of the PHC approach in Cuba, is reflected in the high-level health status of the people. In contrast, poverty, gross social and economic inequities, high prevalence of infectious disease, and inaccessible, inadequate, and uncoordinated health services persist in the Philippines after some 85 years of international and national capitalist development. The poor health status of the Philippine people is a direct reflection of this underdeveloped system.
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Alvendia, Arthur M., and Irina Kireeva. "Globalization versus Integration - The Quest for Appropriate Market System in the Philippines." International Journal of Social Science Research 2, no. 1 (January 11, 2014): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijssr.v2i1.4449.
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The Philippines is essentially a nation of micro and small producers living in a group of islands that is very rich in agricultural, fisheries, forest, mineral, and touristic resources. Hence, the participation of this nation in the global economy should be grounded on this structure and resource endowment. While these define the demographic and economic makeup of the Filipino, it is his deep socio-political and moral belief in freedom and capitalism that has shaped his psycho-cultural make-up. It is his deep conviction that progress must come with and thru the exercise of civil liberties, that has led to a doctrinaire adherence to market economics enforced by a rigid institutional systems in finance, governance and laws.
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Lansang, Liza Gabriela F. "Conversion to Conversation: The Search for a Christian Imperative in the Public Sphere and the Discourse on Artificial Contraceptives in the Philippines." Philippine Political Science Journal 40, no. 3 (December 27, 2019): 262–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-12340016.
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Abstract This article looks at the politicization and framing of the issue of reproductive health (RH) in the Philippines and the advocacy work of faith-based organizations (FBOs) to influence public discourse and policy on artificial contraceptives. It studies the advocacy work of two FBOs, namely, Pro-Life Philippines and Couples for Christ, both of which participated in the oral arguments to amend the RH Law of 2012 based on their contentions that some artificial contraceptives were in fact abortifacients and that religious freedom can limit universal access to contraceptives. It addresses the role of religious reasons and ethics of citizenship of Christians in the public sphere of a liberal democracy. The author argues that the debate on artificial contraceptives, which deals with the question, “When does life begin?”, cannot be answered without a certain comprehensive belief. The participation of Pro-Life Philippines and Couples for Christ in the oral arguments contributed in the search for answers and protected diversity in Philippine democracy. These FBOs, however, have the moral obligation to respect other positions, while at the same time advocating amendments to the RH Law based on their beliefs. This is what the author calls the Christian Imperative. This civic virtue can be achieved through reflexive thinking and was seen in the kind of arguments Pro-Life Philippines and Couples for Christ brought to the debate, in other words, aiming for a theo-ethical equilibrium, i.e., having both religious reasons and secular ethical considerations for their support or repeal of public policy. To the extent that Pro-Life Philippines and Couples for Christ presented not only theological reasons, such as the inviolability of life, but also ethical reasons, such as some artificial contraceptives being abortifacients and religious freedom to limit universal access to contraceptives, the author posits that the beginnings of reflexive thinking can be seen on the side of these FBOs. The author also argues, however, that secular citizens must also learn to practice reflexive thinking to view religious arguments as legitimate in order for fruitful conversation to take place.
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Atienza, Maria Ela L. "The Politics of Health Devolution in the Philippines: Experiences of Municipalities in a Devolved Set-up." Philippine Political Science Journal 25, no. 1 (December 16, 2004): 25–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-02501002.
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This paper analyzes the dynamics of health devolution in the Philippines within the context of the 1991 Local Government Code. The paper looks into how the present level of health devolution came about, the reform's impact on the public health system, and the factors involved in improving health service delivery in municipalities under a devolved set up. There are several variables that are tested as possible intervening variables. These are prioritization of health services in resource allocation and management, adequacy of formal health personnel and facilities, and citizens' participation in health service delivery. The sociopolitical context of the local government is also explored. Two case studies are presented to support the arguments of the paper.
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Junker, Laura Lee. "The Development of Centralized Craft Production Systems in a.d. 500–1600 Philippine Chiefdoms." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 25, no. 1 (March 1994): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400006652.
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Ethnohistoric sources suggest that at the time of European contact, the coastlines and interior river valleys of most of the major islands of the Philippines were dotted with politically complex, socially stratified societies, organized on the level of what cultural evolutionists refer to as “chiefdoms”. Recent regional-scale archaeological research in the Philippines indicates that these coastal chiefdoms have considerable time depth. Settlement hierarchies, complex mortuary patterns, and other archaeological indicators of socio-political complexity extend well into the first millennium a.d. Spanish and Chinese texts refer to Philippine chiefs as the central figures in complex regional-scale economies and international-scale trade. Hereditary chiefs controlled the agricultural productivity of “commoners” through restrictive land tenure, they mobilized surplus for elite use through formalized tribute systems, and they amassed “wealth” through sponsorship of luxury good craftsmen and through participation in foreign prestige-good trade. The accumulated “material fund of power” was used competitively by-hiefs to enhance their social ranking, to strengthen political alliances, and to expand their regional political authority.
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Haugen, Hans Morten. "Participation and Decision-making in Non-dominant Communities. A Perspective from Civic Republicanism." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 23, no. 3 (July 19, 2016): 306–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02303005.
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The article investigates the civic republicanism non-domination approach to freedom, which encompasses power asymmetries. This freedom approach differs from the neo-liberal freedom approach which is essentially about non-interference. Recent jurisprudence from the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (iacthr) and the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights is analysed. It is found that the non-domination approach is a relevant approach in order to bridge the many gaps (participation/representation, accountability and protection) vulnerable communities depending upon harvesting of natural resources are struggling with. It is found that the free, prior and informed consent (fpic) requirement is not formally recognized in only one state’s legislation, the Philippines, specification of the less demanding free, prior and informed consultation is interpreted by the iacthr in a manner which is essentially corresponding to the fpic requirement.
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Alcedo, Patrick. "Sacred Camp: Transgendering Faith in a Philippine Festival." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 38, no. 1 (January 5, 2007): 107–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463406000956.
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By embodying the paradoxes found in three webs of signification – panaad (devotional promise), sacred camp and carnivalesque during the Ati-atihan festival – Augusto Diangson, an individual of the ‘third sex’, was able to claim membership in the Roman Catholic community of Kalibo, Aklan in the Central Philippines while also negotiating the Church's institution of heterosexuality. The narratives of mischief and the gender ambiguity of the Santo Niño or the Holy Child Jesus, the centre of Ati-atihan's religious veneration, further enabled Diangson to interact with Kalibo's Roman Catholicism. Through an analysis of Diangson and his participation in the festival, this article exposes how ordinary individuals in extraordinary events localise their faith through cross-dressing and dance performance. Seen throughout the Philippines, these processes of mimicry and gender transformation transport individuals into zones of ambivalence and contradictions in which they are able to navigate through the homogenising discourse of their culture and the Church's homogenising myth of Roman Catholicism.
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Scalice, Joseph. "Pamitinan and Tapusi: Using the Carpio legend to reconstruct lower-class consciousness in the late Spanish Philippines." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 49, no. 2 (June 2018): 250–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463418000218.
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Reynaldo Ileto, in his classicPasyon and Revolution, sought the categories of perception of the Filipino ‘masses’ that guided their participation in the Philippine Revolution. Among the sources he examined was the Carpio legend, which he unfortunately subsumed to the separate, elite Carpioawit(Tagalog poem). Through a detailed examination of the legend's historical and geographical context, with its invocation of two locations, Pamitinan and Tapusi, I arrive at a different understanding of lower-class consciousness than Ileto. Rather than a counter-rational expression of peasant millenarianism, the legend of Bernardo Carpio was a ‘hidden transcript’ celebrating the history of social banditry in the region.
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Hermoso, Jocelyn Clare R., and Carmen Geanina Luca. "Civil society’s role in promoting local development in countries in transition." International Social Work 49, no. 3 (May 2006): 319–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872806063404.
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English This article discusses civil society’s role in the process of local development undertaken by countries transitioning towards democracy, comparing and contrasting the experiences of the Philippines and Romania. The study illuminates the limits and possibilities offered by the democratization process in terms of how civil-society organizations can participate more meaningfully in local development and in establishing structures of democracy. French Cet article examine le rôle de la société civile dans le processus de développement local entrepris dans deux pays en transition vers la démocratie, les Philippines et la Roumanie. L'étude met en lumière les limites et les possibilités du processus de démocratisation quant à la participation des organisations civiles dans le développement et l'établissement de structures démocratiques. Spanish Se explora el papel de la sociedad civil en el desarrollo local llevado a cabo en países en transición hacia la democracia. Se compara la experiencia de Las Filipinas, Rumania. Se iluminan los límites y posibilidades ofrecidas por el proceso de democratización en ambos países en términos de cómo las organizaciones civiles pueden participar de una forma significativa en el desarrollo local y en el establecimiento de estructuras democráticas.
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Andaya, Barbara Watson. "Between Empires and Emporia: The Economics of Christianization in Early Modern Southeast Asia." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 53, no. 1-2 (2009): 357–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/002249910x12573963244601.
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AbstractStudies of church connections to commercial interests in pre-nineteenth-century Southeast Asia have focused on the Catholic venture in the Spanish Philippines. This article uses a broader and more ecumenical framework to incorporate eastern Indonesia into this discussion by comparing the economic involvement of Spanish, Portuguese, and Dutch missionaries and church personnel. It contextualizes differences in church resources, secular oversight, and motivation, but also argues that clerical involvement with European economic ambitions helped to mark out a path toward the domestication of local Christianity. The perception of foreign priests and ministers as conduits for exploitation encouraged many Southeast Asian Christians to differentiate between the teachings of the religion they had adopted and the ways these teachings had been distorted in support of European control.La recherche de l’Asie du Sud-Est pré-moderne touchant au rapprochement des relations de l’Église d’avec les intérêts commerciaux porte habituellement sur l’entreprise catholiques des Philippines espagnoles. Cette contribution par contre, a un cadre spatial plus vaste et au point de vue religion plus oecuménique. L’étude y inclut l’Indonésie orientale et elle compare la participation économique des missionaires et du clergé, tant espagnols, tant portuguais, tant hollandais. D‘un part les différences des ressources ecclésiales, la supervision des laïques et la motivation cléricale sont étudiées d’après leur contexte, d’autre part la participation du clergé imbu d’ambitions économiques européennes est aussi explorée parce qu‘elle a favorisé les modes locales du christianisme. C’est que l’image des prêtres et des pasteurs rapaces auprès les populations de l’Asie du Sud-Est stimulaient ces peuples à distinguer entre la religion adoptés par eux et la déformation de l’ínstruction religieuse du clergé qui visait à faciliter le contrôle européen.
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Burgess, Katrina. "States or parties? Emigrant outreach and transnational engagement." International Political Science Review 39, no. 3 (June 2018): 369–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512118758154.
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Home-country institutions are increasingly engaged in reaching out to their emigrants to further their domestic agendas. Using a most-different systems design, I compare two cases in which emigrant outreach is dominated by the state (Philippines and Mexico) and two cases in which it is dominated by parties (Lebanon and the Dominican Republic). My main argument is that each type of outreach results in a different trade-off between electoral mobilization and partisan autonomy. State-led outreach encourages emigrants to transcend partisan divisions but does not mobilize overseas voters. By contrast, party-led outreach generates higher electoral turnout while reproducing and reinforcing sectarian and/or clientelist patterns of interest representation. I conclude with the implications for whether emigrants are likely to play a democratizing role in fragile democracies with serious deficits in participation, representation, and accountability.
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Cook, Malcolm. "Crises as Opportunities to Consolidate Reforms: The 1997 Financial Crisis and Banking Policy Reform in Malaysia and the Philippines." Asian Journal of Social Science 31, no. 2 (2003): 221–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853103322318216.
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Looking at crisis responses in the Philippines and Malaysia, this paper will analyse how state-based banking policy elites in both states used the 1997–2000 crisis to radically accelerate pre-crisis policy directions that were opposed by local banking institutions and their peak associations. Drawing on empirical evidence and policy reform theory, the paper will detail how these elites used both their ability to define the nature of the 1997–2000 crisis and the appropriate responses, and their control of the executive to accelerate these directions and minimize the voice of local banking players. In the case of Malaysia, the banking policy direction to be analyzed will be banking sector consolidation, while for the Philippines it will be foreign entry and equity participation in the local banking sector. Moving away from the singular domestic focus of much policy reform literature, this paper will attempt to develop a two-level model for these crisis-driven policy accelerations. To do this, it will look at the use by these state elites of their relationships with the IMF and their banking policy obligations of the GATS as the rationale for acceleration and as the rationale for their overriding of local banking interests. This incorporation of external actors and changes to the international political economy should allow for a more nuanced and well-rounded understanding of these specific elements of the 1997–2000 crisis response, as well as the political economy of policy reform in general for both Malaysia and the Philippines.
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Özerdem, Alpaslan, Sukanya Podder, and Eddie L. Quitoriano. "Identity, Ideology and Child Soldiering: Community and Youth Participation in Civil Conflict – A Study on the Moro Islamic Liberation Front in Mindanao, Philippines." Civil Wars 12, no. 3 (September 2010): 304–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2010.509566.
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Mendoza, Diana J. "Gerard Clarke. The Politics of NGOs in South-East Asia: Participation and Protest in the Philippines. London and New York: Routledge, 1998. 299 pages." Philippine Political Science Journal 20, no. 1 (December 8, 1999): 173–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-02001008.
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Tungohan, Ethel. "Temporary Foreign Workers in Canada." Social & Legal Studies 27, no. 2 (December 12, 2017): 236–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0964663917746483.
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Using the results of ethnographic research and focus group interviews with Filipino temporary foreign workers in Alberta, Canada, the goal of this article is to bring temporary foreign workers into academic and policy discussions by critically assessing how they fare at different stages of the migration process. Such analysis shows the strengths of ideational, affective and structural factors in determining temporary foreign workers’ motivations and goals. Ultimately, this article shows that temporary foreign workers reconstruct belonging and remake citizenship by making membership claims in Canada on the basis of their economic and social contributions to the country. Such claims, however, are grounded in dual modes of belonging in both Canada and in the Philippines. Their participation in migrants’ rights organizations that endeavour to provide temporary foreign workers with pathways to permanent residency shows their belief in their ‘right to have rights’ (Isin, 2008).
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Shittu, Waliu Olawale, and Norehan Abdullah. "Fertility, education, and female labour participation." International Journal of Social Economics 46, no. 1 (January 14, 2019): 66–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-11-2017-0559.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship among fertility, female education and female labour participation in ASEAN-7 countries: Malaysia, Indonesia, Brunei, Myanmar, the Philippines, Vietnam and Thailand, between 1990 and 2015. The choice of these countries is informed by their economic, social and political importance in the ASEAN Bloc; while Indonesia boasts of the largest population in ASEAN, Brunei and Malaysia boast of relatively advanced economies, in GDP terms. Design/methodology/approach Pesaran’s test of panel unit root in the presence of cross-sectional dependence was employed to test for the stationarity properties of the series. The dynamic long-run coefficients of the variables were examined using the pooled mean group, common correlated effect and dynamic OLS techniques, while the Granger causality test was used to estimate the direction of causality among the variables. Findings The findings indicate that there is both negative and positive relationship between fertility and labour force participation, with causality running from labour force participation through fertility – on the one hand, and between education and labour force participation, with no causality between the two – on the other hand. Research limitations/implications The study, therefore, upholds the role incompatibility and societal response hypothesis, as well as human capital and opportunity cost theories. Practical implications The appropriate policies are those that gear the countries’ fertility decisions towards the societal response hypothesis in order to enhance human capital development and increase productivity. This implies that the governments of ASEAN-7 countries should ease hindrances on a balanced combination of family-care and workforce participation on married women in view of the gender-wage gap created by female work apathy, which largely reduces domestic productivities. Appropriate policies in this direction include rising availability and affordability of childcare facilities, incentives for women higher education, attitudinal changes towards job-participating mothers, as well as legislated paid parental leaves which have balanced the, hitherto, incompatibility between work and childbearing. Originality/value Except for Abdullah et al. (2013), the authors have no knowledge of other authors who have worked on this relationship in the chosen ASEAN countries. This study is, however, an improvement upon that of Abdullah et al. (2013) in different ways, one of which is that it considers seven ASEAN countries, thus making the results more valid representation of the ASEAN Bloc. Furthermore, the Pesaran (2007) technique of unit root testing has not been found in any recent literature on the subject-matter. This technique, being a second-generation test, tests variable unit root in the presence of cross-sectional dependence.
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Romerosa, Peter, and John Francis Antonio. "Becoming a gay caretaker of a religious image (Camarero): Catholic devotion in the Philippines as a gendered social practice." Simulacra 4, no. 1 (June 21, 2021): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21107/sml.v4i1.9927.
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Pagsasanto or the beliefs and practices associated with the caretaking of religious images is a Catholic devotion brought by the Spanish colonization in the Philippines. The history of pagsasanto illuminates a religious tradition exclusively performed by old-rich women (camareras) and prominent political families. At present, the changing gender roles in pagsasanto through the growing participation of gay caretakers of religious images (camareros) has redefined the practice. This shift prompted the researchers to investigate how gender mediates a devotional practice and how gender is constructed, negotiated, and performed through pagsasanto. Using ethnography, the researchers did participant observation to examine the meanings and practices associated with pagsasanto activities such as decorating the image and its carriage as well as joining the procession. To facilitate further analysis, interviews and focus group discussions were undertaken among four gay informants, highlighting their life histories as image caretakers. Data were categorized through themes and analysed from a critical cultural perspective. The research found that gender mediates pagsasanto and vice versa. The becoming of a gay camarero is rooted in cultural practice and familial Catholic tradition. The changing meanings of pagsasanto arecontingent on gender performativity, market, social media and the growingcommunity networks.
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Encarnacion Tadem, Teresa S. "Philippine Civil Society and WTO Negotiations: Opportunities and Challenges." Philippine Political Science Journal 31, no. 1 (December 21, 2010): 31–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-03101002.
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The essay discusses how civil society has found an opening in intervening in the decision-making process on the country’s negotiating position in the World Trade Organization (WTO). It particularly looks at political opportunity structures which made this possible including the following external and domestic factors: 1) the anti-globalization movement which has pressured states to be more transparent and accountable to the manner in which WTO policymaking is being undertaken, 2) the failure of the Uruguay Round to provide the economic benefits to the Philippines inducing the government to be more open to civil society intervention, 3) the effort of the Department of Agriculture (DA), the lead agency for the negotiations of the WTO’s Agreement on Agriculture (AoA), to bring in civil society players, which was exemplified by the DA’s establishment of the Task Force on the WTO (Re)Negotiations on the Agreement on Agriculture (TFWAR), and 4) the emergence of coalition-building in the WTO, particularly among developing countries. However, there are also challenges which civil society groups face such as the need for the active involvement of the legislators in the WTO negotiations; the institutionalization of civil society participation at the local and global levels; and the prioritization of civil society strategies on dealing with the WTO and their respective governments.
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Putra, Fadillah. "Social spending and democratic institutions in Southeast Asia." International Journal of Development Issues 18, no. 3 (September 2, 2019): 381–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijdi-12-2018-0210.
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Purpose This paper aims to analyse how democratic institutions affects social spending formations in the context of developing countries. Furthermore, this essay will also challenge the theory that the government system (majoritarian versus consensus democracy) influences the magnitude of social spending and welfare commitment, especially in Southeast Asian democracies, namely, Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand and the Philippines. Design/methodology/approach This research uses descriptive statistics and qualitative data to match social spending with the development of democratisation in four cases. Findings The main argument is whether the presence of democratic institutions encourages the government to be more open, citizen-oriented and responsive or whether the inclusive political conditions will create more open public participation in the policymaking process. Thus, in the context of developing countries, public participation will be more likely to demand social policies. Research limitations/implications It has not been able to undertake a more detailed impact evaluation assessment of the development and change of democratic institutions towards policy outcomes within a shorter temporal scope. In addition, this thesis does not also provide details or explanations about the interaction process between particular democratic institutions and specific social policy sectors. Practical implications The process of interactions between particular electoral systems. For instance, the contribution to the emergence of policy in the health services sector or conducting research in normative democratic institutions such as public awareness of the importance of public participation in shaping and directing the implementation of poverty reduction policies could be studied, by using the historical institutionalism approach. Originality/value The impact of certain political institutions on public policy has become a very important discussion in the new institutionalism perspective. Social policy (social spending) as a manifestation of government’s commitment towards welfare is the result of institutional arrangement. In the context of developing countries, where social policy is needed to fulfill the basic needs of citizens, it is important to identify what kind of institutional formations are conducive to the development of social policy. This essay will analyse how democratic institutions affects social spending formations in the context of developing countries.
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Shott, Brian. "FORTY ACRES AND A CARABAO: T. THOMAS FORTUNE, NEWSPAPERS, AND THE PACIFIC'S UNSTABLE COLOR LINES, 1902–03." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17, no. 1 (April 5, 2017): 98–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781416000372.
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In late 1902, exhaustion, financial distress, and the desire for a political appointment—combined with aspirations to serve as a broker for the export of African American labor abroad—led famed African American journalist T. Thomas Fortune to secure a temporary appointment with the Roosevelt administration to investigate trade and labor in Hawaii and the Philippines. In Hawaii, Fortune was fêted by the planter class, and allied himself publicly with the educational and political philosophies of Booker T. Washington. His hopes for black emigration and land ownership, however, were vigorously opposed by most newspapers connected to the oligarchy. Hawaii's robust in-language indigenous and ethnic newspapers, meanwhile, voiced their own position on black labor. In Manila, a fiercely entrepreneurial and militaristic American press attacked Fortune. Recent scholarship ties Washington's Tuskegee Institute to a kind of “Jim Crow colonialism” abroad. An in-depth look at Fortune's journey both supports and troubles such a view. Both men hoped U.S. “expansion,” and African American participation in it, might expose not only the power of race, but also its instability and vulnerability; Fortune, in particular, saw newspapers as vital to this task.
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Chenoweth, Erica, and Kurt Schock. "Do Contemporaneous Armed Challenges Affect the Outcomes of Mass Nonviolent Campaigns?*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 20, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 427–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-4-427.
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Civil resistance is a powerful strategy for promoting major social and political change, yet no study has systematically evaluated the effects of simultaneous armed resistance on the success rates of unarmed resistance campaigns. Using the Nonviolent and Violent Conflict Outcomes (NAVCO 1.1) data set, which includes aggregate data on 106 primarily nonviolent resistance campaigns from 1900 to 2006 with maximalist political objectives, we find that contemporaneous armed struggles do not have positive effects on the outcome of nonviolent campaigns. We do find evidence for an indirect negative effect, in that contemporaneous armed struggles are negatively associated with popular participation and are, consequently, correlated with reduced chances of success for otherwise-unarmed campaigns. Two paired comparisons suggest that negative violent flank effects operated strongly in two unsuccessful cases (the 8-8-88 challenge in Burma in 1988 and the South African antiapartheid challenge from 1952 to 1961, with violent flanks having both positive and negative impacts in the challenge to authoritarian rule in the Philippines (1983–1986) and the South African antiapartheid campaign (1983–1994). Our results suggest that the political effects are beneficial only in the short term, with much more unpredictable and varied long-term outcomes. Alternately, violent flanks may have both positive and negative political impacts, which make the overall effect of violent flanks difficult to determine. We conclude that large-scale maximalist nonviolent campaigns often succeed despite intra- or extramovement violent flanks, but seldom because of them.
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Cruz, John Paul P. "Disability-inclusive electoral systems: analyzing the Philippine electoral policy using the disability convention (DisCo) policy framework." Bandung: Journal of the Global South 2, no. 1 (September 16, 2015): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s40728-015-0020-z.
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For more than a century now, the Philippines has been at the forefront of democracy in the Southeast Asian region. Since the early 1990s, the country has sought to institutionalize democratic processes, which aim to meaningfully engage Filipinos in the public and political spheres. In line with its efforts of strengthening its electoral systems, it has also taken a leading role in the region in promoting and protecting the rights of voters with disabilities by becoming one of the first States Parties to ratify the United Nations convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD). A key provision of the UNCRPD is affording voters with disabilities the equal opportunity to engage in every electoral process on an equal basis with other abled-bodied voters. However, in spite of recent developments, the Philippines has yet to effectively implement disability-inclusive electoral policies and processes that would not only engage able-bodied Filipino voters but also one of the country’s largest minority community—Filipino voters with disabilities. This paper examines the effectiveness of the Philippine government in ensuring that Filipino voters with disabilities are guaranteed with and are able to exercise their right to suffrage. Using a mixed method approach and the disability convention (DisCo) policy framework, this research evaluates the content of existing legislative measures relating to the country’s electoral system, the corresponding executive and budgetary support to implement electoral laws and policies for Filipino voters with disabilities, the administrative and coordinating capacity of implementing electoral agencies, the prevailing attitude of the society towards Filipino voters with disabilities, and the degree of participation of Filipino voters with disabilities in the development of Philippine electoral laws and policies.
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Perez, Padmapani L. "Living with the problem of national parks." Thesis Eleven 145, no. 1 (April 2018): 58–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513618763840.
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‘You mean to say we’re not the only people in the world with the problem of a national park?’ This question was raised during a focus group discussion held with an indigenous community whose ancestral domain overlaps entirely with a national park in the Philippine Cordillera. The question encapsulates an experience shared across the Philippines, particularly in spaces where both the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act and the National Integrated Protected Areas System are implemented. This paper examines recent developments in indigenous leaders’ participation in, and critique of, the implementation of these two laws and the development of environmental policies. It follows an emerging, multi-sectoral movement calling for the recognition of Indigenous Communities Conserved Areas and Territories (ICCAs), which has led to the crafting of a draft law. The ICCA bill is envisioned as a law that will resolve indigenous peoples’ problems with national parks, while meeting biodiversity conservation targets. The authors direct attention to how indigenous leaders campaigning for the ICCA bill are asserting their right to delineate space and make decisions in the contexts of policy-making and implementation. It is argued here that their articulations are registers of indigenous critique. Taking these critiques seriously has the potential to drive conservation policy-making past the stewardship stalemate, where conservation goals are pursued at the cost of indigenous peoples’ right to self-determination and indigenous peoples are expected to perform harmony with nature.
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Brouwer, Gordon de. "Financial Markets, Institutions, and Integration in East Asia." Asian Economic Papers 2, no. 1 (January 2003): 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/153535103322022896.
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East Asia has enormous scope to upgrade and integrate its financial markets, covering the spectrum of equity, bond, foreign-exchange, and derivatives markets. Financial markets and institutions in East Asia tend to be narrow and undeveloped, although there are important exceptions. Japan dominates the top tier of the region's markets by virtue of its size, but its markets are not advanced, and many of its private institutions are weak. Although the markets in Australia, Hong Kong SAR, and Singapore are smaller than those of Japan, they are more innovative, market-oriented, and technologically advanced. Markets in Malaysia, South Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand have made substantial progress to varying degrees; but China, Indonesia, and the Philippines have a considerable way to go in developing the information and governance infrastructure that financial markets need to function well. For all these countries, there is a clear role for regional cooperation among policymakers in building capacity in, and links between, financial markets in East Asia, as well as in encouraging stable speculation and the participation of nonresident and institutional investors in domestic financial markets. ASEAN+3 is an important and welcome advance in regional cooperation, but its membership does not span the depth of experience in financial markets and institutions that exists in East Asia.
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Oxman-Martinez, Jacqueline, and Ye Ri Choi. "Newcomer Children: Experiences of Inclusion and Exclusion, and Their Outcomes." Social Inclusion 2, no. 4 (November 27, 2014): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v2i4.133.
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This article explores the potential inclusion and exclusion factors affecting the developmental outcomes of immigrant children, and examines the influence of inclusive school environment, social/psychological isolation, and perceived discrimination by peers and teachers on the psychosocial and academic adjustment of immigrant children. Our study is based on a subset of data from the New Canadian Children and Youth Study (NCCYS), a national longitudinal survey including 515 foreign-born immigrant children (11 to 13 years) from three ethnic groups (Mainland China, Hong Kong, the Philippines) living in the Montreal and Toronto metropolitan areas, Canada. The results show that after controlling for socio-demographic background variables, teachers’ discriminatory attitudes and psychological isolation contribute to the prediction of risk for immigrant children’s self-esteem, social competence, and academic performance. Inclusive school environment has a significant effect on social competence and academic performance of immigrant children. Peer discrimination is also associated with self-esteem and social competence. These findings suggest that inclusive school environment, social/psychological isolation, and discrimination are critical factors affecting the developmental outcomes of immigrant children that, in turn, are connected to future prospects for their eventual inclusion and participation in other social, economic, and political venues of the host country.
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Manahan, Mary, Erik Villanueva, Joseph Edward Alegado, and Yelena Morón-Cara Ortega. "(Re)constructing public services in the face of neoliberal governance: praxes of associative water systems in Metro Manila’s urban poor communities." Relaciones Internacionales, no. 45 (October 31, 2020): 205–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/relacionesinternacionales2020.45.009.
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In the sprawling megalopolis of Metro Manila, the failure or inability of centralized public and privatized water service utilities to connect outlying and poor communities within their service areas led to the emergence of community-owned water providers run by cooperatives and neighborhood associations, often led and initiated by women. Born out of necessity and daily struggles to provide water for their households, communities organize themselves as water service cooperatives or associative water systems that assume the traditional role of the state as duty-bearers in ensuring universal access and human rights to water. Employing long-term ethnographic fieldwork, participant observation, key informant interviews and literature review, this paper critically examines urban poor communities’ experimentations of water service provisioning whereby women have taken on the cudgels to effectively deliver water to their own people and in the process, practice self-governance and autonomy. Using neo-institutionalist (Ostrom and Cox, 2010) and critical socio-institutionalist frameworks (Cleaver, 2002), we critically interrogate the praxes of women-led associative water systems, a model whereby water consumers both control and own the service in their capacity as consumers, using the cases of Bagong Silang and Recomville Two water service cooperatives located in Caloocan City. By illustrating on-the-ground experiences, we stress the crucial role that waterless citizens and communities play in bridging the gap in the country’s water service provision, thereby expanding the private/public dichotomies that often dominate water governance debates. Through these case studies, we argue that associative water systems were borne out of collective desire to have safe, clean, and affordable water to flow to waterless communities. As Metro Manila remains under a privatized water set up, these community-owned initiatives are legitimate expressions of social transformation. We problematize how these women-led associative water systems progress in the face of neoliberal governance marked by hegemonic power of private and public actors. We also investigate how democracy is exercised —or not— within these systems as well as surface the various contestations they face. This paper therefore scrutinizes the principles and pitfalls of, the ups and downs and lessons learnt from associative water systems in providing piped connections to waterless communities. Our aim is to shed light on the reconstruction of public services anchored on collective action. We find that the political possibility for collective self-organization and bottom-up social governance are facilitated or constrained by a combination of political, socioeconomic factors such as access to technical inputs and financing, social acceptability and legitimacy of the cooperative, sustained social organizing, and understanding of micro-politics and power in the community. Afterall, community-led initiatives operate in a highly contentious local politics marked by clientelism and heterogeneity. We posit that the successes of associative water systems lie on their ability to practice democracy, transparency, and accountability as well as mobilize social capital, trust, and cooperation. However, the experiences of urban poor communities in Caloocan City reveal a more complicated picture in which water service cooperatives are plagued by multiple governance issues, internal corruption, power struggles, and affordability issues. The process of building cooperatives is tension-laden, revealing the challenges of creating the commons through sociopolitical and institutional arrangements on the ground. The paper further reveals how state and market institutions successfully managed to define the terms of engagement with the urban poor communities that constrain the latter’s capability to expand water service in their areas, on one hand. On the other, private and public actors have distanced themselves from the people and obscured their objectives and economic interests from the communities they are supposed to serve. This generated a situation where dissatisfaction and capitalistic exploitation are directed toward cooperatives, instead, further redefining social relations within communities (Cheng, 2014; Chng, 2008). The paper is organized into six sections. The first parts provide a short introduction of the topic as well as a brief overview of the history and socio-political underpinnings of Metro Manila’s water privatization and neoliberal undercurrents that gave way to the rise of associative water systems. The second section outlines methodological considerations that detail our general approach in gathering empirical material. The third part offers a conceptual and literature review of associative water systems in theory and practice, outlining the positive and promising principles as well as the pitfalls of the model as commons or bottom-up social governance. Examples from Bolivia and the Philippines are mentioned that offered inspiration for urban poor communities in Caloocan City to embark on their own cooperative-building and water service provisioning. The fourth part narrates the dynamics, history, and experiences of Bagong Silang and Recomville Two water service cooperatives, underlining the similarities in the contexts where they operate as well as the various tensions and challenges they faced in the process of creating cooperatives and delivering quality and safe water to the urban poor households. We pay special attention to the role of women as leaders and changemakers amid a generally masculinized culture. The part played by two NGOs as wayfinders and supporters that accompanied the cooperatives accentuate the importance of having allies and partners in the process. We also detail how the uneven and inequitable relationship between Maynilad and the cooperatives produced a culture of payment for water which partially contributed to strained social relationships in the community. This culture restructured the roles and responsibilities among community, state, and market actors. The fifth part sketches the lessons learnt from these experiences, underlining the communities’ struggle for self-governance and autonomy to remake public services through collective action and participation in water service provision and stressing the crucial role that women played in the process. This section also identifies three challenges around issues of non-participation, power, and outcomes/impacts, underscoring the dangers of fetishizing communities (Cleaver, 2002) as homogenous, idealized forms or sources of social innovation. Divided along the lines of gender and class, women empowerment facilitated by the cooperative through trainings and skills enhancement did not sit well with some men in the communities. Further, the capacity to pay for water of the urban poor that is greatly tied to precarity of work and informality affects the operations and management of the system. We conclude by reiterating the pivotal role played by communities in enabling water to flow to their homes. But associative water systems are far from perfect. As on-going works-in-progress, the urban poor’s desired water services can only be discovered and constructed through daily —democratic— political struggles, collective action, and contestations. The praxes of associative water systems accentuate what Dahl and Soss (2012, as mentioned in McDonald, 2016) argue that “democratic conceptions of the common good will always be partial and provisional, never universal or static” (p. 4).
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Lapeña, José Florencio F. "On Research Integrity and Ethical Publication, Authorship and Accreditation." Philippine Journal of Otolaryngology-Head and Neck Surgery 28, no. 2 (December 1, 2013): 4–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.32412/pjohns.v28i2.471.
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In 2013, multiple articles reporting the clinical trial of valsartan, an antihypertensive drug of more than US$ 1 billion annual sales from Novartis, were retracted due to data falsification.1,2 These included the Kyoto Heart Study presented by Dr. Hiroaki Matsubara at the European Society of Cardiology 2009 Congress and subsequently published in the European Heart Journal (EHJ).3,4 Aside from retraction of this article by EHJ, the American Heart Association (AHA) also retracted five papers published in three of its journals -- Circulation, Circulation Research, and Hypertension.4 Novartis employees were involved in the conduct and analysis of the Kyoto Heart Study and a second investigator-initiated trial, the Jikei Heart Study,5 although their participation was not acknowledged in publications and presentations of the data, while a Novartis employee who allegedly manipulated statistical data was listed as one of the academic authors, without disclosing the relation with the company.4,6
This scandal has severely damaged scientific integrity in Japan and set the stage for the
“Tokyo Declaration on Research Integrity and Ethical Publication in Science and Medicine in the Asia Pacific Region” adopted at the 2013 Convention of the Asia Pacific Association of Medical Journal Editors (APAME) held in Tokyo from 2 to 4 August 2013, and co-published by Journals linked to APAME and listed in the Index Medicus for the South East Asian Region (IMSEAR) and the Western Pacific Region Index Medicus (WPRIM), including the Philippine Journal of Otolaryngology Head and Neck Surgery, with a Special Announcement in this issue.7
At the core of research integrity and ethical publication is responsible and accountable authorship. The ICMJE "Uniform Requirements for Manuscripts Submitted to Biomedical Journals" has been replaced by the “Recommendations for the Conduct, Reporting, Editing, and Publication of Scholarly Work in Medical Journals.”8 An important change under these new guidelines is an additional criterion for authorship, totaling four (4) instead of three (3) criteria.
The ICMJE recommends that authorship be based on the following 4 criteria:8
Substantial contributions to the conception or design of the work; or the acquisition, analysis, or interpretation of data for the work; AND
Drafting the work or revising it critically for important intellectual content; AND
Final approval of the version to be published; AND
Agreement to be accountable for all aspects of the work in ensuring that questions related to the accuracy or integrity of any part of the work are appropriately investigated and resolved.
In addition to being accountable for the parts of the work he or she has done, an author should be able to identify which co-authors are responsible for specific other parts of the work. In addition, authors should have confidence in the integrity of the contributions of their co-authors. One cannot be listed as a co-author for the credit it brings, without being equally accountable in case of discredit. For example, consultant advisers and seniors who would consider adding their names as co-authors of a junior resident, are equally accountable for research misconduct (such as data fabrication, falsification, plagiarism), and cannot lay the blame on one (usually junior) author.
While all those designated as authors should meet all four criteria for authorship, and all who meet the four criteria should be identified as authors, those who do not meet all four criteria should be acknowledged. Hence, it is more appropriate for consultant advisers and seniors who do not meet all four criteria for authorship to be acknowledged in this manner.
Our journal seeks to maintain the highest standards of biomedical publication, and fully supports the APAME Tokyo Declaration on Research Integrity and Ethical Publication in Science and Medicine in the Asia – Pacific Region as well as the ICMJE Recommendations for the Conduct, Reporting, Editing, and Publication of Scholarly Work in Medical Journals. Multiple accreditations and indexing are testimony to these standards.
It was surprising therefore, that a letter from the Commission on Higher Education Journal Accreditation System dated 26 April 2013, which we received 26 May 2013, informed us of our reaccreditation under Category B based on the “recommendation of the panel of evaluators” who “pointed out the need to improve the journal’s refereeing system, regularity of publication/circulation and timeliness.”9
I respectfully responded to these remarks10 stating that:
the Philipp J Otolaryngol Head Neck Surg is one of the few consistently compliant journals accredited by the National Journal Selection Committee of the Philippine Council for Health Research and Development, Department of Science and Technology. Our journal has a reputable loco-regional stature evidenced by international contributions from the USA, Japan, Turkey, Malaysia, India and Brunei, and has consistently been recognized as a benchmark journal by the Philippine Association of Medical Journal Editors and Asia Pacific Association of Medical Journal Editors. It functions as the de facto ASEAN Journal in the field of Otolaryngology Head and Neck Surgery.
It is always regularly published on time, and indexed in the Health Research and Development Network (HERDIN-NeON) supported by the PCHRD-DOST; Philippine Journals On Line (PhilJOL) and Asia Journals On Line (AsiaJOL) supported by the International Network for the Availability of Scientific Publications (INASP); the Western Pacific Region Index Medicus (WPRIM) of the World Health Organization (WHO), APAMED Central and the Index Copernicus™ Journals Master List. It has always met the accreditation criteria of these services. The journal’s online peer review system is used as an example for other local journals, including in National Medical Writing and Reviewing Workshops organized by the PCHRD (2012 Cebu and Davao, 2013 Baguio and Iloilo), in the Philippine National Health Research System Week (2011 Bacolod, 2012 Manila, 2013 Laoag) as well as for regional journals in Medical Writing and Review Workshops held in Brunei, Singapore, Malaysia, Vietnam and Cambodia. Several local and regional journals have been thus assisted by us in their editing and peer review systems.
As a Category A Accredited Research Journal (Batch 1) for 2009 – 2012 per Commission on Higher Education (CHED) Memorandum Order No. 09 s. 2010 and Resolution No. 477-2009, effective December 9, 2009 (signed May 26, 2010), our journal has faithfully complied with all the terms of the JAS, including “acknowledgement in the published journal that the publication thereof was a product of the Journal Accreditation Service project of the Commission on Higher Education” in the inside front cover of every issue. Moreover, we have gone beyond the dissemination requirement by providing a complimentary copy of each issue to every Medical School Library in the Philippines.
I ended by reiterating that our journal “has more than complied with the requirements of the Journal Accreditation Service of the Commission on Higher Education for reaccreditation as a Category A Accredited Research Journal, and beg(ged) the honorable review panel to reconsider its recommendation.”10
It turned out that previously-submitted copies of our journal had been inadvertently misplaced, leading to our downgrade from Category A to B. Expecting full reinstatement, I was surprised to receive a response dated 23 July 2013 on 23 August 2013, informing us that:
“the Technical Evaluators decided to classify the said journal as ‘conditional category A’ pending submission of enhanced volumes with sober and serious formats to project scientific/scholarly image. While refereed journals often contain many graphs and charts, these do not normally include glossy pages (e.g. advertisements) or exciting pictures (e.g. captoons) which noticeably appeared in the issues that you submitted.”11
I again respectfully responded to these remarks by citing12
the International Committee of Medical Journal Editors Recommendations for the Conduct, Reporting, Editing, and Publication of Scholarly Work in Medical Journals (ICMJE Recommendations) updated August 2013, cited 29 August 2013 available at http://www.icmje.org/urm_main.html8
The recommendations have clear guidelines on advertising, and do not forbid exciting pictures and cartoons. Nowhere do they constrain scholarly medical journals to maintain “sober and serious formats to project scientific/scholarly image.” The Philippine Journal of Otolaryngology Head and Neck Surgery is listed among the Journals Following ICMJE Recommendations http://www.icmje.org/journals.html13
The top-tier journals in medicine (BMJ, JAMA, Lancet and NEJM) as well as Science and Nature all have advertising in glossy pages and exciting pictures and cartoons, even on their covers. The same is true for our major journals in the field of Otolaryngology Head and Neck Surgery. I provided the technical panel with copies of the Instructions to Authors of these journals, as well as photographs of actual caricatures from their covers and inside pages. Finally, I also attached an excerpt from: Bennett HJ. Humor in Medicine. South Med J. 2003;96(12)14 for the perusal of the honourable Technical Panel.
As of press time, we have not received a reply from the Technical Panel, but have received advise from the Office of Policy, Planning, Research and Information of the Commission on Higher Education to withhold, in the meantime, our inside front cover acknowledgement that the publication of this issue “was a product of the Journal Accreditation Service project of the Commission on Higher Education.” However, we shall continue to provide a complimentary copy of this issue to every Medical School Library in the Philippines as a valuable service of our Society and Journal as we await the resolution of this situation.