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Journal articles on the topic 'Political participation – Zimbabwe'
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Bhatasara, Sandra, and Manase Kudzai Chiweshe. "Women in Zimbabwean Politics Post-November 2017." Journal of Asian and African Studies 56, no. 2 (March 2021): 218–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909620986576.
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This article analyses the dynamics underpinning formal political institutions in relation to women’s participation in Zimbabwe, with a focus on the post November 2017 context. Patriarchal continuities and not changes characterize the post-November period. Under the “new dispensation”, patriarchy, intertwined with the increase in militarized masculinities, is producing exclusion with limited spaces for women’s participation. Simultaneously, Zimbabwean women at times have been destabilizing political spaces, while also being complicit in reproducing patriarchal practices and violence. The military-assisted transition is significant because of the fall of Grace Mugabe and the broader implications of this for women and politics in Zimbabwe.
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Dodo, Obediah. "A Review of Political Participation between Youth and Elderly People in Zimbabwe." International Journal of Political Activism and Engagement 6, no. 4 (October 2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpae.2019100101.
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The study sought to establish the differences in levels of involvement in politics between the youths and older people in Zimbabwe post-independence. It also expiilores influences to their engagement. The explorative qualitative study was conducted to bring out elaborate descriptive results. It was conducted through document and archival material analysis. Data was analysed using both latent and manifest content analyses, approaches ideal for qualitative investigations. The study was anchored on the theory of deliberative democracy with a focus on political participation of the youth in politics compared to older people. It was established in the study that indeed both youths and older people participate in politics albeit from different stand-points and for different objectives. The study also established that the differences in the two groups' participation in politics is influenced by among others; literacy, resourcefulness of individuals, desperation, poverty, fear, and patriarchal factors among others.
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Mutsvairo, Bruce, and Lys-Anne Sirks. "Examining the contribution of social media in reinforcing political participation in Zimbabwe." Journal of African Media Studies 7, no. 3 (September 1, 2015): 329–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams.7.3.329_1.
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Goodell, Grace. "The importance of political participation for sustained capitalist development." European Journal of Sociology 26, no. 1 (May 1985): 93–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600004355.
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The problem facing most of the Third World today is no longer how to launch development, but rather how to sustain it. Consider the colossal disappointments, after 150 years of independence, of Brazil, Mexico, Uruguay, Colombia, Venezuela, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Peru — and the debacle of Argentina. Recall the historic leadership which set Egypt, Thailand, and Turkey on their drives to modernization fully a century ago: now, nearly stagnant. Contrast the economic promise inherited from the colonial period and the determination and unbounded elan inspired by independence with today's languor in India, Kenya, and Malaysia, the listlessness of Zimbabwe, Indonesia, The Philippines, and North Africa: indeed, the failures of Ghana and Nigeria. The issue is no longer how to assure political stability — but even with stability, how to foster steady development whose gains will accrue and whose momentum can be sustained.
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Dendere, Chipo. "Financing political parties in Africa: the case of Zimbabwe." Journal of Modern African Studies 59, no. 3 (August 26, 2021): 295–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x21000148.
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AbstractWhat is the impact of access to political party finance – money that parties use to fund their campaign activities – on politics in Africa? While multiparty elections have become more regular in the developing world, many opposition parties are still failing to win elections. This paper argues that poor access to political finance weakens democratic consolidation and negatively impacts the participation of less-resourced candidates who are unable to self-fund. As a result, opposition parties are forced to rely on weak promises of aid from international donors and unreliable state funding. This in-depth analysis of political finance, based on extensive interviews with politicians and government officials in Zimbabwe, political documents, news reports and a review of court cases, reveals that uneven financing has weakened opposition parties and serves as an extra advantage for incumbents.
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CROKE, KEVIN, GUY GROSSMAN, HORACIO A. LARREGUY, and JOHN MARSHALL. "Deliberate Disengagement: How Education Can Decrease Political Participation in Electoral Authoritarian Regimes." American Political Science Review 110, no. 3 (August 2016): 579–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055416000253.
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A large literature examining advanced and consolidating democracies suggests that education increases political participation. However, in electoral authoritarian regimes, educated voters may instead deliberately disengage. If education increases critical capacities, political awareness, and support for democracy, educated citizens may believe that participation is futile or legitimizes autocrats. We test this argument in Zimbabwe—a paradigmatic electoral authoritarian regime—by exploiting cross-cohort variation in access to education following a major educational reform. We find that educationdecreasespolitical participation, substantially reducing the likelihood that better-educated citizens vote, contact politicians, or attend community meetings. Consistent with deliberate disengagement, education’s negative effect on participation dissipated following 2008’s more competitive election, which (temporarily) initiated unprecedented power sharing. Supporting the mechanisms underpinning our hypothesis, educated citizens experience better economic outcomes, are more interested in politics, and are more supportive of democracy, but are also more likely to criticize the government and support opposition parties.
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Mhandara, Lawrence, Charity Manyeruke, and Sharon Hofisi. "The Church and Political Transition in Zimbabwe: The Inclusive Government Context." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 3, no. 1 (April 2, 2013): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v3i1.3379.
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This article explores the role of the church in Zimbabwe’s political space with emphasis on the transitional epoch set in motion with the consummation of the Inclusive Government after the signing of the Global Political Agreement on 15 September 2008. Being exploratory in approach, the study preferred a qualitative research design were secondary sources were the major source of data. Departing from the view point that the church and the state are complementary in satisfying human needs, the research established that the church is replete with political activists who are partaking in key political processes envisaged under the transitional phase and the enormity of their participation vary depending on the national issue at hand. More clearly, the church’s association with the political parties in the government has been mostly that of a horse-rider relationship where politicians use the church to score cheap political points.
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Lundby, Knut. "Media, religion and democratic participation: community communication in Zimbabwe and Norway." Media, Culture & Society 19, no. 1 (January 1997): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016344397019001003.
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Mutetwa, Stanley. "Baba Jukwa’s Facebook page: A possible counter hegemonic space for political transformation in Zimbabwe." Multilingual Margins: A journal of multilingualism from the periphery 2, no. 2 (November 8, 2018): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.14426/mm.v2i2.76.
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This study focuses on how the Baba Jukwa Facebook page has been appropriated as a potential counter hegemonic space for the circulation of public opinion during the run up till post 2013 harmonised elections in Zimbabwe. This current study wishes to explore the role played by social media in Zimbabwe in the run up to the 2013 election especially on Facebook through participation on the Baba Jukwa page. Focus will be on the nature of the discourses in the posts and how the participants on the page engaged in debates around these posts. I will also interrogate how the discourses in the posts on the Baba Jukwa Facebook page were taken up by the main stream media and how it also clashed with dominant political discourses as enshrined in government publications and web-sites. This will shed light on the impact of the page and how it enlarged the public sphere in the country as a counter hegemonic platform.
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Rambanapasi, Christopher. "The political economy of public participation in planning in pluralist societies: the case of Zimbabwe." Geoforum 23, no. 1 (February 1992): 95–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0016-7185(92)90039-7.
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Zembere, Monica. "Reconceptualisation of Democratic Citizenship Education Against Social Inequalities and Electoral Violence in Zimbabwe." International Journal of Curriculum Development and Learning Measurement 2, no. 2 (July 2021): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcdlm.2021070101.
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This article analyses the implications of a reconceptualised democratic citizenship education on universities in Africa with special emphasis on Zimbabwe. This is a qualitative research where data has been gathered through interviews and observation. Democratic citizenship education theory is used as a theory speaking to the argument. The arguments proffered in the research are that the concepts of DCE, education, and democracy that are rooted in liberal ideas of education have the potential to develop critical thinking necessary for political participation, justice, and political tolerance. The findings are that an African university education can teach students to become human with others, meaning students are taught to respect and value human dignity as dictated by Ubuntu.
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Masekesa, Liberty Kudzai. "The Potential of Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs) in the Pursuit of Sustainable Development Goal 11 in Zimbabwe." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal 24 (August 6, 2021): 1–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2021/v24i0a9093.
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The international community has recognised cities as important drivers of development and poverty reduction by including SDG 11 in the United Nations 2030 Sustainable Development Agenda. Even though the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) do not have any legal force, SDG 11 seeks to make cities and human settlements across the world "inclusive", "safe", "resilient" and "sustainable" by 2030. While cognisant of the interdependence of these qualifiers, this article focusses on the issue of "sustainability" in the light of the view that a city cannot be said to be sustainable unless it is inclusive, safe and resilient. Cities on the path to a sustainable future are expected in terms of SDG 11 to invest in public infrastructure to provide services to local communities in a sustainable manner. Due to limited fiscal space, urban local authorities in Zimbabwe, as elsewhere, would have to harness private sector participation in infrastructure investment through Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs) to transition to a sustainable future.
This article interrogates the extent to which the constitutional, legislative and policy frameworks in Zimbabwe enable urban local authorities to adopt and implement PPPs in order to achieve their mandate and by extension to realise local sustainability as envisaged in terms of SDG 11. The analysis reveals varied results about the potential of PPPs to contribute towards local sustainability in Zimbabwe. It is further argued that the legal framework underpinning PPPs has some generic features that could enhance their relevance and potential in the pursuit of sustainable cities in Zimbabwe.
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Zvobgo, Ellen Farisayi, and Cowen Dziva. "Practices and challenges in implementing women’s right to political participation under the African Women’s Rights Protocol in Zimbabwe." African Human Rights Yearbook / Annuaire Africain des Droits de l’Homme Volume 1 (2017) 1, no. 2017 (November 15, 2017): 60–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.29053/2523-1367/2017/v1n1a4.
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Saidi, Umali. "BaTonga Culture: A Rich Heritage." DANDE Journal of Social Sciences and Communication 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 45–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15641/dande.v2i1.40.
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There is a tendency in which so called ‘developed’ ethnic groups, given their economic, political and social advantage placing them at the ‘center’, are the chanters of development even for the groups considered to be at the periphery. Ironically, in heritage terms, so called marginalized groups have had much of their heritage less contaminated by forces of modernity as has been the case with much of the BaTonga culture. This article explores the BaTonga culture and heritage as the Zimbabwean aquaculture from which its consumption, preservation and use can benefit other ethical groups in the country. Using results from studies by Saidi (2016a) as well as complementary studies by Mashingaidze (2013) and Ndlovu (2013), this article establishes the richness of BaTonga culture which subsequently feeds the rich Zimbabwe multicultural heritage. The article argues that heritage utilization reflects the active participation of its owners pointing to the character of the culture making heritage management a priority for any African country seeking its true identity. Further, the article argues that a rich heritage is a shared commodity regardless of ethnic-specific dichotomies in oriented communities like Zimbabwe. Given this basis, the article shows that public spaces, media and the education curriculum are expected to uphold and incorporate all aspects of heritage such as BaTonga cultural realities in order to foster tolerance, acceptance as well as visibility and ultimately cultural and economic development of all ethnic groups in nation building.
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Mapuva, Jephias. "Militarisation of Public Institutions, Flawed Electoral Processes and Curtailed Citizen Participation: The Case of Zimbabwe." Journal of Legislative Studies 16, no. 4 (December 2010): 460–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2010.519456.
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Mazambani, Last, Tariro Juliet Rushwaya, and Emmanuel Mutambara. "Financial inclusion: disrupted liquidity and redundancy of mobile money agents in Zimbabwe." Investment Management and Financial Innovations 15, no. 3 (August 16, 2018): 131–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/imfi.15(3).2018.11.
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Mobile money agents (MMAs) are the pedestal of inclusive finance by bringing financial services closer to unbanked people by offering them capabilities to move from cash to electronic money and vice versa. This function is effective in an environment where hard cash is in uninterrupted circulation. The aim of this paper is to investigate implications of cash liquidity challenges in Zimbabwe to the development of financial inclusion through MMAs in a rural set-up. Phenomenological in-depth interviews were conducted with MMAs. Due to national liquidity challenges, MMAs ceased to receive cash float support, limiting their cash-in and cash-out services. Pure agents were adversely affected, while those who operate retail goods services reported increased goods sales through mobile money point-of-sale payments. Consumers are restricted to deal in electronic funds in the cashless economy making the cash-in and cash-out function of MMAs redundant. MMAs need support to sustain their operations and recoup invested capital in infrastructure. Risk management strategies, including the principal-agent contracts that minimize the exposure of MMAs to disruption of the service are important. MMAs could form an association to lobby financial regulators for support, negotiation with principals, market research, political power and active participation of agents in deepening financial inclusion. Perhaps pure MMAs could improve their economic sustainability by diversifying their businesses.
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Matingwina, Simon. "Social Media Communicative Action and the Interplay with National Security: The Case of Facebook and Political Participation in Zimbabwe." African Journalism Studies 39, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 48–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23743670.2018.1463276.
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Dombo, Sylvester, and Victor M. Gwande. "GATEWAY TO NATIONAL ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT? AN ANALYSIS OF THE USES AND ABUSES OF THE ZIMBABWE NATIONAL YOUTH SERVICE IN RELATION TO THE AFRICAN YOUTH CHARTER." Commonwealth Youth and Development 14, no. 1 (March 7, 2017): 65–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1727-7140/1390.
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This study looks at the uses and abuses of the National Youth Service (NYS) as a vehicle to attain national economic and social development for the youth in Zimbabwe. started in 2001, the NYS has in its short life span attracted both admirers and enemies both locally and externally. Whilst proponents of the NYS argue that it is the best way to integrate the youth fully in all aspects of the economy, in line with the dictates of the African Youth Charter, enemies have argued that the NYS has been nothing but an attempt to sacrifice developmental aspirations on the altar of political expediency. This study looks at the politics surrounding the implementation of the African Youth Charter, particularly article 15, which states that member states should institute NYS programmes to engender community participation and skills development for entry into the labour market. This paper asserts that the NYS in Zimbabwe was implemented before the adoption of the African Youth Charter in 2006 and that this has raised concern among the youth that no attempts have been made to harmonise the two. As a result, instances of the NYS being abused for partisan ends have been rife, leading to calls to rebrand the NYS in line with the provisions of the youth charter. Therefore, besides the issue of perception, this paper argues that lack of resources and discord within the unity government led to the failure by the government to fully implement the African Youth Charter in the Zimbabwean context.
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Madziva, Cathrine, and Martha Chinouya. "‘This word volunteer is killing us’: Making sense of volunteering in social welfare provision for orphans and vulnerable children in rural Zimbabwe." International Social Work 60, no. 5 (November 12, 2016): 1126–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872816672518.
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This qualitative study explored how volunteers delivering social welfare to orphans and vulnerable children through a community initiative supported by donors made sense of volunteering during a period of hyperinflation in Zimbabwe. Findings confirm that volunteering in Africa is influenced by a normative value system embedded in Ubuntu. Volunteering emerged as contradictory given the contextual prevalence of the social obligation discourse rather than individual choice as embedded in the European sense of voluntarism. Volunteering masked the cost of participation, thereby potentially making poverty worse for the poor in a context without a formal welfare system.
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Banerjee, Vasabjit. "The religious origins of class coalitions: Elite participation in religiously motivated peasant rebellions in Mexico, Zimbabwe, and India." International Political Science Review 36, no. 5 (May 8, 2014): 545–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512113517124.
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Bernard Mlambo, Obert. "The role of the female body in contesting and negotiating space in sports for women in rural and urban Zimbabwe." African Journal of Religion, Philosophy and Culture 1, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2634-7644/2020/1n2a6.
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This article examined attitudes, knowledge, behavior and practices of men and society on Gender bias in sports. The paper examined how the African female body was made into an object of contest between African patriarchy and the colonial system and also shows how the battle for the female body eventually extended into the sporting field. It also explored the postcolonial period and the effects on Zimbabwean society of the colonial ideals of the Victorian culture of morality. The study focused on school sports and the participation of the girl child in sports such as netball, volleyball and football. Reference was made to other sports but emphasis was given to where women were affected. It is in this case where reference to the senior women soccer team was made to provide a case study for purposes of illustration. Selected rural community and urban schools were served as case references for ethnographic accounts which provided the qualitative data used in the analysis. In terms of methodology and theoretical framework, the paper adopted the political economy of the female body as an analytical viewing point in order to examine the body of the girl child and of women in action on the sporting field in Zimbabwe. In this context, the female body is viewed as deeply contested and as a medium that functions as a site for the redirection, profusion and transvaluation of gender ideals. Using the concept of embodiment, involving demeanor, body shape and perceptions of the female body in its social context, the paper attempted to establish a connection between gender ideologies and embodied practice. The results of the study showed the prevalence of condescending attitudes towards girls and women participation in sports.
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Karekwaivanane, George H. "‘THROUGH THE NARROW DOOR’: NARRATIVES OF THE FIRST GENERATION OF AFRICAN LAWYERS IN ZIMBABWE." Africa 86, no. 1 (January 15, 2016): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972015000789.
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ABSTRACTGiven the important role played by lawyers in formal legal systems, the study of legal professionals can help us understand the efforts to maintain law and social order in Africa. This article examines the narratives of two Zimbabwean lawyers, Kennedy Sibanda and Honour Mkushi, about their experiences as legal professionals between 1970 and 1990, and makes three main arguments. Firstly, these narratives reveal the complex interplay between individual agency, politics and law across the two decades. Secondly, lawyers' participation in the social and political struggles of the period were informed by a set of personal and professional ethics that were grounded in concerns about the welfare of the wider communities to which they belonged. This highlights the need to avoid a default cynicism with regard to African elites and move instead towards a more nuanced understanding of the motives of such individuals and their contribution to the social, economic and political struggles of which they are a part. Lastly, these lawyers were cross-cultural brokers who were constantly involved in a two-way translation. On the one hand, they translated the concepts and stipulations of state law for their African clients; on the other, they translated their clients' grievances into the language of the law. This process of translation acted as a catalyst in the reshaping of African subjectivities and their conceptions of their relationship with the state, and enabled Africans to assert themselves as rights-bearing citizens.
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Chivasa, Norman. "Instituting village savings and loan associations scheme through action research in Zimbabwe." International Journal of Action Research 16, no. 3-2020 (January 13, 2021): 184–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/ijar.v16i3.02.
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lage savings and loan associations schemes have become one of the critical survival strategies amidst poverty, inequality and financial exclusion thus helping low income communities to ride out poverty and make their savings and to eke out a living. However, the use of scientific procedures by ordinary people when establishing such initiatives in their villages is under-reported. This study, therefore, sought to test the utility of the action research (AR) methodology in establishing a low cost village savings and loan associations scheme intervention, with a view to assessing the extent to which the scheme can improve the livelihoods of members of the scheme, and draw lessons for future interventions. The process involved planning, designing, establishing and evaluating a village savings and loan association scheme initiative involving 15 individual members (inclusive of the researcher) in ward 8 of Seke district, Zimbabwe. Results showed that creating village savings and loan associations is possible using action research, as community participation in the design, implementation and day-to-day operations of such initiatives guaranteeing ownership and control of the initiative by the host group scheme are almost natural to action research. One of the comparative advantages of using action research is that it creates spaces for ordinary people to share their experiences, reflect, and come up with context-specific solutions, as they take responsibility for their financial wellbeing, thus helping to meet their socio-economic needs and aspirations. The strength of village savings and loan associations is that they can be replicated. The study recommends that in the era of COVID-19, social distancing rules and regulations introduced to contain the virus should be observed.
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Denisova, Tatyana, and Sergey Kostelyanets. "Female Combatants in African Wars and Conflicts." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2021-55-2-5-18.
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In most Russian and international studies, including African ones, their authors portray African women that reside in areas affected by civil wars and conflicts as victims of violence, robbery, forced labor, etc. At the same time, it is rarely taken into account that in most national liberation movements and rebel groups the number of women fighters constituted and still constitutes 10-30% of their rank and file. Moreover, many women became field commanders, chiefs of intelligence, or were responsible for the supply of weapons and ammunition. The present authors provide a new interpretation of the participation and role of women in the confrontation between armed anti-government factions and the central government. It is noted that in recent decades, not only in Africa, but also in other parts of the world, the trend towards “feminization of the militarization process” has become extremely noticeable. Many women, along with men, participate in acts of violence, including against the civilian population, and thus contribute to the destabilization of the internal political situation. Women most actively participated in hostilities in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Zimbabwe, Côte d’Ivoire, Liberia, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, Uganda, Eritrea and Ethiopia. The present paper looks into reasons and consequences of women’s involvement in insurgencies. It is pointed out that while during the years of the national liberation struggle women were motivated by the overarching goal of achieving independence, in later conflicts many of them fought to expand their political and economic rights and opportunities, i.e., to achieve gender equality. In addition to joining “armed groups” for ideological reasons, women tried to prove that they were “no worse than men”; others joined the ranks of the insurgents to protect themselves and other women from violence or death, i.e., they followed a kind of “survival strategy”. Particular attention is paid to suicide bombers, who have been increasingly used by the Islamist organization Boko Haram in recent years. The authors also consider the conditions in which demobilized women-combatants find themselves. The authors conclude that as the level of women’s involvement in African conflicts is constantly growing, it ceases to be an anomaly and to some extent reflects the “successes” achieved by the “fair sex” in the struggle for equality, although the negative consequences of this participation prevail over the positive ones.
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Balance, Gladys. "Agency and Capabilities: Rethinking Zimbabwean Women’s Participation in Politics." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 9, no. 3 (August 28, 2019): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v9i3.15347.
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The paper acknowledges the role of international, Regional and Local instruments towards the social justices system that embraces women’s participation in politics. Despite the inherent nature of the domesticated gender equality policies, Zimbabwean women still lag behind. The country has failed to reach a critical mass from 1980 to 2018. As a phenomenological study, the research adopted a qualitative paradigm to purposively profile the experiences and achievements of women who broke the ‘glass ceilings’ to participate in the masculinized political domain. The sample constituted of selected members of parliament. Importantly the study focused on women’s political lived experiences. Findings revealed that despite making it to the political realm women were faced with a masculinist culture reinforced by internal political cultures and deep seated structures that denies the acceptance of women as capable political leaders. The paper reflected on the country’s political system of incremental change and concluded that even when women have been mainstreamed into politics; men continue to defend and protect their political status quo. Men have denigrating views about women in politics as a result women find themselves playing right into the hands of patriarchal domination. Recognition and manipulation of women’s capabilities and agency were adapted into the study as normative prescriptions; this study recommended the use of these variables to articulate how, individual and collective women’s visibility in the political realm can be enhanced. The study also touches on the significant value of women’s organizations as platforms for sharing political knowledge amongst candidates as well as potential political actors. The said women’s organizations were found to be valuable for the support base they offer through lobbying, advocacy and awareness campaigns for gender sensitive policies and gender mainstreaming into politics. The importance of organizations therefore links women to their political constituencies. Lastly the study recommends attitude changes as a way of embracing female political participation.
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Compton Jr., Robert W. "Comparative regional integration in SADC and ASEAN: Democracy and governance issues in historical and socio-economic context Integración regional comparativa de la SADC y la ASEAN: problemas de democracia y gobernabilidad en un contexto histórico y socioeconómico Analyse comparée de l'intégration régionale au sein du SADC et de l'ANASE : Enjeux démocratiques et de gouvernance établis au regard du contexte historique et socio-économique." Regions and Cohesion 3, no. 1 (March 1, 2013): 5–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2013.030102.
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Both the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) support regional and national integration, the protection of human rights and civil society involvement, and non-interference in member states' internal affairs. Sometimes these goals at the regional level become mutually exclusive. Human rights groups, international organizations, and Western states have criticized human rights abuses and democracy and governance shortcomings in several ASEAN states (e.g., Vietnam and Myanmar) and SADC countries (e.g., Swaziland, Madagascar, and Zimbabwe). This article addresses ASEAN and SADC's historical context and continued development related to these issues. It also evaluates the regional organizations' effectiveness in balancing o en mutually exclusive goals and concludes that existing regional organizational strength and cohesion impact the approaches used to manage conflict and external criticism and build greater social cohesion regionally and within states. SADC utilizes a “regional compliance model“ based on political criteria whereas ASEAN utilizes a “constructive engagement“ or “economic integration first“ model. SADC places greater emphasis on placing good governance, especially as it relates to human rights, at the forefront of regionalism. ASEAN sublimates human rights to regional integration through constructive engagement and greater emphases on economic relations. Two distinct models of regional integration exist.Spanish La Comunidad de Desarrollo de África Austral (SADC por sus siglas en inglés), y la Asociación de Naciones del Sudeste Asiático (ASEAN en inglés), apoyan la integración regional/continental y nacional, la protección de los derechos humanos, la participación de la sociedad civil, y la no injerencia en los asuntos internos de los estados miembros. A veces, estas metas son mutuamente excluyentes a nivel regional. Grupos de derechos humanos, organizaciones internacionales y estados occidentales han criticado las violaciones de los derechos humanos y las deficiencias en democracia y gobernabilidad en varios Estados de la ASEAN (por ejemplo, Vietnam y Myanmar) y en algunos países de la SADC (por ejemplo, Suazilandia, Madagascar y Zimbabue). En este artículo se aborda el contexto histórico de la SADC y la ASEAN y su continuo desarrollo relacionado con los temas mencionados. También se evalúa la eficacia de las organizaciones regionales, haciendo el balance entre los objetivos a menudo mutuamente excluyentes, y concluye que la existente fuerza regional de organización y cohesión impacta los enfoques utilizados para manejar el conflicto y la crítica externa, y promueve la construcción de una mayor cohesión social regionalmente y dentro de los estados. La SADC utiliza un “modelo de cumplimiento regional“ basado en criterios políticos, mientras que la ASEAN utiliza un modelo de “compromiso constructivo“ o “integración económica primero“. La SADC pone mayor énfasis en afianzar la buena gobernanza, especialmente en lo relacionado con los derechos humanos, a la vanguardia del regionalismo. La ASEAN vincula los derechos humanos a la integración regional a través de un compromiso constructivo y pone un mayor énfasis en las relaciones económicas. Dos existentes modelos diferentes de integración regional. French La Communauté de développement d'Afrique australe (SADC en anglais), aussi bien que L'Association des nations de l'Asie du SudEst (ANASE) soutiennent respectivement les principes relatifs à l'intégration régionale et nationale, à la protection des droits de l'homme, à la participation de la société civile dans l'agenda publique, ainsi qu'à la non-ingérence dans les affaires internes des Etats. Toutefois, il arrive que ces objectifs deviennent mutuellement exclusifs au niveau régional. Les organisations de défense des droits de l'homme et les gouvernements occidentaux n'ont jamais cessé de critiquer les violations des droits de l'homme, ainsi que les lacunes en matière de démocratie et de gouvernance qui prévalent dans les pays membre de l'ANASE (ex : le Viet Nam, Myanmar) et ceux de la SADC (ex : le Swaziland, Madagascar et le Zimbabwe). Cet article aborde le contexte historique dans lequel l'ANASE et la SADC ont vu le jour ainsi que la nature des enjeux qui l'ont suivi. Il évalue également d'un point de vue comparé, l'efficacité de ces organisations régionales sur la base des objectifs qu'ils se sont fixés, tout en penchant pour la conclusion selon laquelle la présence d'une force régionale influente impacte nécessairement dans la gestion des conflits, et combien la critique externe participe à la construction d'une plus grande cohésion sociale et régionale au sein des États. La SADC s'appuie un “modèle de conformité régionale» fondé sur des critères politiques, tandis que l'ANASE fait appel à un “engagement constructif“ ayant pour modèle “l'intégration économique“. La SADC accorde davantage plus d'importance à la mise en œuvre d'une bonne gouvernance, particulièrement en ce qui concerne les droits de l'homme et l'évolution vers un régionalisme plus avancé. L'ANASE sublime les droits de l'homme à l'intégration régionale par le biais d'un engagement constructif et de grandes insistances dans les relations économiques. Ce qui fait d'eux deux modèles d'intégration régionale distincts.
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Chivasa, Norman. "A participatory approach to peacebuilding evaluation in Seke district, Zimbabwe." International Journal of Action Research 15, no. 3-2019 (December 6, 2019): 198–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/ijar.v15i3.03.
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Mainstream monitoring and evaluation (M&E) of peacebuilding tends to be mainly practitioneroriented, while under-reporting initiatives by ordinary people who develop an interest to learn from their own practice. This study aims to fill this gap, by reporting the evaluation of a self-initiated peace committee by ordinary people in the Seke district, Zimbabwe. The study revealed that local communities currently possess the propensity to work as a collective with shared experiences and perceptions, and the linkages between these attributes and participatory peacebuilding initiatives are natural. Furthermore, it emerged that action research can be a useful methodology, with the potential to create space for ordinary people to participate in the design, implementation, M&E of peace initiatives in their villages. Although this study examined the role of self-initiative monitoring and evaluation destined to become an alternative to technocratic M&E, it acknowledges the value of top-down M&E of peacebuilding and does not seek to replace them, rather, to bring bottom-up M&E practices into the mainstream M&E of peacebuilding using local initiatives as a vehicle to create a greater impact on peacebuilding interventions.
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Nhunzvi, Clement, Roshan Galvaan, and Liesl Peters. "Recovery From Substance Abuse Among Zimbabwean Men: An Occupational Transition." OTJR: Occupation, Participation and Health 39, no. 1 (July 7, 2017): 14–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1539449217718503.
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Substance abuse is a rising global problem, associated with medical, psychiatric, family, occupational, legal, political, financial, and spiritual problems. Recovery is an important area of consideration in occupational therapy’s quest to promoting health and well-being. This narrative inquiry explored the journey of recovery from substance abuse among young adult Zimbabwean men. Three men were purposively selected to participate in in-depth narrative interviews about their occupations during recovery. Data were analyzed using a narrative analysis. Explanatory stories and three superordinate themes illustrated how substance abuse was associated with both positive and negative outcomes. The recovery process emerged as an ongoing occupational transition, influenced by occupational identity and involving changes in occupational participation. Recovery from substance abuse can be conceptualized as an occupational transition. Ongoing participation in “healthy” and meaningful occupations is key factor in this process. Construction of a positive occupational identity is also central.
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Maswikwa, Belinda, Amanda Gouws, and Sarah Frances Gordon. "Constructing Citizenship and Identity: Exploring Political Participation Amongst Black African Women from Zimbabwean and South African Townships." Politikon 45, no. 3 (December 17, 2017): 335–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2017.1409390.
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Fraenkel, Jon. "The ‘Uncle Tom’ dilemma: Minorities in power-sharing arrangements." International Political Science Review 41, no. 1 (October 24, 2019): 124–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512119873103.
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Mandatory power-sharing laws aim to balance power between groups in contexts where majoritarian democracy might disadvantage minorities. Yet, unless veto arrangements are in place, cabinet-level decision-making usually continues to operate under majority rule. Minority parties participating in such power-sharing executives may lose support in their own communities owing to a failure to deliver substantial reforms or to advance minority objectives and become seen as ‘Uncle Tom’ type figures who no longer represent their own community. This article explores examples of these dilemmas facing power-sharing cabinets in Zimbabwe, South Africa, Bosnia–Herzegovina, Fiji, and the French Pacific territory of New Caledonia.
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Njaya, Tavonga. "Challenges of Negotiating Sectoral Governance of Street Vending Sector in Harare Metropolitan, Zimbabwe." Asian Journal of Economic Modelling 2, no. 2 (June 10, 2014): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18488/journal.8.2014.22.69.84.
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Informal businesses have decorated the streets of Harare and have become an increasingly visible and disruptive locus of conflict between the government’s efforts to maintain public order on one hand and the citizens’ efforts to generate income on the other. This study sought to investigate the problems hindering the establishment of a stable governance framework of street vending sector in Harare in Zimbabwe. The study used qualitative approach.Data were collected through in-depth personal interviews, direct observations and document reviews. Semi-structured questionnaires were administered to 145 street vendors in Harare. The study revealed that the inability to achieve stable governance of street vending may be rooted in problems at the national, metropolitan and local levels. First, policy contradictions caused by conflicting political incentives at different levels of the state have made establishment of sectoral governance rather elusive. Second, at the metropolitan level, neoliberal by-laws and regulations continued to exclude street vendors from participating in the economic activities of the country. These by-laws have failed to adapt to the changing circumstances. Third, street vendors lacked formal association(s) that can coordinate strategies across different groups to achieve sectoral governance. The study provided an insight into an emerging research area that is characterised by a proliferation of a variety of types of street vendors in Harare. The study showed that while vending associations had been unsuccessful in their efforts to achieve sectoral governance, the new interest regime could offer novel strategies of action to achieve this goal.
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Dzvimbo, Munyaradzi A., Funnycall Zimondi, and Freddy Magijani. "The Dynamics of Local Public Policy Processes." International Educational Research 1, no. 2 (December 28, 2018): p74. http://dx.doi.org/10.30560/ier.v1n2p74.
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This paper unpacks various educational policies that have been put forward with some having been able to make long lasting impact on the Zimbabwean education sector. The past three decades, has witnessed the educational system encountering innumerable challenges whose implications on service delivery are wide and deep rooted. Consequently, the education is premised upon a centralised system. Conversely, there have been calls and the need to transform policies which had been marred by colonial connotations hence the need to introduce modern policies which are in tandem with the contemporary world. The study is qualitative in nature as it used in-depth interviews and descriptive analysis. More so, document review of existing literature, reports and research papers were analysed. Educational policies among other issues are failing to effectively respond to the social and economic needs as well as political conscientization of the heterogeneous citizenry. The study recommends that the there is need to embrace the bottom-up approach as it encourages capacity building and participation. As mutual understanding and harmonisation of schools and the head office is imperative in line with the provisions of the new Zimbabwean curriculum of 2015. Moreover, a comprehensive and judicious approach to inclusive, participatory and policy process system is paramount towards the revamping of the education sector towards improved service provision and economic development anchored on innovativeness, science, technology and engineering.
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Young, Lauren E. "Mobilization Under Threat: Emotional Appeals and Pro-Opposition Political Participation Online." Political Behavior, April 29, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11109-021-09711-z.
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AbstractLarge numbers of people living under authoritarian governments participate in pro-opposition politics despite sometimes significant risks. Increasing amounts of this political participation are taking place and being organized online. Do emotions play a causal role in inducing pro-opposition participation in authoritarian regimes? Can emotions that mobilize participation be spread via social media? Through an experiment carried out by an opposition party in Zimbabwe, I test whether campaign appeals to opposition supporters’ emotions affect their level of political participation in online pro-opposition discussions. I find that across two different issue areas, randomly assigned anger appeals increase participation on average by 0.4 standard deviations more than enthusiasm appeals with the same informational content. In real terms, this represents between 30% and 170% more participation in the groups assigned to the anger appeals across four different measures of participation. There is little evidence that these effects are stronger in areas with less poverty or that have historically been affected by more violence, or when coupled with messages emphasizing personal power. These results suggest that anger appeals that highlight economic grievances can be an important force for mobilizing online political participation in repressive environments.
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Pswarayi, Lloyd. "Youth Resilience and Violence Prevention: Some Insight from Selected Locations in Zimbabwe." Politeia 39, no. 1 (September 2, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2663-6689/6695.
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This article draws on qualitative research that was conducted in four areas in Zimbabwe, namely, Lupane, Bulawayo, Chipinge and Mutare. The aim was to extend the use of the concept of “resilience” in relation to working with the youth and preventing violence. Through the concept of “the everyday” it analysed how the youth was surviving in an environment that had undergone nearly two decades of socio-economic and political decline, resulting in high levels of unemployment. The methods used to obtain data were focus-group discussions and individual interviews. The findings showed that the youth applied all the elements associated with resilience (e.g. adapting to the environment, absorbing the pressures that the environment posed, and employing transformative elements) in an effort to emerge in a better position despite having to contend with an environment fraught with many difficulties and risks, which included drug and substance abuse as well as being coopted to participate in violence. Gaining an understanding of the ways the youth navigated environmental, political and social factors was difficult; consequently it was problematic in such a developmental context to define resilience. Nevertheless, the study provided some insights into how young people’s decisions about violence participation were informed. Contrary to dominant current discourses that portray the youth as violent, this study showed that many young people avoided relationships that carried the risk of their being mobilised to take part in violence.
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Mujinga, Martin. "Towards redeeming marriage custom from ‘triangular captivity’: The missional dilemma of the Methodist Church in Zimbabwe." Verbum et Ecclesia 41, no. 1 (August 20, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v41i1.2067.
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Marriage in the Methodist Church in Zimbabwe (MCZ) is under siege. This scenario was bequeathed by the British imperialists. This siege is evident because the ecclesiastical theology of marriage in the MCZ is fastened on both African culture and the civil order. Firstly, marriage is anchored on African culture because the MCZ is an African church and it grows its mission using African epistemology. Secondly, marriage in the MCZ is affixed on civil authority because adult membership in the the MCZ is defined by being ‘properly married’ for those who have spouses. The triangular net is evident because marriage starts and proceeds culturally, the government legalises marriages and the MCZ uses marriage certificates to grow its membership, whilst the clergy solemnise marriages as government agents using the civil Marriage Act Chapter 5:11. The aim of this article was to investigate how the MCZ’s mission is informed by both African culture and civil order given that it regards marriage as the canon of adult membership, blousing of women and badging of men, participation in the sacrament of Holy Communion, confirmation into full membership, leadership positions, accredited as local preachers and acceptance into ministry. In responding to this aim, the article uses a qualitative research method to interrogate the MCZ policy books and minutes of conferences that address the theology of marriage. The research will conclude by challenging the MCZ to come up with a theology of marriage that unties itself from the cultural and civil net of this rite to interpret its ecclesial mission.Intradisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: This article is interdisciplinary in the sense that it addresses the issues of ecclesiology, missiology, theology, African culture, gender, church polity and the power of civil authority. The research calls the MCZ to define its marriage theology not contaminated by civil ideologies and African philosophy.
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Mutsvairo, Bruce, and Susana Salgado. "Is citizen journalism dead? An examination of recent developments in the field." Journalism, November 2, 2020, 146488492096844. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884920968440.
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The reliance on untrained reporters with limited or no understanding of journalistic standards has become increasingly widespread particularly in less democratic environments and these practices have impacted news gathering and reporting. There however has been some debate about the conceivability, capacity, reliability and acceptability of citizen journalists due to the lack of the professional standards associated with the profession. Even so, diverse forms of citizen journalism continue to emerge and develop in several countries in the Global South, such as Zimbabwe and Mozambique, examined in-depth in our study of the current frameworks, trends, practices and principles of citizen journalism in Africa. Buoyed by what appears like a slump in global citizen journalism research, we identify specific cases to rethink the concept, seeking to theoretically contribute to new directions on the phenomenon’s role in African societies. Our analysis suggests that a reconceptualization of citizen journalism is imperative thanks to several factors, including improved access to the Internet and changing attitudes toward political dissent and participation, citizen journalism in Africa is taking new directions.
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Tapera, Oscar, Greta Dreyer, Anna Mary Nyakabau, Webster Kadzatsa, Babill Stray-Pedersen, and Stephen James Heinrich Hendricks. "Model strategies to address barriers to cervical cancer treatment and palliative care among women in Zimbabwe: a public health approach." BMC Women's Health 21, no. 1 (April 27, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s12905-021-01322-4.
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Abstract Background Cervical cancer treatment and care remains limited in Zimbabwe despite the growing burden of the disease among women. This study was aimed at investigating strategies to address barriers in accessing treatment and care by women with cervical cancer in Harare, Zimbabwe. Methods A qualitative inquiry was conducted to generate evidence for this study. Eighty-four (84) participants were purposively selected for interviews and participation in focus group discussions. The participants were selected from cervical cancer patients, caregivers of cervical cancer patients, health workers involved in the care of cervical cancer patients as well as relevant policy makers in the Ministry of Health and Child Care. Participants were selected in such as a way as to ensure different of characteristics to obtain diverse perspectives about the issues under study. Discussion and interview guides were used as data collection tools and discussions/interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed and translated into English. Inductive thematic analysis was conducted using Dedoose software. Results Salient sub-themes that emerged in the study at the individual patient level were: provision of free or subsidized services, provision of transport to treating health facilities and provision of accommodation to patients undergoing treatment. At the societal level, the sub-themes were: strengthening of health education in communities and training of health workers and community engagement. Salient sub-themes from the national health system level were: establishment of more screening and treatment health facilities, increasing the capacities of existing facilities, decentralization of some services, building of multidisciplinary teams of health workers, development and rolling out of standardized guidelines and reformation of Acquired Immunodeficiency Virus (AIDS) levy into a fund that would finance priority disease areas. Conclusion This study revealed some noteworthy strategies to improve access to cervical cancer treatment and care in low-income settings. Improved domestic investments in health systems and reforming health policies underpinned on strong political are recommended.
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Bongo, Pathias P., Gladys Dziruni, and Chipo Muzenda-Mudavanhu. "The effectiveness of community-based rehabilitation as a strategy for improving quality of life and disaster resilience for children with disability in rural Zimbabwe." Jàmbá: Journal of Disaster Risk Studies 10, no. 1 (April 17, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/jamba.v10i1.442.
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The study aimed to investigate the effectiveness of the community-based rehabilitation (CBR) project in Ward 20 of Chipinge in Zimbabwe and ascertain the positive district changes in the quality of life and disaster resilience of children with disability. Effectiveness involved examining the role of the parents of children with disabilities and the general community in the CBR programme, the extent to which children living with disabilities (CWDs) have been empowered to live quality life and access basic social services and evaluate whether local resources and capacities were being utilised. Data were collected through key informant interviews, document analysis and focus group discussions. The CBR model borrows heavily from rights-based approaches to development. Its practical application is problematic because of difficulties in defining issues such as participation and the ability of developing and poor communities to generate resources for these programmes. The study found that factors that hinder the effectives of CBR programmes included continuous dependence on donor funding, lack of political will by government and local authorities to commit financial resources towards CBR implementation and unreliable referral systems for access of services for children with disability. Gaps identified include establishing appropriate context-specific strategies that suit developing countries. The government and local authorities should prioritise resource allocation for marginalised groups such as people with disabilities. Civil society should not be the major and only source of funding for CBR. Extensive consultations should be made to adapt the CBR model to the socio-economic context of developing countries. The referral system for access to services for CWDs should be strengthened.
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"Recensions / Reviews." Canadian Journal of Political Science 35, no. 4 (December 2002): 897–985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423902778499.
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Kelly, Stéphane. Les fins du Canada: selon Macdonald, Laurier, Mackenzie King et Trudeau. Par François Charbonneau 900Cross, William, ed. Political Parties, Representation, and Electoral Democracy in Canada. By Nelson Wiseman 901Boisvert, Yves, Jacques Hamel et Marc Molgat, sous la direction de. Vivre la citoyenneté. Identité, appartenance et participation. Par Christian Nadeau 903Doern, G. Bruce, Arslan Dorman and Robert W. Morrison, eds. Canadian Nuclear Energy Policy: Changing Ideas, Institutions, and Interests. By Genevieve Fuji Johnson 906Seymour, Michel. Le pari de la démesure. L'intransigeance canadienne face au Québec. Par François Rocher 908Doran, Charles F. Why Canadian Unity Matters and Why Americans Care: Democratic Pluralism at Risk. By Garth Stevenson 910Bakvis, Herman and Grace Skogstad, eds. Canadian Federalism: Performance, Effectiveness, and Legitimacy. By Willem Maas 912Poitras, Guy. Inventing North America: Canada, Mexico and the United States. By Maureen Appel Molot 914Cuccioletta, Donald, Jean-François Côté et Frédéric Lesemann, sous la direction de. Le grand récit des Amériques. Polyphonie des identités culturelles dans le contexte de la mondialisation. Par Jean Rousseau 915Pue, W. Wesley, ed. Pepper in our Eyes: The APEC Affair. By Sharon A. Manna 918Delannoi, Gil et Pierre-André Taguieff, sous la direction de. Nationalismes en perspective. Par Frédéric Boily 920Stevenson, Garth. Community Besieged: The Anglophone Minority and the Politics of Quebec. By Stephen Brooks 923Mény, Yves and Yves Surel, eds. Democracies and the Populist Challenge; and Taggart, Paul. Populism. By Andrej Zaslove 924Gainsborough, Juliet F. Fenced Off: The Suburbanization of American Politics. By Andrew Sancton 927Sineau, Mariette. Profession : femme politique. Sexe et pouvoir sous la Cinquième république. Par Chantal Maillé 928Nissen, Bruce, ed. Which Direction for Organized Labor? Essays on Organizing, Outreach, and Internal Transformations. By Greg Albo 931Dashwood, Hevina S. Zimbabwe: The Political Economy of Transformation. By Sara Rich Dorman 933Bonin, Pierre-Yves, sous la direction de. Mondialisation : perspectives philosophiques. Par Hélène Pellerin 935Diamond, Larry and Ramon H. Myers, eds. Elections and Democracy in Greater China. By Jeremy Paltiel 936Polo, Anne-Lise. La Nef marrane : essai sur le retour du judaïsme aux portes de l'Occident. Par Sophie Régnière 939Hazony, Yoram. The Jewish State: The Struggle for Israel's Soul. By Neil Caplan and Rueven Shultz 941Embong, Abdul Rahman and Jurgen Rudolph, eds. Southeast Asia into the Twenty First Century: Crisis and Beyond. By Erik M. Kuhonta 943Sidjanski, Dusan. The Federal Future of Europe. From the European Community to the European Union. By Amy Verdun 945Capling, Ann. Australia and the Global Trade System: From Havana to Seattle. By Nobuaki Suyama 946Thompson, John B. Political Scandal: Power and Visibility in the Media Age. By Constantine J. Spiliotes 947Rozell, Mark J. and Clyde Wilcox, eds. The Clinton Scandal and the Future of American Government. By Hans Hacker 949Volkoff, Vladimir. Désinformations par l'image. Par Yves Laberge 952Graber, Doris A. Processing Politics: Learning from Television in the Internet Age. By Terri Susan Fine 952Delacampagne, Christian. Le philosophe et le tyran. Par Francis Dupuis- Déri 954Gaukroger, Stephen. Francis Bacon and the Transformation of Early- Modern Philosophy. By Travis D. Smith 955Grell, Ole Peter and Roy Porter, eds. Toleration in Enlightened Europe. By Jene M. Porter 957Murphy, Andrew R. Conscience and Community: Revisiting Toleration and Religious Dissent in Early Modern England and America. By Mark David Hall 959Todorov, Tzvetan. Frail Happiness: An Essay on Rousseau. By Rosanne Kennedy 960Braybrooke, David. Natural Law Modernized. By John von Heyking 962Munzer, Stephen R., ed. New Essays in the Legal and Political Theory of Property. By Rowan Cruft 964Dallmayr, Fred and José M. Rosales, eds. Beyond Nationalism? Sovereignty and Citizenship. By Josep Costa 966David, Charles-Philippe. La guerre et la paix : Approches contemporaines de la sécurité et la stratégie. Par Jean-Sébastien Rioux 967Deveaux, Monique. Cultural Pluralism and Dilemmas of Justice. By Philip Parvin 970Barry, Brian. Culture and Equality. By Patti Tamara Lenard 972Hampshire, Stuart. Justice is Conflict. By Colin Farrelly 975Miller, David and Sohail H. Hashmi, eds. Boundaries and Justice: Diverse Ethical Perspectives. By Seana Sugrue 976Cohen, Herman J. Intervening in Africa: Superpower Peacemaking in a Troubled Continent. By Carola Weil 978Nye, Joseph S. and John D. Donahue, eds. Governance in a Globalizing World. By William D. Coleman 980Rupert, Mark. Ideologies of Globalization: Contending Visions of a New World Order. By Stephen McBride 981Thomas, Daniel C. The Helsinki Effect: International Norms, Human Rights, and the Demise of Communism. By Morton Winston 982Stevis, Dimitris and Valerie J. Assetto, eds. The International Political Economy of the Environment. By Edward Sankowski 984
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Ngwenya, Dumisani. ""Our Branches Are Broken:" Using the Tree Of Life Healing Methodology with Victims of Gukurahundi in Matebeleland, Zimbabwe." Peace and Conflict Studies, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.46743/1082-7307/2016.1314.
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Between 1983 and 1987, an estimated 20,000 people from Matabeleland and parts of Midlands Province in Zimbabwe were killed by government forces in an operation code-named Gukurahundi. Since that time, no official apology, justice, reparations or any form of healing process has been offered by the government which was responsible for these atrocities. Many people still suffer trauma from the events of this time. The overall question that this research project sought to answer was whether a small group of survivors of Gukurahundi could heal via participation over time in a group action research project directed at their healing. This article assesses the effectiveness of the Tree of Life healing approach, which was one of the methodologies tried during the course of the research with a small group of survivors of the 1980s atrocities. We found that while the approach was very helpful to the participants, it was difficult to talk about “total healing” due to the fact that the perpetrators are still in power. In addition, no effort had been made to even acknowledge the harm done, and the participants still felt marginalized politically and economically, while the perpetrators appeared to be care-free and enjoying life. Participants agreed that, given the circumstance, this approach offered them a measure of relief and that it was still necessary to address healing holistically. It was however acknowledged that some form of relief was better than a lifetime of painful memories even if systemic change remains to be seen.