Academic literature on the topic 'Political parties, asia'
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Journal articles on the topic "Political parties, asia"
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Chiriyankandath, James. "Parties and political change in South Asia." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 52, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2013.867686.
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Berenschot, Ward. "Political Parties and Clientelism in Southeast Asia." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 171, no. 4 (January 1, 2015): 557–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-17104007.
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Isa Harahap, Husnul. "ISLAMIC POLITICAL PARTIES IN SOUTHEAST ASIA: THE ORIGIN AND POLITICAL PROBLEMS." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 7, no. 5 (October 9, 2019): 481–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7555.
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Purpose: The objective of the study was to describe factors that influenced the establishment of the Islamic political parties and its political problems in South East Asia.
Methodology: The research methodology used in the present research study is a literature study method with qualitative analysis. The data obtained from documents and books which were studied by online and offline. The gathered data analysed by using political theories. One of them was the analysis of the emergence of Islamic political parties.
Main Findings: The study had two main findings. First, there were six factors which influenced the establishment of Islamic political parties, that is the demography, political system, political ideology, contagion, international political economy, and political competition. Secondly, there were four problems faced by Islamic political parties in winning the political contest, especially in the general election. The first problem was the division of local cultural identity, followed by the unfavorable situation for Islamic political parties, political ideology, and the quality of Islamic political parties themselves.
Implications: It had a theoretical implication on the harmony between Islam and democracy, the emergence of Islamic political parties, and the problems. It revealed that there was no problem between the existence of Islamic political parties and democracy.
Novelty: When the secular political party lost public trust, the voters did not automatically shift their political votes to the Islamic political parties.
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MacDonald, Scott B., and Jonathan Lemco. "Political Islam in Southeast Asia." Current History 101, no. 658 (November 1, 2002): 388–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2002.101.658.388.
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Significant differences exist between the Islamic revivalist movements looking to cultural and spiritual renewal that have swept Southeast Asia in recent years and transnational terrorist networks. Straddling these two extremes are political parties and groups seeking greater autonomy or secession of predominantly Islamic regions.
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Wood, John R., and Haruhiro Fukui. "Political Parties of Asia and the Pacific. ("The Greenwood Historical Enciclopaedia of the World's Political Parties"." Pacific Affairs 60, no. 2 (1987): 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758142.
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STOCKTON, HANS. "Political Parties, Party Systems, and Democracy in East Asia." Comparative Political Studies 34, no. 1 (February 2001): 94–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414001034001004.
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Institutionalized parties and party systems have traditionally been viewed as necessary conditions for democracies to function effectively. Although this area of research is germane to all democracies, most analyses have been divided by regional investigation. Seeking to bridge the gap, this article applies concepts and measures of institutionalization from the study of Latin America to Pacific Asia's two most prominent cases of democratic transition, South Korea and Taiwan. An effort is made to apply the approaches of Dix and Mainwaring and Scully on party and system institutionalization in Latin America to South Korea and Taiwan. Cross-national comparison reveals a curvilinear relationship between institutionalization and consolidation. Taiwan's path to consolidation has been predicated on a pattern very similar to those taken by Latin American cases, whereas South Korea, theoretically, should not be as close to consolidation as it is.
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Ngeow, Chow Bing. "Political parties, party systems and democratization in East Asia." Democratization 19, no. 1 (February 2012): 152–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2011.650070.
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Dalton, Russell J., Yun-han Chu, and Doh Chull Shin. "Introduction: Parties, Party Choice, and Partisanship in East Asia." Journal of East Asian Studies 7, no. 2 (August 2007): 177–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800008699.
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Political parties are widely seen as “a sine qua non for the organization of the modern democratic polity and for the expression of political pluralism.” The manner in which parties articulate political interests largely defines the nature of electoral competition, the representation of citizen interests, the policy consequences of elections—and ultimately the functioning of the democratic process.
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Joshi, Devin K., and Kara Kingma. "The Uneven Representation of Women in Asian Parliaments: Explaining Variation across the Region." African and Asian Studies 12, no. 4 (2013): 352–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341272.
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AbstractAlthough home to the majority of the world’s women, Asia is the continent with the smallest proportion of women in Parliament. Rarely studied from a comparative perspective, this article examines the uneven representation of women in the lower houses of contemporary Asian parliaments. While socio-economic modernization and industrialization are generally expected to increase the proportion of women in positions of political influence, we find that differences in electoral and party systems across Asia play a greater role than levels of female literacy, urbanization, or per capita income. In particular, Asian parliaments with strict quotas and a higher number of (three of more) major political parties had significantly more female MPs. We also found cultural attitudes supportive of women in the public sphere to make a difference along with multi-member districts and parties on the political left.
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Lanko, D., and I. Lantsova. "Korea's Choice for Asia." Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 135, no. 2 (2021): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2021-135-2-21-37.
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The article discusses the Republic of Korea’s role in multiple already working and being negotiated free trade agreements from the viewpoints of the influence of Korea’s domestic affairs on the role and of the political and economic change among its partners in the free trade agreements. It finds that Korea’s position on the free trade agreements remained stable despite the shift to the domination of right-wing parties in Korea’s domestic politics in 2008 and back to domination of left-wing parties in 2017. Both left- and right-wing parties in Korea supported the free trade agreements, despite their rationale was different: in 2000s left-wing parties perceived the free trade agreements to curb negative consequences of the 1990s Asia’s financial crisis, while in 2010s right-wing parties perceived them as a response to the failure of multilateral trade negotiations within the World Trade Organization. It also finds that Korea’s partners in the free trade agreements sometimes seek to re-negotiate the already existing free trade agreements in response to domestic political and economic changes in those countries. In most cases, Korea and its partners managed to find common grounds at re-negotiations and thus to conclude renewed bilateral and multilateral free trade agreements. At the same time, Korea, China, and Japan have so far failed to conclude a trilateral free trade agreement, thus leaving the ASEAN in the position of the exemplary group of countries in the core of the network of Asia’s free trade agreements.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political parties, asia"
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Bragtvedt, Stian. ""Strategic firmness - tactical flexibility" : why did the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) decide to join the peace process? /." Tromsø : Centre for Peace Studies, Universitetet i Tromsø, 2007. http://www.ub.uit.no/munin/bitstream/10037/1053/3/thesis.pdf.
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Kantha, Pramod Kumar. "Partisan competition and democratic transition and consolidation in South Asia : a comparative study of democracy in India, Pakistan and Nepal /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9988674.
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Zeeuw, Jeroen. "Political party development in post-war societies : the institutionalization of parties and party systems in El Salvador and Cambodia." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2009. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2133/.
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This thesis argues that civil war has a significant, lasting impact on the formation, development and institutionalization of parties and party systems. Through in-depth examination of the cases of El Salvador and Cambodia it shows that dominant party systems and uneven institutionalization of individual political parties prevalent in post-war societies can to a not insignificant extent be attributed to war-related factors such as war-time origins of parties, the way in which war ended, the nature of the peace agreement, and post-war design of electoral, media and other public institutions. Its focus on party and party system institutionalization is rooted in the Western-oriented party politics literature, which suggests that the nature of electoral competition, the impact of societal cleavages and the workings of formal political institutions are primary explanatory factors. By contrast, this thesis argues that in non-Western developing countries affected by civil war, war-related factors and post-war security, socio-economic and political conditions are equally if not more important for understanding post-war party development. Through a structured focused comparison of party and party system institutionalization in El Salvador and Cambodia based on extensive interviews and field research, the thesis demonstrates that the war-time origins of the main Salvadoran and Cambodian parties have left a deep imprint on their organizational structures and leadership style, just as war-time political exclusion set the tone for unbalanced party competition after the war. Although El Salvador’s party system is more institutionalized than Cambodia’s and there are many other differences, there are also clear cross-national patterns of unequal individual party institutionalization and ruling party dominance that are a product of the war. Given that institutionalized parties and a competitive party system are important ingredients for a healthy democracy these findings are important for understanding the challenges and prospects of democratization in these and other post-war countries.
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M, Sjöberg Fredrik. "Competitive Elections in Authoritarian States : Weak States, Strong Elites, and Fractional Societies in Central Asia and Beyond." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-156150.
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Why do some authoritarian states have competitive elections? This study shows that whenever there is a balance of power between candidates, competitiveness will ensue. Electoral fraud is often widespread in autocratic states, but if no single candidate or party is in a position to monopolize electoral support the result will be competitive. The contribution here is to analyze the relative strength of all the actors involved in a parliamentary election and to show that electoral returns reflect the district level balance of power, even in autocracies. Three main sources of candidate-level electoral power are identified: state, market, and society. State affiliated candidates in authoritarian states perform well due to favorable treatment by state institutions. Market actors perform well due to financial resources. These actors arise when market reforms create a class of entrepreneurs that defend their interests by running for public office, often challenging state sanctioned candidates. The strength of candidates using social cleavages, here mainly ‘clan’ and ethnic, is found to be exaggerated in the literature. The study also confirms that competitiveness did not result from an active civil society. Competitive elections matter because they can severely destabilize the regime, as was the case in Kyrgyzstan in 2005. However, electoral competitiveness that is the result of an intra-elite balance of power should not be confused with democracy. This form of self-interested competitiveness where clientelism is pervasive and accountability mechanisms are weak is an affront to the democratic ideal. For those of us who advocate democracy and genuine political participation competitive authoritarian regimes can be used as an informative cautionary tale. Power matters, and especially so in authoritarian states. Understanding the logic behind competitive authoritarianism helps us revise strategies for lasting democratic reforms.
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Myreng, Marianne. "Hindutva, hindunasjonalisme og Bharatiya Janata Party : en tekstanalyse av bjp.org /." Tromsø : Det samfunnsvitenskapelige fakultet, Universitetet i Tromsø, 2007. http://www.ub.uit.no/munin/bitstream/10037/1292/1/thesis.pdf.pdf.
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Berlianto, Aprinto. "Tax competition and harmonization in Southeast Asia : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Public Policy at Massey University, Albany, New Zealand." Massey University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/966.
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Policy makers in the Southeast Asian region are faced with many challenges in national policy taxation from globalization, in particular the increasing cross-border mobility of capital. One of the challenges is the competition to attract a mobile capital base which leads to a trend towards declining statutory corporate taxation rates and a pressure to harmonize taxation policy. This study explores taxation literature and uses empirical evidence from the period of 1996-2006 to examine tax competition and tax harmonization in the region. The study seeks evidence for the existence of tax competition by analyzing recent trends in two groups of measures of taxation: tax rates and tax revenues. This begins with looking at the trends of statutory corporate tax rate. Evidence is found for a decline in statutory corporate tax rates, developments commensurate with the existence of tax competition. On the contrary, the tax revenue data presented here, show that the expected decline in total tax revenues has not occurred; indeed, a significant increase has been recorded. It is also supported by empirical evidence of the ratio of corporate tax revenue either relative to GDP or to total tax revenue. The strengthening of these revenues has meant that the expected shift in the tax burden away from mobile to immobile factors has also failed to materialize. The two groups of measures of taxation thus provide apparently inconsistent views of the impact of tax competition. There follows an analysis of the elements of tax competition according to literature, in an attempt to draw out its implications for the experience within the Southeast Asian region. This study also examines the case for tax harmonisation and the Southeast Asian experience and it is concluded that the progress of tax harmonisation between countries has tended to be difficult to achieve because of the differences among the countries in terms of the tax structures and level of economies.
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Omar, Ariffin bin S. M. "Bangsa Melayu : concepts of democracy and community among the Malays, 1945-1950." Phd thesis, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111332.
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This study concentrates on the changes and perceptions
of the Malay communities in Malaya and Sumatra concerning
bangsa, kerajaan, democracy, negara and negeri. Like most
societies under western colonial domination, Malay society
had to redefine itself and its relationship to other
communities residing in areas considered to be Malay lands.
The Malays in Malaya chose a path of non-violence in
their struggle to redefine themselves. The radical Partai
Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya opted for union with Indonesia in a
MeJayu Raya which would encompass the various ethnic groups
in a wider bangsa Melayu. The conservative UMNO redefined
the role of the monarchy and upheld an ethnic definition of
bangsa Melayu that would exclude the Chinese (and Indians)
:ind preserve Malay political dominance under British
protection. When Melayu Raya was no longer possible, the
P.K.M.M. in cooperation with the non-Malays put forward the
idea of Melayu as a nationality for all who chose Malaya as
their homeland. This idea was not accepted by the Malay
majority which wanted bangsa Melayu to remain exclusive.
The Federation of Malaya Agreement in 1948 maintained bangsa
Melayu as an exclusive ethnic identity. The non-Malays
received citizenship rights but no nationality.
In East Sumatra, the various kerajaans wanted to
maintain the privileged status of the bangsa Sumatera Timur
even though the territory had become a part of independent
Indonesia. The Indonesian Republican upheld bangsa
Indonesia as a nationality which gave all Indonesians
equality before the law. Peoples’ sovereignty was an
important feature of their beliefs. The 'social revolution’
of March 1946 saw the destruction of the Malay kerajaans as
they were unable to change and conform to the wishes of the
majority who accepted bangsa Indonesia and democracy with
all its political and social implications.
When the Dutch used force to reassert their presence in
East Sumatra in July 1947, they helped to set up the Negara
Sumatera Timur. The N.S.T. was supposed to safeguard the
interests of the bangsa Sumatera Timur. It was not
successful because the N.S.T. depended on Dutch support. It
failed also because bangsa Indonesia was widely accepted and
the calls for kedaulatan rakyat, freedom and equality were
too powerful to be ignored. When the N.S.T. was dissolved
in 1950, the only bangsa that triumphed was the bangsa
Indonesia.
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Baig, Noman. "From mohallah to mainstream: The MQM’s transformation from an ethnic to a catch-all party." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/914.
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This thesis asks how the Mohajir Quami Mahaz (MQM), transformed itself from an ethnic to a catch-all party. Existing literature heavily emphasizes the MQM’s militancy, while this thesis explores the journey of the party, formed in 1984 to represent Urdu-speakers in Pakistan, through each phase of its development down to its transformation into the Muttahida Qaumi Mahaz (United National Movement) in 1997. The MQM’s process of transformation can be explained theoretically through Kirchheimer’s catch-all party theory. My findings note a shift from an ethno-militant agenda of Mohajir interests to one stressing the need for “national unity” and modernization. It is argued that the party shifted from making choices based on ideology to a strategy-based politics. The MQM, therefore, sought voters outside its traditional constituent base in an effort to gain national appeal. As an urban-based middle-class party, it provides an ideal example of how a party adopts to a changing social environment fractured by military administration, modernity, and political Islam. Therefore, this thesis is the story of the MQM’s journey from mohallah to mainstream.
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Stech, Zorian. "Une confrontation comme nulle autre dans le Pacifique : la France, la Grande-Bretagne et la vie politique au condominium franco-britannique des Nouvelles-Hébrides (1945-1980)." Thèse, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/20472.
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"Legislating for Gender Equality in Korea: The Role of Women and Political Parties in Shaping the Timing of Legislation." Doctoral diss., 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.53588.
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abstract: This study examines the factors that shape the timing of a passage of a piece of controversial gender equality legislation by conducting a case study of the abolition of the family-head system in South Korea. This study draws on the method of process tracing with the data collected from the archives and the interviews. The case study mainly compares the legislative processes for the bills on the abolition of the family-head system in 16th and the 17th National Assemblies, in which the bills resulted to opposite outcomes.
This study argues that the institutions of the legislative process mediate the impact of relevant actors for gender equality policymaking. In the bill initiation stage, only a small number of the elected officials are required to introduce a bill, and women representatives serve a vital role as they are more likely to introduce feminist bills than their male colleagues. This study argues that 1) the background of the women influencing their commitment to feminist agendas, 2) strong women’s movements contributing to issue saliency, and thereby the policy priorities of the issue, and 3) the resources and constraints inside the party for feminist policymaking influenced by party ideology, shape how active women representatives will be in advocating controversial gender equality agendas.
In the later stages of policymaking, the efforts of a small number of women members are offset by that of political parties. Emphasizing the positive agenda control of the majority party and the negative agenda control of the minority parties, this study suggests that party issue positions are critical for the outcome of the bill. To explain the party issue position (re)shape, this study underlines 1) public opinion, 2) the emergence of new voter groups leading to the decline of the cleavage politics, 3) new party entry, and 4) women in the party and the party leadership. The findings highlight that the major parties’ issue positions shift in the 17th National Assembly greatly contributed to amplifying the bargaining power of the key allies and weakening the institutional leverage of the opponents, leading to the successful legislation of the bill.Dissertation/Thesis
Doctoral Dissertation Political Science 2019
Books on the topic "Political parties, asia"
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1949-, Mitra Subrata Kumar, Enskat Mike, and Spiess Clemens, eds. Political parties in South Asia. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2004.
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1952-, East Roger, ed. Political parties of Asia and the Pacific. Harlow: Longman Current Affairs, 1992.
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Kay, Lawson, and Lanzaro Jorge, eds. Political parties and democracy. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger, 2010.
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Verkhovskiĭ, Aleksandr. Central Asia and Kazakhstan: A political spectrum. 2nd ed. Moscow: Panorama, 1993.
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Suri, K. C. Political parties in South Asia: The challenge of change : South Asia regional report based on research and dialogue with political parties. Stockholm: International IDEA, 2007.
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Basu, Amrita. Women, political parties and social movements in South Asia. Geneva: United Nations Research Institute for Social Development, 2005.
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National University of Singapore. East Asian Institute and Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (Singapore), eds. Political parties, party systems, and democratization in East Asia. Singapore: World Scientific, 2011.
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J, Dalton Russell, Sin To-chʻŏl, and Zhu Yunhan, eds. Party politics in East Asia. Boulder, Colo: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2008.
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S, Lewis D., Sagar D. J, and CIRCA Research & Reference Information Limited., eds. Political parties of Asia and the Pacific: A reference guide. Harlow, Essex, U.K: Longman, 1992.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Political parties, asia"
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Huang, Xiaoming, and Jason Young. "Political parties, elections and political order." In Politics in Pacific Asia, 174–207. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-46650-1_8.
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Ufen, Andreas. "Political parties in Southeast Asia." In The Routledge Handbook of Political Parties, 371–81. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429263859-39.
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Maeda, Ko. "Political parties in East Asia." In The Routledge Handbook of Political Parties, 360–70. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429263859-38.
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Blondel, Jean, and Takashi Inoguchi. "Introduction: Political Parties and Democracy in Western Europe and East and Southeast Asia." In Political Parties and Democracy, 1–11. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137277206_1.
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Zhang, Xiaoke. "Political Parties and Reform Processes." In The Political Economy of Capital Market Reforms in Southeast Asia, 26–60. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230346468_2.
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Inoguchi, Takashi, and Jean Blondel. "Conclusion: Toward the Elaboration of a General Theory of Parties—The Cases of Western Europe and East and Southeast Asia." In Political Parties and Democracy, 207–22. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137277206_12.
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Panday, Pranab Kumar. "Women’s Political Participation in Bangladesh: The Role of Political Parties." In In Search of Better Governance in South Asia and Beyond, 185–200. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-7372-5_11.
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Bhattacharyya, Harihar. "Political Parties and Democracy in South Asia: The CPI-M in India’s Liberal Democracy." In Politics in South Asia, 3–16. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-09087-0_1.
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Deekeling, Anna, and Dahlia Simangan. "Bridging Gaps: From a Descriptive to a Practical Mid-Space Actor Typology?" In Operationalisation of Hybrid Peacebuilding in Asia, 59–80. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-67758-9_4.
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AbstractThe concept of hybridity sheds light on the complexity of conflict settings. It helps to analyse the participation of all parties and actors involved and entangled in a social network of normative and political power, while avoiding theoretical binaries that over-simplify the process of post-conflict peacebuilding. What lacks, however, is a practical application of hybridity in peacebuilding that actively engages with bottom/local or grassroots, top/national and international actors through mediation in the mid-space to create sustainable peace. Given this practical shortcoming of hybridity, this chapter examines mid-space actors as gatekeepers and their capacities to enable dialogue among opposing parties. The aim is to offer insights for the international community, as outside intervenors, in promoting the bridge-building potentialities of gatekeepers. Specifically, externally led efforts to engage with the specific skill sets of mid-space local actors are explored. It is argued in this chapter that such engagement provides a favourable environment for sustaining peace by overcoming power struggles in and around the mid-space.
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Huang, Xiaoming. "Parties and elections." In Politics in Pacific Asia, 124–52. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-08666-2_7.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Political parties, asia"
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Osman, Muhammad Nawab. "GÜLEN’S CONTRIBUTION TO A MODERATE ISLAM IN SOUTHEAST ASIA." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/diek4743.
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This paper aims to demonstrate the relevance of the Gülen movement as a counter to extremist ideology and an encouragement to inter-religious dialogue in the Southeast Asia region. The movement presents a Middle Way Islam, which can accommodate local cultural differences and make a hospitable space for positive relations between Muslims and non-Muslims. Following an account of Fethullah Gülen’s views on extremism and inter-religious dialogue, the paper turns to case studies of Gülen-inspired organisations in Singapore and Indonesia to show how they have applied his ideas to enable inter-religious dialogue and offer an effective alternative to legalistic teaching of Islam. The case studies allow for comparison of the move- ment’s approach to a Muslim-majority and Muslim-minority context. The paper concludes by charting the trajectory of the movement’s role and contribution to the development of a Middle Way Islam in Southeast Asia. The paper is based on a combination of fieldwork with a qualitative approach and documen- tary research. The fieldwork comprises data gathered through participatory observation in Singapore and interviews with key members of the two organisations and their local partners. The documentary research comprises data from the movement’s publications – books, maga- zines (Asya Pasifik), newspaper articles, brochures and online materials. The emergence of Islam as a political force is a recent development in Southeast Asia. Earlier, the impact of the resurgence of Islam had been felt both in the social and cultural realms, through the mushrooming of Muslim organizations attempting to promote a ‘purer’ form of Islam in the region. In more recent times, however, the expression of religiosity has been brought about by way of participation in political parties and groups. More shockingly, some of these groups, such as the terror network known as Jemaati Islamiyah, have sought to use violence to achieve their aims. This has had severe ramifications for both intra-Muslim rela- tions and Muslim-non-Muslim relations in the region. In this chaotic socio-political climate, a group has emerged in the region advocating peace, tolerance and understanding between people of different races and religions. This group is known as the Gülen movement, or is commonly referred to as the hizmet, in Turkey. This paper will demonstrate how the Gülen movement has addressed the issues facing them and remained relevant by developing a counter-trend through proactive measures to oppose extremist ideology and enhance inter-religious discussion in the Southeast Asian region. Its key thrust is to show that the Gülen movement can reverse the current distorted state of Islam back to its original form. The teachings of Islam which is the teachings of the Middle Way can accommodate the cultural differences in Southeast Asia and enhance inter-religious ties between Muslims and non-Muslims in the region. The paper will first examine Fethullah Gülen’s views on extremism and inter-religious dialogue. The paper will then proceed to examine case studies of organizations inspired by Gülen in Singapore and Indonesia and how these organizations utilized his ideas to enhance inter-religious dialogue and provide an alternative to the legalistic discourse on Islam. This section will also attempt to compare and contrast the approach of the organization in a Muslim-majority country (Indonesia) and in a Muslim minority country (Singapore). The paper will conclude by charting a trajectory of the movement’s role its potential contributions to the development of moderate Islam in Southeast Asia. It will be argued that these contributions will become an important counter to extremist ideologies and enhance ties amongst Muslims and between members of different faiths in the region.
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Wakhyudi and Wakhyudi. "Reviewing Presidential Candidates And Political Parties Reactions On The Results Of 2019 General Election Quick Count." In Proceedings of the International Conference of Democratisation in Southeast Asia (ICDeSA 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icdesa-19.2019.2.
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Kozhobekov, Muratbek. "Trade and Economic Relations of Early Medieval Kyrgyz State." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01441.
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According to written sources of trade with neighboring countries occupied an important place in the economy of the Kyrgyz State. That would create a successful economy, as well as to meet the needs of consumers the Kyrgyz State established extensive trade links in the Central Asian region. Trading partners of the Kyrgyz in the early middle ages were economic developed countries East and Central Asia. This reflects the fact that the degree of development of the Kyrgyz people related to trading partners. In general terms, the characteristics of the Kyrgyz State trade relations with neighboring countries in the period VII-X centuries. Thus, definition and comparison of different time in bars allow you to re-evaluate the economic and political aspects of the problem components.
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Mayrudin, Yeby, and M. Chairil Akbar. "Identity Politics Within Indonesian Islamic Parties: Study of PKB and PKS." In Proceedings of the International Conference of Democratisation in Southeast Asia (ICDeSA 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icdesa-19.2019.58.
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Kartal, Burak, and Çiğdem Sofyalıoğlu. "A Look at the Perceptions of the Turkish Youth towards Shangai Cooperation Organization from a Marketing Perspective." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00340.
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In search of new markets and trade partners after its thrill for European Union has faded, Turkey began to look at its east recently. Having strong ties with many countries in Central Asia due to its cultural and historical ties, Turkey is a bridge between Europe and Asia. Due to its importance and successful historical development, Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is Turkey’s one of few options. In order to build closer trade relations between Turkey and members of the SCO, it’s better to know what Turkish people, especially youth know and think about the Organization. This pioneer empirical study, by examining a sample of Turkish university students’ knowledge and attitude towards SCO, is a first step of building the relations between the Organization and Turkish people and Turkish youth. Findings indicate that Turkish youth examined have positive attitude towards SCO compared to other alternative integrations and organizations. Besides, they think that a stronger SCO will be in favor of Turkey both economically and politically. Also, gender differences seem to exist like women’s tendency towards North American and South American integrations.
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Avcıl, Seniha, and Kenan Aydın. "The Position and Importance of Central Asian Countries in the One Belt One Road Project." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c14.02620.
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Since 2013, China has brought the idea of the Land and Sea Silk Road to the agenda. This initiative has been named as a one-generation road project. The word belt constitutes the land route of the project, which includes highways, railways, oil and natural gas pipelines and infrastructure investments. The word road includes the sea routes of the project. As a result of the openness policy adopted by China since the 1980s, it has achieved a rapid growth. The problem of production capacity and surplus that emerged as a result of growth was encountered. This is one of the main reasons for the One Belt One Road Project. This study is a qualitative study. The data of this study were obtained from secondary sources. For this purpose, articles, books, reports, speeches, and similar sources written in the context of the "One Belt One Road" project were searched. In this context, investments made in Central Asian countries were tried to be determined. The collected data is based on the period from 2013 to the present day. The project has a great importance for Central Asian countries. Central Asian countries such as Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan are rich in natural resources. China is a market for the natural resources of these countries. These countries are also a market for Chinese goods. The project has advantages and disadvantages in terms of Central Asian countries as well as other parties. In this study, the possible political and social consequences of the project, especially the problem of financing and repayment, are evaluated.
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Mamakhatov, Tlesh Muratovich. "THE ROLE OF CHINA AS A LEADING PARTNER OF THE CENTRAL ASIAN STATES IN THE FIELD OF ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL COOPERATION." In Международная научная конференция "Мир Центральной Азии-V", посвященная 100-летию Института монголоведения,буддологии и тибетологии Сибирского отделения Российской академии наук. Новосибирск: Сибирское отделение РАН, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53954/9785604788981_643.
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Büyükakıncı, Erhan. "Economic Regionalisation in the Russian Foreign Policy: Is it Possible to talk about the Eurasianist Model of Integration?" In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00680.
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In this paper, we try how the idea of economic regionalism has developed within the framework of the interests of the Russian foreign policy, which adopted a Eurasianist rhetoric for nearly fifteen years. As the trends of globalisation spread over the world after the end of the Cold War period, the regional integration movements also gained speed with different forms and contents. Meanwhile the countries in the post-Soviet geography adopted different political approaches towards regionalisation and globalisation by taking into consideration their own capabilities and interests. At its own side, Russia was in search of integration within the world economy by trying to implement its own regionalist policies both at the level of the CIS area and with the neighbouring countries like China and the EU. The Eurasianist discourse has no doubt such impact on Russian leadership’s choices of partners and orientations for economic regionalisation. At this point, we want to discuss if it is possible to talk about some “Eurasianist model of regional integration” as a new idea which can combine, at one side, the institutional integration process within the CIS area and, at the other, the strong regional cooperation with the Asian economic partners like China. This model can be also Russia’s answer to embrace both globalism and regionalism by preserving its own hegemonic expectations after the Soviet legacy.
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Shroff, Meherzad B., and Amit Srivastava. "Hotel Australia to Oberoi Adelaide: The Transnational History of an Adelaide Hotel." In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a3996p40wb.
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In the decades following the war, the spread of international luxury chain hotels was instrumental in shaping the global image of modernity. It was not simply the export of modernist architecture as a style, but rather a process which brought about an overall transformation of the industry and culture surrounding modern domesticity. For Adelaide, well before the arrival of large brand hotel chains like Hilton and Hyatt, this process was initiated by the construction of its first international style hotel in 1960 – Australia Hotel. The proposed paper traces the history of this structure and its impact not only on local design and construction industries but also on domestic culture and lifestyle after the shadow period of recovery after the war. This paper looks at three specific enduring legacies of this structure that went well beyond the modernist aesthetics employed by its original designers, the local firm of Lucas, Parker and Partners. The hotel was one of the first to employ the new technology of lift-slab construction and was recognised by the Head of Architecture at the University of Adelaide, Professor Jensen, as the outstanding building of 1960. It is argued that it was the engagement with such technological and process innovations that has allowed the building to endure through several renovation attempts. In her study of Hilton International hotels, Annabelle Wharton argues how architecture was used for America’s expansion to global economic and political power. Following on from her arguments, this paper explores the implications of the acquisition of the Australia Hotel by the Indian hotel chain Oberoi Hotels in the late 1970s when it became Oberoi Adelaide. The patronage of Indian hotelier Mohan Singh Oberoi came alongside the parallel acquisition of Hotel Windsor in Melbourne, heralding a new era of engagement with Asia. Finally, the paper also highlights the broader impact of this hotel, as a leisure venue for the burgeoning middle class, on the evolving domestic culture of Adelaide.
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Fatima Hajizada, Fatima Hajizada. "SPECIFIC FEATURES OF THE AMERICAN VERSION OF THE BRITISH LANGUAGE." In THE FIRST INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC – PRACTICAL VIRTUAL CONFERENCE IN MODERN & SOCIAL SCIENCES: NEW DIMENSIONS, APPROACHES AND CHALLENGES. IRETC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/mssndac-01-10.
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English is one of the most spoken languages in the world. A global language communication is inherent in him. This language is also distinguished by a significant diversity of dialects and speech. It appeared in the early Middle Ages as the spoken language of the Anglo-Saxons. The formation of the British Empire and its expansion led to the widespread English language in Asia, Africa, North America and Australia. As a result, the Metropolitan language became the main communication language in the English colonies, and after independence it became State (USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand) and official (India, Nigeria, Singapore). Being one of the 6 Official Languages of the UN, it is studied as a foreign language in educational institutions of many countries in the modern time [1, 2, s. 12-14]. Despite the dozens of varieties of English, the American (American English) version, which appeared on the territory of the United States, is one of the most widespread. More than 80 per cent of the population in this country knows the American version of the British language as its native language. Although the American version of the British language is not defined as the official language in the US Federal Constitution, it acts with features and standards reinforced in the lexical sphere, the media and the education system. The growing political and economic power of the United States after World War II also had a significant impact on the expansion of the American version of the British language [3]. Currently, this language version has become one of the main topics of scientific research in the field of linguistics, philology and other similar spheres. It should also be emphasized that the American version of the British language paved the way for the creation of thousands of words and expressions, took its place in the general language of English and the world lexicon. “Okay”, “teenager”, “hitchhike”, “landslide” and other words can be shown in this row. The impact of differences in the life and life of colonists in the United States and Great Britain on this language was not significant either. The role of Nature, Climate, Environment and lifestyle should also be appreciated here. There is no officially confirmed language accent in the United States. However, most speakers of national media and, first of all, the CNN channel use the dialect “general American accent”. Here, the main accent of “mid Pppemestern” has been guided. It should also be noted that this accent is inherent in a very small part of the U.S. population, especially in Nebraska, Iowa, and Illinois. But now all Americans easily understand and speak about it. As for the current state of the American version of the British language, we can say that there are some hypotheses in this area. A number of researchers perceive it as an independent language, others-as an English variant. The founder of American spelling, American and British lexicographer, linguist Noah Pondebster treats him as an independent language. He also tried to justify this in his work “the American Dictionary of English” written in 1828 [4]. This position was expressed by a Scottish-born English philologist, one of the authors of the “American English Dictionary”Sir Alexander Craigie, American linguist Raven ioor McDavid Jr. and others also confirm [5]. The second is the American linguist Leonard Bloomfield, one of the creators of the descriptive direction of structural linguistics, and other American linguists Edward Sapir and Charles Francis Hockett. There is also another group of “third parties” that accept American English as a regional dialect [5, 6]. A number of researchers [2] have shown that the accent or dialect in the US on the person contains significantly less data in itself than in the UK. In Great Britain, a dialect speaker is viewed as a person with a low social environment or a low education. It is difficult to perceive this reality in the US environment. That is, a person's speech in the American version of the British language makes it difficult to express his social background. On the other hand, the American version of the British language is distinguished by its faster pace [7, 8]. One of the main characteristic features of the American language array is associated with the emphasis on a number of letters and, in particular, the pronunciation of the letter “R”. Thus, in British English words like “port”, “more”, “dinner” the letter “R” is not pronounced at all. Another trend is related to the clear pronunciation of individual syllables in American English. Unlike them, the Britons “absorb”such syllables in a number of similar words [8]. Despite all these differences, an analysis of facts and theoretical knowledge shows that the emergence and formation of the American version of the British language was not an accidental and chaotic process. The reality is that the life of the colonialists had a huge impact on American English. These processes were further deepened by the growing migration trends at the later historical stage. Thus, the language of the English-speaking migrants in America has been developed due to historical conditions, adapted to the existing living environment and new life realities. On the other hand, the formation of this independent language was also reflected in the purposeful policy of the newly formed US state. Thus, the original British words were modified and acquired a fundamentally new meaning. Another point here was that the British acharism, which had long been out of use, gained a new breath and actively entered the speech circulation in the United States. Thus, the analysis shows that the American version of the British language has specific features. It was formed and developed as a result of colonization and expansion. This development is still ongoing and is one of the languages of millions of US states and people, as well as audiences of millions of people. Keywords: American English, English, linguistics, accent.
Reports on the topic "Political parties, asia"
1
Saleem, Raja M. Ali, Ihsan Yilmaz, and Priya Chacko. Civilizationist Populism in South Asia: Turning India Saffron. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0009.
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The 21st century has witnessed a significant shift in how the concept of nationalism is understood. A political marriage between identity politics and populism has resulted in “civilizationism,” a new form of nationalism that entails an emotionally charged division of society into “the people” versus “the Other.” All too often, the divisive discourses and policies associated with civilizationalist populism produce intercommunal conflict and violence. This paper draws on a salient case study, India’s Hindutva movement, to analyze how mainstream populist political parties and grassroots organizations can leverage civilizationist populism in campaigns to mobilize political constituencies. In surveying the various groups within the Hindutva movement and conducting a discourse analysis of their leaders’ statements, the paper shows the central role of sacralized nostalgia, history, and culture in Hindutva populist civilizationism. By analyzing the contours and socio-political implications of civilizationist populism through this case study, the paper contributes to the theoretical understanding of the concept more generally.
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Batool, Fizza, Ihsan Yilmaz, and Kainat Shakil. Contest between leaders of the Ummah: Comparing civilizational populisms of PTI and TLP in Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0020.
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With the recognition of populism emerging in varied forms across the Global South, the lacuna of research on populism in Asia is gradually filling. Yet, research on populism in Pakistan is still limited and focused mostly on the singular case of former Prime Minister Imran Khan and his political party Pakistan Tahreek-e-Insaaf (PTI). There is much lesser attention to the populism of Tahreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), a far-right movement-turned-party. This paper addresses this gap by comparing the two cases of populism in Pakistan – PTI and TLP – to outline the similarities and differences in their characterization of “the people,” “the elite” and “the others,” using the framework of civilizational populism. The comparative analysis of public discourse of the leadership of two parties shows an extensive use of civilizational rhetoric by both parties, with varying degrees of religious sloganeering, to cater public support. Civilizational dimension forms an overlay over the vertical-horizontal dimensions of populism. Given that 2023 is the election year in Pakistan and both parties are planning to contest elections, this is a timely piece to warn about the treacherous trajectory taken by Pakistani politics.
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Richards, Robin. The Effect of Non-partisan Elections and Decentralisation on Local Government Performance. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.014.
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This rapid review focusses on whether there is international evidence on the role of non-partisan elections as a form of decentralised local government that improves performance of local government. The review provides examples of this from Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia. There are two reported examples in Sub-Saharan Africa of non-partisan elections that delink candidates from political parties during election campaigns. The use of non-partisan elections to improve performance and democratic accountability at the level of government is not common, for example, in southern Africa all local elections at the sub-national sphere follow the partisan model. Whilst there were no examples found where countries shifted from partisan to non-partisan elections at the local government level, the literature notes that decentralisation policies have the effect of democratising and transferring power and therefore few central governments implement it fully. In Africa decentralisation is favoured because it is often used as a cover for central control. Many post-colonial leaders in Africa continue to favour centralised government under the guise of decentralisation. These preferences emanated from their experiences under colonisation where power was maintained by colonial administrations through institutions such as traditional leadership. A review of the literature on non-partisan elections at the local government level came across three examples where this occurred. These countries were: Ghana, Uganda and Bangladesh. Although South Africa holds partisan elections at the sub-national sphere, the election of ward committee members and ward councillors, is on a non-partisan basis and therefore, the ward committee system in South Africa is included as an example of a non-partisan election process in the review.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.
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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.
Full textAbstract:
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Hall, Sarah, Mark Vincent Aranas, and Amber Parkes. Making Care Count: An Overview of the Women’s Economic Empowerment and Care Initiative. Oxfam, November 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2020.6881.
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Across the globe, unpaid care and domestic work (UCDW) sustains communities and economies, provides essential care for children, sick and elderly people and those living with disabilities, and keeps households clean and families fed. Without unpaid care, the global economy as we know it would grind to a halt. Yet this work falls disproportionately on women and girls, limiting their opportunities to participate in decent paid employment, education, leisure and political life. Heavy and unequal UCDW traps women and girls in cycles of poverty and stops them from being part of solutions. To help address this, Oxfam, together with a number of partners, has been working in over 25 countries to deliver the Women’s Economic Empowerment and Care (WE-Care) programme since 2013. WE-Care aims to reignite progress on gender equality by addressing heavy and unequal UCDW. By recognizing, reducing and redistributing UCDW, WE-Care is promoting a just and inclusive society where women and girls have more choice at every stage of their lives, more opportunities to take part in economic, social and political activities, and where carers’ voices are heard in decision making about policies and budgets at all levels. This overview document aims to highlight the approaches taken and lessons learned on unpaid care that Oxfam has implemented in collaboration with partners in sub-Saharan Africa and Asia.
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Goto, Junichi. The Migrant Workers in Japan from Latin America and Asia: Causes and Consequences. Inter-American Development Bank, March 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010753.
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The world has been increasingly interconnected both economically and politically ever since the end of the World War II. In addition to the increase in the movement of goods (international trade) and the movement of money (foreign investment), we have observed increased amount of movement of labor (international migration) in various parts of the world. For example, European countries, notably Germany and France, have accepted a large number of migrant workers from neighboring countries for many years. In the United States, huge number of migrant workers, both legal and illegal, have been flowing from various countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. While Japan had been a fairly closed country to foreigners for many years, the influx of migrant workers emerged in the mid-1980s when an economic boom brought about serious labor shortage created an economic boom. Initially, most of these foreign workers are illegal migrant workers from neighboring Asian countries. However, since the revision of the Japanese immigration law in 1990, there has been a dramatic influx of the Latin American of Japanese origin (Nikkei) because these people are now allowed to do whatever activities in Japan, including an unskilled work that is prohibited to foreigners in principle. The number of these Latin American migrants is estimated to be around 150,000 to 200,000. This paper analyzes the recent experiences in the economic and social impact of international migration from Latin America and Asia in Japan.
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Iglesias, Roberto M., Manuba Fujimura, John Gabriel Goddard, Fan Zhai, Fernando Navajas, Mauricio Mesquita Moreira, Christopher Edmonds, et al. Integration & Trade Journal: Volume 12 : No. 28 : January-June, 2008. Inter-American Development Bank, July 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0008072.
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The IDB's Integration & Trade Journal includes articles on the different aspects of integration in Latin America and the Caribbean, on hemispheric integration and, furthermore, on similar processes in other parts of the world. This issue includes a selection of articles around one common subject: the development of integration-related infrastructure. This issue contains the following articles: Issues and Options on Transnational Projects; Infrastructure Integration and Incomplete Contracts: Natural Gas in the Southern Cone; Cooperation and Provision of Regional Public Goods: The IIRSA Case; Investing in Multinational Transport Infrastructure: Coordination Perspectives for Latin America; Trade Costs and the Economic Fundamentals of the IIRSA; Some Elements to Characterize Brazilian Interests in Infrastructure Integration in South America; The Infrastructure Integration in South America: The Case of Chile; Political Economy, Infrastructure and Integration: The Peruvian Case; Trade Costs and Infrastructure: Analysis of the Effects of Trade Impediments in Asia; Impact of Cross-Border Road Infrastructure on Trade and Investment in the Greater Mekong Subregion; and, The Macroeconomic Effects of Infrastructure Financing: A Tale of Two Countries.
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Russo, Margherita, Fabrizio Alboni, Jorge Carreto Sanginés, Manlio De Domenico, Giuseppe Mangioni, Simone Righi, and Annamaria Simonazzi. The Changing Shape of the World Automobile Industry: A Multilayer Network Analysis of International Trade in Components and Parts. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp173.
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In 2018, after 25 years of the North America Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the United States requested new rules which, among other requirements, increased the regional con-tent in the production of automotive components and parts traded between the three part-ner countries, United States, Canada and Mexico. Signed by all three countries, the new trade agreement, USMCA, is to go into force in 2022. Nonetheless, after the 2020 Presi-dential election, the new treaty's future is under discussion, and its impact on the automo-tive industry is not entirely defined. Another significant shift in this industry – the acceler-ated rise of electric vehicles – also occurred in 2020: while the COVID-19 pandemic largely halted most plants in the automotive value chain all over the world, at the reopen-ing, the tide is now running against internal combustion engine vehicles, at least in the an-nouncements and in some large investments planned in Europe, Asia and the US. The definition of the pre-pandemic situation is a very helpful starting point for the analysis of the possible repercussions of the technological and geo-political transition, which has been accelerated by the epidemic, on geographical clusters and sectorial special-isations of the main regions and countries. This paper analyses the trade networks emerg-ing in the past 25 years in a new analytical framework. In the economic literature on inter-national trade, the study of the automotive global value chains has been addressed by us-ing network analysis, focusing on the centrality of geographical regions and countries while largely overlooking the contribution of countries' bilateral trading in components and parts as structuring forces of the subnetwork of countries and their specific position in the overall trade network. The paper focuses on such subnetworks as meso-level structures emerging in trade network over the last 25 years. Using the Infomap multilayer clustering algorithm, we are able to identify clusters of countries and their specific trades in the automotive internation-al trade network and to highlight the relative importance of each cluster, the interconnec-tions between them, and the contribution of countries and of components and parts in the clusters. We draw the data from the UN Comtrade database of directed export and import flows of 30 automotive components and parts among 42 countries (accounting for 98% of world trade flows of those items). The paper highlights the changes that occurred over 25 years in the geography of the trade relations, with particular with regard to denser and more hierarchical network gener-ated by Germany’s trade relations within EU countries and by the US preferential trade agreements with Canada and Mexico, and the upsurge of China. With a similar overall va-riety of traded components and parts within the main clusters (dominated respectively by Germany, US and Japan-China), the Infomap multilayer analysis singles out which com-ponents and parts determined the relative positions of countries in the various clusters and the changes over time in the relative positions of countries and their specialisations in mul-tilateral trades. Connections between clusters increase over time, while the relative im-portance of the main clusters and of some individual countries change significantly. The focus on US and Mexico and on Germany and Central Eastern European countries (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia) will drive the comparative analysis.
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The underserved middle: defining excluded enterprises in agricultural value chains. Commercial Agriculture for Smallholders and Agribusiness (CASA), 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/20240191181.
Full textAbstract:
This brief is intended to establish the concept and quantify the size of the "underserved middle" in the agricultural value chains of sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America and Asia; this is the sector underserved by financial, policy and market-making institutions. The aim is to build on existing concepts and published information to provide clarity to the investor community and their financing partners on the definition and size of the underserved middle, as well as on existing opportunities for investment, as identified by the Commercial Agriculture for Smallholders and Agribusiness (CASA) programme. The underserved middle represents a diverse range of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) at all stages of the value chain - though predominantly downstream of production - characterized as being unable to exploit the potential to scale up that exists in the market due to their effective exclusion from normal market-supporting policies, financing and institutions. This exclusion is largely due to the size of the enterprises: they are typically larger than micro enterprises, which can self-finance and operate successfully within their local social, political and economic ecosystem, but are smaller than large companies, which are attractive to external financiers and have the capacity to engage with and influence decision makers and institutions. Although figures are not available for the number of agricultural SMEs or their specific financing needs, very rough estimates of the financing gap range from $170 billion annually for all smallholder financing needs in sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America and Asia to $100 billion for agricultural SMEs in sub-Saharan Africa alone. More recent thinking is currently being done by Reardon and Jayne, and by institutions such as the World Bank on the complexity of the underserved middle, particularly in terms of access to finance, institutions and policymakers. Whilst formal financing remains difficult to obtain and is expensive, informal sources are likely to be more important than previously thought. Both the demand and supply of formal and informal financing vary considerably by type of enterprise and funding need. However, investors and other stakeholders also need to consider how changes to policy, regulation and infrastructure will unshackle excluded SMEs and release their ability to scale themselves up.