Academic literature on the topic 'Political participation – Zimbabwe'
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Journal articles on the topic "Political participation – Zimbabwe"
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Bhatasara, Sandra, and Manase Kudzai Chiweshe. "Women in Zimbabwean Politics Post-November 2017." Journal of Asian and African Studies 56, no. 2 (March 2021): 218–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909620986576.
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This article analyses the dynamics underpinning formal political institutions in relation to women’s participation in Zimbabwe, with a focus on the post November 2017 context. Patriarchal continuities and not changes characterize the post-November period. Under the “new dispensation”, patriarchy, intertwined with the increase in militarized masculinities, is producing exclusion with limited spaces for women’s participation. Simultaneously, Zimbabwean women at times have been destabilizing political spaces, while also being complicit in reproducing patriarchal practices and violence. The military-assisted transition is significant because of the fall of Grace Mugabe and the broader implications of this for women and politics in Zimbabwe.
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Dodo, Obediah. "A Review of Political Participation between Youth and Elderly People in Zimbabwe." International Journal of Political Activism and Engagement 6, no. 4 (October 2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpae.2019100101.
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The study sought to establish the differences in levels of involvement in politics between the youths and older people in Zimbabwe post-independence. It also expiilores influences to their engagement. The explorative qualitative study was conducted to bring out elaborate descriptive results. It was conducted through document and archival material analysis. Data was analysed using both latent and manifest content analyses, approaches ideal for qualitative investigations. The study was anchored on the theory of deliberative democracy with a focus on political participation of the youth in politics compared to older people. It was established in the study that indeed both youths and older people participate in politics albeit from different stand-points and for different objectives. The study also established that the differences in the two groups' participation in politics is influenced by among others; literacy, resourcefulness of individuals, desperation, poverty, fear, and patriarchal factors among others.
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Mutsvairo, Bruce, and Lys-Anne Sirks. "Examining the contribution of social media in reinforcing political participation in Zimbabwe." Journal of African Media Studies 7, no. 3 (September 1, 2015): 329–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams.7.3.329_1.
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Goodell, Grace. "The importance of political participation for sustained capitalist development." European Journal of Sociology 26, no. 1 (May 1985): 93–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600004355.
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The problem facing most of the Third World today is no longer how to launch development, but rather how to sustain it. Consider the colossal disappointments, after 150 years of independence, of Brazil, Mexico, Uruguay, Colombia, Venezuela, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Peru — and the debacle of Argentina. Recall the historic leadership which set Egypt, Thailand, and Turkey on their drives to modernization fully a century ago: now, nearly stagnant. Contrast the economic promise inherited from the colonial period and the determination and unbounded elan inspired by independence with today's languor in India, Kenya, and Malaysia, the listlessness of Zimbabwe, Indonesia, The Philippines, and North Africa: indeed, the failures of Ghana and Nigeria. The issue is no longer how to assure political stability — but even with stability, how to foster steady development whose gains will accrue and whose momentum can be sustained.
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Dendere, Chipo. "Financing political parties in Africa: the case of Zimbabwe." Journal of Modern African Studies 59, no. 3 (August 26, 2021): 295–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x21000148.
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AbstractWhat is the impact of access to political party finance – money that parties use to fund their campaign activities – on politics in Africa? While multiparty elections have become more regular in the developing world, many opposition parties are still failing to win elections. This paper argues that poor access to political finance weakens democratic consolidation and negatively impacts the participation of less-resourced candidates who are unable to self-fund. As a result, opposition parties are forced to rely on weak promises of aid from international donors and unreliable state funding. This in-depth analysis of political finance, based on extensive interviews with politicians and government officials in Zimbabwe, political documents, news reports and a review of court cases, reveals that uneven financing has weakened opposition parties and serves as an extra advantage for incumbents.
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CROKE, KEVIN, GUY GROSSMAN, HORACIO A. LARREGUY, and JOHN MARSHALL. "Deliberate Disengagement: How Education Can Decrease Political Participation in Electoral Authoritarian Regimes." American Political Science Review 110, no. 3 (August 2016): 579–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055416000253.
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A large literature examining advanced and consolidating democracies suggests that education increases political participation. However, in electoral authoritarian regimes, educated voters may instead deliberately disengage. If education increases critical capacities, political awareness, and support for democracy, educated citizens may believe that participation is futile or legitimizes autocrats. We test this argument in Zimbabwe—a paradigmatic electoral authoritarian regime—by exploiting cross-cohort variation in access to education following a major educational reform. We find that educationdecreasespolitical participation, substantially reducing the likelihood that better-educated citizens vote, contact politicians, or attend community meetings. Consistent with deliberate disengagement, education’s negative effect on participation dissipated following 2008’s more competitive election, which (temporarily) initiated unprecedented power sharing. Supporting the mechanisms underpinning our hypothesis, educated citizens experience better economic outcomes, are more interested in politics, and are more supportive of democracy, but are also more likely to criticize the government and support opposition parties.
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Mhandara, Lawrence, Charity Manyeruke, and Sharon Hofisi. "The Church and Political Transition in Zimbabwe: The Inclusive Government Context." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 3, no. 1 (April 2, 2013): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v3i1.3379.
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This article explores the role of the church in Zimbabwe’s political space with emphasis on the transitional epoch set in motion with the consummation of the Inclusive Government after the signing of the Global Political Agreement on 15 September 2008. Being exploratory in approach, the study preferred a qualitative research design were secondary sources were the major source of data. Departing from the view point that the church and the state are complementary in satisfying human needs, the research established that the church is replete with political activists who are partaking in key political processes envisaged under the transitional phase and the enormity of their participation vary depending on the national issue at hand. More clearly, the church’s association with the political parties in the government has been mostly that of a horse-rider relationship where politicians use the church to score cheap political points.
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Lundby, Knut. "Media, religion and democratic participation: community communication in Zimbabwe and Norway." Media, Culture & Society 19, no. 1 (January 1997): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016344397019001003.
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Mutetwa, Stanley. "Baba Jukwa’s Facebook page: A possible counter hegemonic space for political transformation in Zimbabwe." Multilingual Margins: A journal of multilingualism from the periphery 2, no. 2 (November 8, 2018): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.14426/mm.v2i2.76.
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This study focuses on how the Baba Jukwa Facebook page has been appropriated as a potential counter hegemonic space for the circulation of public opinion during the run up till post 2013 harmonised elections in Zimbabwe. This current study wishes to explore the role played by social media in Zimbabwe in the run up to the 2013 election especially on Facebook through participation on the Baba Jukwa page. Focus will be on the nature of the discourses in the posts and how the participants on the page engaged in debates around these posts. I will also interrogate how the discourses in the posts on the Baba Jukwa Facebook page were taken up by the main stream media and how it also clashed with dominant political discourses as enshrined in government publications and web-sites. This will shed light on the impact of the page and how it enlarged the public sphere in the country as a counter hegemonic platform.
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Rambanapasi, Christopher. "The political economy of public participation in planning in pluralist societies: the case of Zimbabwe." Geoforum 23, no. 1 (February 1992): 95–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0016-7185(92)90039-7.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Political participation – Zimbabwe"
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Chimange, Mizeck. "Implementation of the Zimbabwe National Orphan Care Policy: implications of partnership between government and civil society." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1007188.
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The study focused on the exploration of the implication of partnership between the government and civil society organizations in the implementation of the Zimbabwe National Orphan Care Policy (ZNOCP). The study was carried out in Masvingo District in Zimbabwe to explore on the feasibility of inter-organizational interaction in policy implementation and how it affects the service delivery system. The study incorporated government departments, civil society organizations and ward councillors who stood as the custodians of the people. The study was intended on unveiling the different contextual aspects that exist between government departments and civil-society organizations (CSOs) as individual and separate entities and how the compromising of their values would affect the partnership. Looking at the hierarchical and bureaucratic features of government institutions, the study also intended to understand how this could be concealed and compromised with CSOs‟ open agendas in public policy implementation to ensure effective service delivery to the people. The 5C protocol, critical variables in policy implementation which are policy content, context, capacity, commitment of those entrusted with the implementation process and also clients and coalitions were used as the yardsticks. These variables acted as a yardstick on which to analyze the partnership between the Zimbabwean government and the civil society in the implementation of the Z.N.O.C.P, their different attitudes, bureaucratic settings, organizational culture, values, norms, and how their readjustments or failure affect the service delivery system. It also became imperative to look at the government legislations that govern the CSO space of operation and financial aspects to understand the implications of partnership between government and civil society. An understanding of these aspects leads to an increased understanding of the feasibility of state-CSO partnerships and its implications on policy implementation.
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Moyo, Phoebe Michelle Zibusiso Sandi. "An assessment of community participation in Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) development projects in Zimbabwe: the case of Bulilima and Mangwe Districts, Matabeleland South." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1007232.
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Since the mid 1970s there has been an increasing effort to adopt community participation as a necessary instrument for people driven development. NGOs and governments have come to use this participatory approach not only to empower local people, but also to give them a platform to plan and implement their own development projects. However in Zimbabwe, the government has failed to fund most projects and it has created a gap for NGOs to provide most, if not all services in rural communities. NGOs have been seen as better institutions to facilitate development projects and to engage local people to actively participate in development issues. Community participation is a central component in development projects as the projects respond to the people’s needs and that local people are in full control and ownership of these projects. This study is an assessment of community participation in NGO development projects in Zimbabwe. The study investigates the extent of community participation in development projects and it is guided by the Participatory Development (PD) theory. Research findings reveal that community participation is minimal in development projects of Bulilima and Mangwe districts in Zimbabwe. Local people are just passive participants of the development projects who are told what to do. The local people’s contributions and influences are sidelined in the planning and decision-making processes; instead these are made by the rural elite who plan and make decisions on behalf of the local people. It is the view of this study that the purpose of community participation is to create opportunities for local people to participate in planning, decision making, implementation, allocation and distribution of resources. The development projects should be responsive to the people’s needs. Similarly, participatory development just like community participation is a process whereby communities are given the opportunity to determine their future in terms of their needs and resources. In this regard, it is relevant that rural communities actively participate in planning, decision making, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of development projects. By so doing, the projects become not only successful but also sustainable.
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Bothwell, Alice. "Can Canada still be considered a middle power? Zimbabwe and Canada's declining global role." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6698.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Canada between 1945 and 2010 has been classified as a prominent "middle power." At the same time its relative standing among nations has been declining and it has less regard in the world than it once did. Middle power theory seeks to classify those nations who in the wake of the Second World War were neither great powers nor non- great powers. The idea of middlepowermanship greatly appealed to Canadians and they undertook initiatives to separate themselves from the non-great powers. Canada is often seen as the exemplary case for observing middle power status. Through the post war era and the Cold War Canada was both economically and politically powerful. By getting involved in a plethora of multi-lateral bodies such as the United Nations and the Commonwealth while promoting peacekeeping and mediation, Canada was able to exert its growing influence on the world order. Throughout this time Canada worked hard to build its reputation as a mediator and specialized in ending quarrels. This is true of Canada’s involvement in the Commonwealth in the 1960s and 1970s with regard to the Rhodesian question. On two separate occasions it was the Canadian contingents that prevented the Commonwealth from dissipating. This further bolstered Canada’s rise to prominence in the world order. Over the years, as Canada took on more initiatives resources became very thinly spread. With an economic slow down and new commitments to national policies (universal healthcare and pensions) the Canadian budget was rearranged and priorities changed. No longer were there the same resources available to middle power initiatives or the military. This has greatly impacted Canada’s ability to participate in international projects. Recently, Canada’s position in the world has come into question, asking whether or not it truly is still a middle power. By looking at various traditional middle power elements including the economy, peacekeeping, official development assistance and involvement in multilateral bodies it can be seen that Canada’s prominence is waning. Using the case study of Zimbabwean/ Canadian relations through the 20th and 21st centuries, the decline of Canada’s middle power performance can be traced. Combining these different themes with hard and soft power theory it is clear to see that Canada no longer holds the same position of middle power it once did. It also shows that Canadians are holding onto an image of Canada, which is dated, and it is time to redefine Canada’s position within the world order.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Tussen 1945 en 2010 is Kanada geklassifiseer as ’n prominente “middelmag.” Terselfdertyd het Kanada se relatiewe posisie ten opsigte van ander nasies begin afneem en minder aansien in die wêreld geniet as voorheen. Die middelmag-teorie poog om daardie nasies te klassifiseer wat na die Tweede Wêreldoorlog nóg grootmagte, nóg kleinmagte was. Die Kanadese was aangetrokke tot die idee van middelmagskap en hulle het inisiatiewe onderneem om hulself van ander nie-grootmagte te onderskei. Kanada word dikwels gesien as die toonbeeld van die middelmag rol. Gedurende die post-oorlog era, asook tydens die Koue Oorlog was Kanada beide ekonomies en polities invloedryk. Deur betrokke te raak in multi-laterale instellings soos die Verenigde Nasies en die Statebond, en terselfdertyd vredeskepping en bemiddeling te bevorder, kon Kanada sy groeiende invloed op die wêreld orde uitoefen. Gedurende hierdie tyd het Kanada hard gewerk om sy reputasie as bemiddelaar gestand te doen en te spesialiseer in die beëindiging van dispute. Laasgenoemde word veral waargeneem in Kanada se betrokkenheid in die Statebond met betrekking tot die Rhodesië-vraagstuk in die 1960s en 1970s. Op twee verskillende geleenthede was dit die Kanadese invloed wat verhoed het dat die Statebond ontbind. Dit het gesorg dat Kanada se prestige en prominensie in die wêreld orde toegeneem het. Oor die jare het Kanada meer inisiatiewe aangegaan en het die hulpbronne verminder. Dit, tesame met ’n stadige groeiende ekonomie en nuwe nasionale verpligtinge soos universele gesondheidsorg en pensioenfonds moes die Kanadese begroting herrangskik word en prioriteite moes verander. Daar was nie meer dieselfde hulpbronne beskikbaar vir middelmag- inisiatiewe of die weermag nie. Dit het grootliks Kanada se vermoë beïnvloed om aan internasionale inisiatiewe deel te neem. Onlangs het Kanada se posisie in die wêreld onder die loep gekom, en dit word bevraagteken of Kanada nog werklik ’n middelmag is. Deur te kyk na verskillende tradisionele middelmagelemente soos die ekonomie, vredeskepping, amptelike ontwikkelingsbystand en die betrokkenheid in die multilaterale organisasies, word dit waargeneem dat Kanada se prominensie afneem. Deur gebruik te maak van die gevallestudie van die Zimbabwe/Kanada-verhoudinge deur die 20ste en 21ste eeu, kan die afname van Kanada se middelmag-funksie waargeneem word. Met die kombinering van reeds genoemde temas met die teorieë van harde en sagte mag, kan dit duidelik gesien word dat Kanada nie meer dieselfde posisie van middelmag beklee wat dit eens gehad het nie. Verder wys dit dat die Kanadese aan ’n beeld van Kanada vasklou wat ouderwets is, en dat dit tyd is om Kanada se posisie te herdefinieer in die huidige wêreld orde.
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Mandipa, Esau. "A critical analysis of the legal and institutional frameworks for the realisation of the rights of persons with disabilities in Zimbabwe." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/18613.
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The Zimbabwean society views persons with disabilities (PWDs) ‘as useless
liabilities that have no role to play in society.’ The Zimbabwean Government has
also forgotten PWDs since they are not mentioned in all the country’s national
budgets. This has led to uncountable barriers faced by PWDs in their bid to be
included as equal members of the society. Some of the barriers are constant
discrimination, sheer poverty, lack of access to mainstream public services and
stigma. Hundreds to thousands of PWDs beg for alms in the streets of every
town and city. Zimbabwe then has to be reminded that all PWDs have:
a right to enjoy a decent life, as normal and full as possible, a right which lies at the
heart of the right to human dignity. This right should be jealously guarded and forcefully
protected by all states party to the African Charter in accordance with the well
established principle that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and
rights.
Thus, the era of silence when it comes to the realisation of the rights of PWDs in
Zimbabwe has to come to an end. All PWDs in Zimbabwe should know that it is
by right and not by privilege to be guaranteed full and effective participation,
and inclusion in society. It is time for Zimbabwe to embrace all the rights for
PWDs without any hesitation. It is time for humanity to celebrate the inherent
dignity, individual autonomy, independence and the right not to be
discriminated against for all PWDs. Every lawmaker in Zimbabwe has to be reminded to delete from the statute books all laws which view disability as a
medical problem and instead, pass laws which are in line with the human rights-based approach which is a more enlightened, realistic and people-centred
approach to disability. No time to play but plenty of time to work…!Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
nf2012
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Chatikobo, Tapiwa H. "Evaluating holistic management in Hwange communal lands, Zimbabwe : an actor-oriented livelihood approach, incorporating everyday politics and resistance." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97083.
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Thesis (MSc)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Rangelands in the semi-arid and arid regions of the world support livelihoods through their provision of multiple goods and services. Livestock production, for example, occurs in rangelands both as extensive ranching under freehold tenure and as collective ranching under communal tenure systems. However, the sustainability of rangelands is threatened and has been a major concern this century, leading to a variety of interventions. Holistic management (HM) is one such example, designed by its proponents as a panacea to halt degradation and, recently, climate change effects in the rangelands of Africa and beyond. HM has been implemented in the Hwange Communal Lands (HCLs) of Zimbabwe since 2010. In principle, the programme is aimed at restoring degraded watersheds and croplands through utilising properly managed livestock. To achieve this, two principles are promoted under HM, namely (i) holistic planned grazing (HPG) and (ii) animal impaction of crop fields. However, the effects of HM on the livelihoods of its beneficiaries currently are poorly understood. In order to address this lacuna, this study aimed to determine both the intended and unintended effects of a community-based land restoration programme called Holistic Land and Livestock Management (HLLM) in the HCLs of Zimbabwe on the livelihoods of its beneficiaries through a conceptual framework that combined an actor-oriented livelihoods approach with concepts of everyday politics and resistance. This was done by exploring the impact of HLLM on the six types of farmers’ assets, adoption patterns, farmers’ reactions to the introduction of HLLM, and challenges preventing farmers from adopting HLLM. Case studies employing a qualitative and exploratory research design were undertaken in three communities that were selected purposively from a total of 18 communities in which the HLLM programme had been promoted by the Africa Centre for Holistic Management (ACHM) in order to discover different perspectives on the effects of the programme on the livelihoods of its beneficiaries. The study employed qualitative Participatory Rural Appraisal tools, focus group discussions, participant observation, document analysis, and key informant and semi-structured interviews. These lines of enquiry enabled triangulation and cross-checking of information to enhance the reliability and validity of the research findings. The study showed that adoption levels were disappointingly low across all the study sites. Several challenges, including livestock diseases, predation, cultural stigma, labour constraints and witchcraft fears, were among the barriers explaining the low rate of adoption in the HCLs. The findings reveal that the farmers were concerned more with immediate problems, especially lack of water, than with land degradation, which is the primary focus of HLLM. Thus the farmers responded by complying, accommodating and covertly resisting the ACHM’s efforts to implement HLLM in order to suit their needs, using creative everyday politics and resistance. The study concludes that, although HLLM is required in such semi-arid environments, it is not sufficient to sustain rural livelihoods in its current state. While the main focus of HLLM is to improve the natural capital (i.e. restoring degraded watersheds), it should be complemented by and aligned with the farmers’ other development priorities, especially those relating to water
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING:Weiveld in die halfdor- en dor gebiede van die wêreld ondersteun menslike lewensbestaan deur die verskaffing van ’n verskeidenheid goedere en dienste. Veeproduksie, byvoorbeeld, kom in weivelde voor as beide ekstensiewe veldbeesboerdery onder grondbesit en kollektiewe veldbeesboerdery onder gemeenskaplike eiendomsreg. Die volhoubaarheid van weiveld word egter bedreig en het in hierdie eeu ’n groot bron van kommer geword, wat gelei het tot ’n verskeidenheid ingrypings. Holistiese bestuur (Holistic management (HM)) is een van hierdie en is deur sy voorstanders ontwerp as ’n wondermiddel om degradasie, en meer onlangs die effekte van klimaatsverandering op die weivelde van Afrika en verder, stop te sit. HM is reeds sedert 2010 in die Hwange gemeenskaplike gronde (HGG’e) in Zimbabwe geïmplementeer. In beginsel is die doel van die program om gedegradeerde waterskeidings en landerye te herstel deur gebruik te maak van behoorlik bestuurde vee. Om dit te bereik word twee beginsels onder HM bevorder, naamlik (i) holisties beplande weiding (holistic planned grazing (HPG)) en (ii) dier-impaksie van landerye (animal impaction of crop fields). Die effekte van HM op die lewensbestaan van sy begunstigdes word tans egter swak begryp. Om hierdie leemte aan te spreek, was die doel van hierdie studie om die bedoelde en onbedoelde gevolge van ’n gemeenskapsgebaseerde grondherstelprogram (Holistic Land and Livestock Management (HLLM)) in die HGG’e van Zimbabwe op die lewensbestaan van die begunstigdes te bepaal deur middel van ’n konseptuele raamwerk wat ’n akteur-georiënteerde lewensbestaansbenadering met konsepte van alledaagse politiek en weerstand gekombineer het. Dít is gedoen deur die impak van HLLM op ses soorte van bates wat boere het, hulle aannemingspatrone, boere se reaksies op die invoering van HLLM, en uitdagings wat verhoed het dat boere HLLM aanneem, te ondersoek. Gevallestudies met gebruik van ’n kwalitatiewe en verkennende navorsingsontwerp is in drie gemeenskappe onderneem wat doelbewus uit ’n totaal van 18 gemeenskappe waarin die HLLM-program deur die Africa Centre for Holistic Management (ACHM) bevorder word, geselekteer is om verskillende perspektiewe van die effekte van die program op die lewensbestaan van die begunstigdes te ontdek. Die studie het kwalitatiewe Deelnemende Landelike Takseringsgereedskap (Participatory Rural Appraisal), fokusgroepbesprekings, deelnemerwaarneming, dokument analise en sleutel-informant en semi-gestruktureerde onderhoude gebruik. Hierdie ondersoeklyne het triangulasie en kruiskontrole van die inligting moontlik gemaak, wat die betroubaarheid en geldigheid van die navorsingsbevindings verhoog het. Die studie toon dat aannemingsvlakke teleurstellend laag was in al die studieliggings. Verskeie uitdagings, insluitend veesiektes, predasie, kulturele stigma, arbeidsbeperkings en vrese vir heksery was onder die hindernisse wat die lae aannemingstempo in die HGG’e verklaar. Die bevindinge wys dat die boere meer besorgd was oor onmiddellike probleme, veral die tekort aan water, as oor grondagteruitgang, wat die vernaamste fokus van HLLM is. Die boere het dus gereageer deur instemming, aanpassing en onderlangse weerstandbieding tot die ACHM se pogings om HLLM te implementeer om sodoende hulle eie behoeftes te pas deur kreatiewe alledaagse politiek en weerstand te gebruik. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat hoewel HLLM in sulke halfdor omgewings nodig is, dit nie in sy huidige staat voldoende is om landelike lewensbestaan te onderhou nie. Hoewel die vernaamste fokus van HLLM is om die natuurlike kapitaal te verbeter (m.a.w. deur gedegradeerde waterskeidings te herstel), moet hierdie rol gekomplementeer word deur en belyn word met die boere se ander ontwikkelingsprioriteite, veral dié wat verband hou met water.
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Welford, Lucy Alexandra. "'Children of the soil' : power, politics and participation in community based natural resource management in Zimbabwe." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.619631.
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Shonhe, Toendepi. "Public participation in the constitution making process in Zimbabwe (2009-2010)." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/12022.
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The purpose of this study was to examine the extent to which participatory deliberative
democracy is being practised in the constitution making process in Zimbabwe. The nature of
public participation determines the character, quality and extent of consultations and
democratic deliberation in policy formulation Constitution making has inescapably remained
an ‘unfinished business’ in Zimbabwe as a consequence of the Lancaster House settlement of
1979. Yet, a national constitution is a biography of the nation, whose crafting must embody
legitimacy and credibility. This research sought to examine the processes available for public
participation for constitution making in Zimbabwe. The research focused on the constitution
making process as a case study against the background of a partocratic policy making system
that existed since 1980, and the advent of the Inclusive Government consummated on 13
February 2009 whose policy making architecture is premised on the GPA. The central
question of this study was: “What processes are being used to secure deliberative democratic
participation in the constitution design process in Zimbabwe? The research relied on
documentary evidence, the researcher’s experience and observations as well as targeted semistructured
interviews on public participation in the constitution making process in Zimbabwe
for data collection, as a case study. The researcher relied on secondary data from published
and unpublished literature and tracked newspaper publications to gather data related to the
constitution making process. The researcher also visited and observed some of the
Constitution Select Committee (COPAC) outreach meetings to gather information relating to
the quality of deliberation at the meetings. The main findings were that the COPAC structure
did not adequately provide a framework for delivering deliberative democracy as political
parties retained decision making at stages of the process. The research concluded that
political parties, the Executive and Parliament, dominated the process. Participation was
cosmetic and “Executo-partocratic driven” rather than a “people-driven” process. The
prevalence of citizen harassment and intimidation as well as the occurrence of violence
during the consultative process hampered meaningful participation in deliberative processes
by citizens. Similarly the inauspicious operating environment discouraged the free flow of
information and debate, alienating citizen views and limiting deliberative participatory
democracy. In the main, the policy making approach adopted was ‘Executo-partocratic’ and
as such limited the citizens participation in equal, open and free deliberation resulting in a
process that lacked legitimacy and credibility.
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Chitukutuku, Edmore. "Re-living liberation war militia bases: violence, history and the making of political subjectivies in Zimbabwe." Thesis, 2017. https://hdl.handle.net/10539/24498.
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Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Anthropology), March 2017In this study, I explore the ways in which legacies of how and where the Zimbabwean liberation war was fought, the landscapes of the struggle, and the violence associated with it were invoked at district and village level by ZANU PF as it sought to instill loyalty, fear and discipline through its supporters and the youth militia. Although they were invoking memories of former guerrilla bases, and the violence often associated with them, the bases set up by ZANU-PF youth militia in 2008 were not established on the actual sites of former guerrilla camps. However, since then, ZANU-PF war veterans in the Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) have been returning to the actual sites of the 1970s liberation war guerrilla bases in order to teach senior staff the history of the liberation struggle, drawing together former liberation war collaborators or ‘messengers’ who assisted guerrilla fighters during the war, as well as contemporary unemployed ZANU-PF youth. They used these often highly choreographed events to talk about battles during war, to perform liberation songs, and to explain how ancestors assisted them during the struggle. I examine these recent events, and argue that both the establishment of the new militia bases in the post-2000 period, and invocation of the old, former guerrilla bases dating to the Chimurenga period are deliberate efforts by ZANU-PF to make violence, geography and landscapes do political/ideological work by forging political subjectivities and loyalties that sustain its rule. In stressing these continuities between the 1970s guerrilla bases, and their invocation and reproduction in post-2000 Zimbabwe, I am interested in what the base enables and does in terms of the formation of political subjectivities. I aim to show through critical analysis of the political history and local accounts of the second Chimurenga why political subjectivity and the base are important in the re-examination of both the history and the literature on this history. The base allows for a sophisticated reading of political subjectivity in that it was the space through which the grand narrative of the liberation struggle hit the ground, entered into people’s homes, and constituted a complex relationship between political education, conscientisation, freedom and violence. The liberation war base was meant to make people inhabit subjectivities characterized by bravery, resistance, and resilience when fighting the might of Rhodesian army. In the post-colonial context, the base served the purpose of annihilating the kind of rebellious subjectivities inhabited during the liberation war and replacing them with those characterized by fear, pretense, and quietude. This substitution explains the subjectivities that exist in the post-independence rural population and reveals the purpose that electoral violence has served in Zimbabwe’s post-independence period, especially through the base. However people have also engaged with these landscapes outside of ZANU-PF politicking and this has produced critical subjectivities where people challenge ZANU-PF dominant narratives.
GR2018
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Ndhlovu, Nothando. "The role of bloggers in the construction of Zimbabwean national identities : a case study of three Zimbabwean blogs during the 2008 presidential elections." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/8560.
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Blogging continues to get attention in the field of communication studies for reasons such as its differences with traditional media and its various effects in societies. The first part of this dissertation provides the reader with a background of the use of the Internet in Zimbabwe highlighting how it has offered individuals a platform to publish their own content, thus increasing the documentation of the 2008 Zimbabwean elections. This research analyses how national identity and the construction thereof emerges from online personal narratives. The research also investigates the discourses shaping the country‘s identities such as humanitarian, anti-Mugabe and democratic discourses that emerge from the blogs and how these blogs communicate events that occurred during the polls. This dissertation is primarily concerned with how citizens have arguably become recognized as sources of information and how Zimbabwe is perceived. Finally, the blogs are critically examined for how they create spaces of resistance. I argue that the blogs challenged and destabilized the older patterns of identity creation within Zimbabwe. Whereas national identity constructions have been largely a result of the majority or ruling class, the production of counter discourses in the blogs suggests that at an individual level, citizens use the Internet as a platform to express their dissent and do not automatically internalize these projected national identities.Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2011.
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Ntini, Edmore. "The participation of rural based teachers in community development activities in the Chivi district, Masvingo, Zimbabwe." Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1023.
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Too often, literature on participation in community development is void of the rationale for the participation of teachers; the roles they may play; factors for and against their participation; and strategies for inviting and sustaining their participation. This study examines what could be done to ensure the participation of rural based teachers in community development activities, by exploring these issues. A qualitative design and purposeful sampling are used. The sample consists of information-rich informants from the following five categories: officials of the Rural District Council, non-governmental organisation workers, rural based school teachers, Village Development Committee Chairpersons, and ordinary community members. Interviewing is used as the major instrument of data collection. The study reveals that rural based teachers should participate in community development activities, since they have a wide knowledge base and transferable skills, and they are part of and trusted by the community. It reveals that rural based teachers' participation is deterred by political factors, lack of supportive policies, attitudes, conservativeness, lack of specialized training, and labour issues. Twenty two roles are identified for rural based teachers in community development activities. Strategies for inviting them to participate are: the use of policy, change of attitudes, use of media campaigns, training, and inclusion of community development in tertiary education in general, and teacher education in particular. Strategies for sustaining their participation emerge as: the use of incentives, free time or days off and holding responsible offices. Sixteen recommendations are finally presented.DEVELOPMENT STUDIES
MA (DEVELOPMENT STUD)
Books on the topic "Political participation – Zimbabwe"
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African Forum for Catholic Social Teachings, ed. Political participation in Zimbabwe. Mount Pleasant, Harare, Zimbabwe: African Forum for Catholic Social Teaching, 2010.
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Imagining citizenship in Zimbabwe. Harare, Zimbabwe: Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung in association with African Forum for Catholic Social Teaching, 2012.
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Dorothy, Mushayavanhu, Womankind Worldwide (Organization), and Women in Politics Support Unit (Zimbabwe), eds. Increasing women's political participation in Zimbabwe project, 2012-2014: Baseline survey report. Harare: Women in Politics Support Unit, 2012.
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Kersting, Norbert. Demokratie und Armut in Zimbabwe: Politische Partizipation und urbaner Lebensstil. Munster: Lit, 1994.
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Masiiwa, Medicine. Harnessing the diaspora potential for socio-economic development in Zimbabwe: Investment, trade and participation in political processes. Harare: Institute of Development Studies (IDS) and National Association of Non-Governmental Organizations (NANGO), 2010.
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Zimbabwe. Ministry of Health and Child Welfare. Meaningful involvement of people living with HIV and AIDS (MIPA): Zimbabwe baseline survey , 2009. Harare: National AIDS Council Zimbabwe, 2009.
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Dorman, Sarah Rich. Understanding Zimbabwe: From Liberation to Authoritarianism. Oxford University Press, 2016.
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Understanding Zimbabwe: From Liberation to Authoritarianism. Oxford University Press, 2016.
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Women in Politics Support Unit (Zimbabwe), HIVOS (Organization), and Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, eds. Enhancing women's participation in politics: A regional perspective : 22-23 November 2004, Harare, Zimbabwe. Harare: Women in Politics Support Unit, 2005.
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University of Zambia. Institute of Economic and Social Research. and USAID/RCSA Southern African Regional Democracy Fund., eds. The role of civic groups in promoting democracy and good governance in southern Africa: Experiences of Malawi, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. [Lusaka]: The Institute, 1998.
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Gondo, Rachel. "A critical analysis of community participation at the primary level of the health system in Goromonzi District." In The Political Economy of Livelihoods in Contemporary Zimbabwe, 124–38. New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge studies on the political economy of Africa ; 3: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351273244-8.
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Mpofu, Shepherd. "Blogging, Feminism and the Politics of Participation: The Case of Her Zimbabwe." In Digital Activism in the Social Media Era, 271–94. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-40949-8_13.
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Deleglise, Dimpho. "Trends in SADC Mediation and Long-Term Conflict Transformation." In The State of Peacebuilding in Africa, 215–33. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-46636-7_13.
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Abstract While mediation efforts cannot lead to holistic societal transformations overnight, this chapter argues that the Southern African Development Community (SADC) has singularly failed to lay the groundwork for such transformations in its region. In reviewing the cases of SADC mediation and involvement in Lesotho, Madagascar, and Zimbabwe, the chapter probes why the organization has been unable to fulfill its long-term agenda for sustainable peace. To improve its prospects, SADC should seek to support long-term solutions which hinge both on the demilitarization of politics and investment in effective institutions of participation and development. The chapter uses as its departure point the systemic conflict transformation (SCT) framework to explain how SADC might achieve what is referred to in academic literature as “positive peace.”
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Sabao, Collen, and Tendai Owen Chikara. "Social Media as Alternative Public Sphere for Citizen Participation and Protest in National Politics in Zimbabwe." In Advances in Social Networking and Online Communities, 17–35. IGI Global, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-2854-8.ch002.
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The chapter examines and discusses the role and communicative potential of social media based platforms in citizen political participation and protests in Zimbabwe specifically focusing on the #thisflag movement on Facebook, Twitter and Whatsapp. #thisflag is a social media-based platform that rose to challenge the Zimbabwean government over the political and economic decay as well as rampant corruption characterising the country contemporarily. While a new phenomenon to Zimbabwe and Zimbabwean politics, the impact and communicative potential of social media as an alternative public sphere was recently tested in nationwide protest stayaway organised through the Facebook and Twitter movement under the #thisflag handle/brand. This chapter discusses the manners in which such social media platforms impact national politics in Zimbabwe as well as globally, specifically looking at the #thisflag movement as a case study.
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Sabao, Collen, and Tendai Owen Chikara. "Social Media as Alternative Public Sphere for Citizen Participation and Protest in National Politics in Zimbabwe." In African Studies, 772–86. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-3019-1.ch041.
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The chapter examines and discusses the role and communicative potential of social media based platforms in citizen political participation and protests in Zimbabwe specifically focusing on the #thisflag movement on Facebook, Twitter and Whatsapp. #thisflag is a social media-based platform that rose to challenge the Zimbabwean government over the political and economic decay as well as rampant corruption characterising the country contemporarily. While a new phenomenon to Zimbabwe and Zimbabwean politics, the impact and communicative potential of social media as an alternative public sphere was recently tested in nationwide protest stayaway organised through the Facebook and Twitter movement under the #thisflag handle/brand. This chapter discusses the manners in which such social media platforms impact national politics in Zimbabwe as well as globally, specifically looking at the #thisflag movement as a case study.
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Makwerere, David. "African Youth's Democratic Rights Awareness and Participation in Continental Governance." In Participation of Young People in Governance Processes in Africa, 176–97. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-9388-1.ch009.
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This chapter explored the democratic rights awareness among the youth in Zimbabwe. The youth who live in urban and peri-urban spaces are relatively aware of their democratic rights and a significant number do participate in governance processes in the country, although their participation is largely defined by political party affiliation. There are those youths who are in rural and farming communities who have limited understanding of their democratic rights and responsibilities and most of them believe that participation in governance is simply about voting during national plebiscites and nothing more. The study also found that the development of rights awareness among the youths in Zimbabwe is state-centric and thus undermining the efforts towards effective youth participation. There are some civil society organizations in Zimbabwe that have worked to empower the youth in the country and to create awareness, but this has met with many challenges owing to the hegemonic influences of the ruling political elites and the general political polarization prevailing in the country.
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Makonese, Makanatsa. "How Zimbabwe’s 2013 Constitution Addresses Women’s Election and Participation in Parliament." In Democracy, Elections, and Constitutionalism in Africa, 432–60. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192894779.003.0016.
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The 2013 Constitution of Zimbabwe has been hailed as a modern and progressive Constitution that addresses contemporary human rights issues, including gender equality and the promotion of women’s rights. It clearly provides for gender parity in public bodies, including in elective positions. The affirmative action provisions on a women’s quota in the National Assembly and gender equality in party lists for Senators have been useful in increasing the number of women in parliament. However, even with these improvements, the mere existence of the progressive Constitution has not led to gender parity in the Parliament of Zimbabwe or in other elective or public institutions such as local councils and cabinet. This is mainly because key actors and structures such as political parties, the government, and the successive Presidents of Zimbabwe have not fully adhered to the provisions of the Constitution regarding gender equality in public bodies, except where the Constitution provides explicit guidance on how to achieve this. The enactment of legislation to operationalize some of the less explicit provisions of the Constitution may therefore be useful in ensuring compliance with the gender equality provisions in relation to parliament and other public bodies in the country.
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Tom, Tom. "A Youth Perspective to Participation and Local Governance in Zimbabwe's Post-Fast Track Land Reform Farms." In Participation of Young People in Governance Processes in Africa, 220–46. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-9388-1.ch011.
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The chapter provides a youth perspective to participation and local governance in Zimbabwe's post-Fast Track Land Reform farms. The chapter provides a sociology flare to youth participation by incorporating the ‘sociology of youth' dimension. Factoring in the youth perspective is a major contribution in addressing the lacunae in understanding and improving land reforms in Zimbabwe. Broadly, scholarly debate and professional practice on Zimbabwe's post-FTLRP have been informed by four ideological and empirical approaches namely, the neopatrimonial, human rights, livelihoods and political economy. However, in all four approaches, specific and deliberate focus on the youth is low. Based on the understanding that the youth are the future of societies, the central argument in the chapter is that the youth should be positively developed to practice their citizenship. This can be achieved through proactive incorporation of the youth in development and local governance. At a micro level, the ‘new' farm communities and how they are locally governed should also be a turf for the youth, not only for the ‘gerontocrats'. The starting point for that noble departure is to understand the lived experiences and situated meanings pertaining to the achievements, opportunities, challenges and failures in youth participation in development and local governance of the farm communities. Beyond lip service articulation and application of a youth perspective in the farm communities, and broadly at the national level, are recommended.
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Woyo, Erisher. "Tourism suppliers’ view of the role of government initiatives and tourism competitiveness in distressed contexts." In Tourism Dynamics. Goodfellow Publishers, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.23912/9781911635932-4944.
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This chapter analyses the role of government initiatives in tourism competitiveness, using data collected from suppliers operating in a distressed tourist destination. The government’s involvement in the process of tourism development, especially in developing countries, is critical. The role and participation of governments in tourism development vary from minimal to a high level of involvement. Developing economies with ongoing political and economic challenges like Zimbabwe have not been comprehensively researched, especially on the nexus between competitiveness and government initiatives. Using qualitative data from a convenience sample of 15 hospitality and tourism managers in Zimbabwe, it was found that the role of government is important for enhancing tourism competitiveness. The study concludes that a higher level of government involvement is needed for Zimbabwe to enhance competitiveness. The government should play a greater role, especially in providing an enabling environment for improved competitiveness while reducing corruption.
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Mapuranga, Tapiwa Praise. "RELIGION AND THE PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN POLITICS IN ZIMBABWE:." In Being and Becoming, 153–70. Spears Media Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvh8r09w.12.
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